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COLLECTIONS 



MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 



SECOND SERIES. 



THE 



TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



HuteS anti Illustrate 



WITH HISTORICAL NOTES AND AN APPENDIX, 



BY 



JAMES PHINNEY BAXTER, A.M. 




PORTLAND: 
HOYT, FOGG, AND DONHAM. 

1884. 




33 



Copyright, 1884, 
By the Maine Historical Society. 



This it Number 



of the Edition of Fifty Copies. 



Uniotrsito Jprrss: 
John Wilson and Son, Cambridge 



INTRODUCTION. 



' I ""HE history of those who have lived in the past never 
-*- fails to fascinate the reflecting mind, and especially is 
this true with respect to the history of those whom we re- 
gard as ancestors. The minutest incidents of their daily life, 
from birth to death, — their friendships and rivalries, joys and 
sorrows, successes and failures, and even the scenes amid 
which they lived, — engage our attention and awaken our 
sympathies. Though by some, who take a superficial view 
of the subject, such studies may be regarded as unimportant, 
I am sure that those who take a deeper view of it will agree 
with me that they exert a potent influence upon society, 
and that to rescue the names and deeds of our ancestors 
from oblivion is a pious and useful work, tending to foster 
that respect for the family which is an important factor in 
forming national character. It is doubtless true that the 
remarkable veneration which that unique people, the Chi- 
nese have ever entertained for their ancestors, has been a 
conservative force which has given solidity to a nationality 
which contains within its bosom elements of a nature suffi- 
ciently destructive to have disrupted it but for this benefi- 
cent and overruling force. In a country like ours, there 



vi INTRODUCTION. 

should be no tendency in such studies to foster family pride 
or create class distinctions ; indeed, the tendency should be 
to correct the assumptions of those who are weak enough 
to desire distinction based upon birth. The social purple 
is the only thing which can be assumed with us to mark 
distinctions, and this appears ridiculous enough when a step 
or two back in the genealogic scale brings to view the 
ancestor whose mark appears upon some petty document, 
and whose only coat of arms is the fish-hook, the axe, or the 
spade. Such a coat, however, may be better than that of the 
noble Glynn : — 

" 31 rofolt of parrljmmt (Slgnrt about hint bcarcs, 
CIjarrj'B toitlj tljc avmes of all Ijis ancestors ; 
9nb srtms balfe mujsljt teljtn Ijc loohrs buan 
JJThat bat, tljis brnb ; tljat Crss, Hits rhcution ; 
Cljts titanrl), tljat moonc ; this martlet, ano that mobnb ; 
SEfjis cobntcrcftartrc ot pcrlc an!) biamonb : 
BJEhat jou tan ffilgnn Ijaut tit tljat toat, or this, 
EtShtnas hgs obinr still obt at tlbocs is'?" 

The brave man, unlettered and rude though he might have 
been, who, aspiring to a freer field of action, braved the perils 
of the ocean to found a home in the wilderness, displayed 
lofty virtues, which his descendants should be proud to imi- 
tate, and it should be deemed as honorable to trace back 
one's lineage to such an ancestor, though he were but one of 
John Winter's hardy fishermen, as to William surnamed the 
Conqueror. 

The letters and other documents which are presented to 
the public under the title of The Trelawny Papers, pre- 
serve for us many particulars concerning the lives of some 
of these hardy founders of New England, and present to 



INTRODUCTION. Vll 

us many pictures of their political and domestic life ; and 
though they may appear to some tame and uninteresting, I 
believe that, like the Diaries of Pepys and Evelyn, they will 
go down to posterity and increase in value as the years roll 
on. It has been my purpose in annotating the Trelawny 
Papers, not only to show their connection with contemporary 
history, but to present to the reader in somewhat tangible 
form many of the personages whom they briefly reveal to us 
like passing shadows. How imperfectly I have accomplished 
this purpose, no one can know better than myself. 

As I have often been asked how the Maine Historical 
Society came into possession of the Trelawny Papers, per- 
haps it may be well for me here to answer the question. 
Some time in the year 1S72 the late John Wingate Thorn- 
ton, of Boston, Massachusetts, while looking over an Eng- 
lish Catalogue, noticed a document advertised therein, which 
was said to bear the autograph of Robert Trelawny, — a 
name in which he was interested on account of its associa- 
tion with the locality where he was born, which he knew 
had once been held by Robert Trelawny, a Plymouth mer- 
chant, under a patent from " The Council established at 
Plymouth, in the County of Devon, for the planting, rul- 
ing and governing of New England." The original patent 
was not supposed to be in existence, as we know from Wil- 
lis, the historian of Portland, who informs us that the 
wife of a descendant of Robert Jordan, "needing some 
paper to keep her pastry from burning, took from a chest 
of papers Trelawny's patent, and used it for that purpose, 
which thus perished, like many other ancient and valuable 
manuscripts." ' 

1 Vide Willis's History of Portland, ed. 1S65, p. 33. 



Viii INTRODUCTION. 

Mr. Thornton, being an indefatigable antiquary, at once 
wrote the bookseller to forward him the document named, 
but was informed that.it had been sold to the Rev. C. T. 
Collins Trelawny, of Ham, near Plymouth. With this gen- 
tleman Mr. Thornton opened a correspondence, and learned 
that he was a descendant of Robert Trelawny, and that in 
his ancestor's old house at Ham, still owned by the family, 
was a chest containing his papers. A list of these papers 
was shortly after sent to Mr. Thornton, who found that they 
comprised the original patent, and a voluminous correspond- 
ence between John Winter, the "Governor" of Trelawny' s 
plantation, and the proprietor, with valuable letters from 
others, throwing new light upon the early history of Maine. 
At the urgent solicitation of Mr. Thornton the Rev. C. T. 
Collins Trelawny presented to the Maine Historical Society 
these important papers. Thus it will be seen that, but for 
the perseverance of the antiquary in following up an old 
document of uncertain value advertised by a London book- 
seller, these papers, which had been in the old house at Ham 
for nearly two and a half centuries, might never have seen 
the light. 

Mr. Thornton, upon getting possession of the papers for 
the Society, of which he was a member, was so rejoiced, 
that he headed a letter to one of his associates, " Laus 
Deo ! " and began it with these words : " Here is a consum- 
mation that has been so devoutly wished for." With a 
praiseworthy zeal he at once proceeded to have them ar- 
ranged and copied, and had, indeed, received some sheets 
from the printer, when death put an end to his labors. 
The work was then taken up by Mr. John Marshall Brown ; 
but, owing to a pressure of business consequent upon the 



INTRODUCTION. ix 

death of his father, he was obliged to relinquish it, and the 
Papers were placed in my hands for editing. A study of 
the work led me to believe that the interest of the Papers 
would be enhanced if illustrated by historical notes, and, 
abandoning 'the plan of my predecessors, I began the work 
de novo. 

When I undertook the task, I had no conception of the 
labor before me. Had I supposed it to be as great as it 
has proved to be, I should not have undertaken it ; but 
having concluded the task, I look back upon it with pleas- 
ure, having made in its progress many pleasant acquaint- 
ances, and, I trust, lasting friends. Among these I cannot 
refrain from mentioning William B. Trask, the patient anti- 
quarian, whose correction of imperfect copies has been of 
great assistance to me ; John Ward Dean, A. M., ever alert 
and never weary in helping a fellow worker in genealogical 
fields ; the Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A. M., Dr. John S. H. 
Fogg, and Dr. Samuel A. Green, who have done me many 
favors ; Charles Deane, LL. D., to whose valuable sugges- 
tions I am much indebted ; Dr. Charles E. Banks, the in- 
defatigable delver in historic mines, who, possessing the 
broad generosity of the true student of history, has present- 
ed me with many things of value ; William A. Goodwin 
and Edward C. Jordan, Civil Engineers, who have greatly 
aided me in preparing a map embracing the grants to 
Cleeve and Tucker, Trelawny, Cammock, and others ; and 
Horatio Hight, Esq., who has ever been ready and willing 
to bring to my assistance his local knowledge in fixing places 
and determining boundaries in the vicinity of Black Point 
and the Spurwink, shown upon my map of this locality. 
Nor should I forget in this connection the Rev. Henry G. 



x INTRODUCTION. 

Storer, to whom I have applied for local information, and 
Mubbard W. Bryant, the Librarian of the Maine Historical 
Society, who has always been ready to do me a favor. I 
should also acknowledge my indebtedness to the Rev. M. C. 
O'Brien for suggestions respecting Indian names, and to 
W. S. Dan forth and W. T. Uavis, Esqs., for aid in getting 
an accurate representation of the seal of the Council of Ply- 
mouth, which was attached to the patent of 1629, now in 
the Recorder's Office at Plymouth, Massachusetts. Across 
the ocean I have particularly to thank the Rev. Wollaston 
Goode of St. Budeaux, Devonport, and the Rev. Frederick 
Browne of Beckenham, Kent, for information respecting the 
families of Trelawny and Gorges. 

Having performed the pleasant duty of acknowledging the 
favors received from these friends, I close this Introduction 
to the Trelawny Papers, with the hope that the reader will 
receive as much pleasure and benefit in perusing them as I 
have received in preparing them for publication. 

JAMES PHINNEY BAXTER. 



61 Deering Street, Portland, Maine, 
May 1st, 18S4. 



CONTENTS. 



Pagb 

Memoir of Robert Trelawny xvii 

The Trelawny Pedigree xxx 

Autographs ... xxxii 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 

Patent to Robert Trelawny and others. Dec. i, 1631 1 

Patent to Thomas Cammock. Nov. i, 1631 10 

Power of Attorney to John Winter and Thomas Pomeroy. 

Jan. 18, 1631 15 

CORRESPONDENCE, etc. 

Thomas Cammock to Robert Trelawny. July 23, 1632 iS 

John Winter to Robert Trelawny. July 11, 1633 22 

John Winter to Robert Trelawny. June iS, 1634 25 

Invoices and Accounts accompanying the foregoing Letter . . 34 

John Winter to Robert Trelawny. July 7, 1634 44 

John Winter to Robert Trelawny. Aug. 10, 1634 47 

John Winter to Robert Trelawny. Sept. iS, 1634 49 

John Winter to Robert Trelawny. Oct. 9, 1634 52 

John Winter to Robert Trelawny. June n, 1635 55 

Narias Hawkins to Robert Trelawny. June 26, 1635 5$ 

John Winter to Robert Trelawny. June 26, 1635 60 

Bounds of the Trelawny Patent 63 

Inventory of Goods at Richmond's Island and Spurwink ... 66 

Edward Trelawny to Robert Trelawny. Aug. 10, 1635 .... 71 



Xii CONTENTS. 

Pace 

Mrs. Amias Maverick to Robert Trelawny. Nov. 20, 1635 ... 76 

Edward Trelawny to Robert Trelawny. Jan. 10, 1635 .... 78 

John Winter to Robert Trelawny. June 23, 1636 83 

John Winter to Robert Trelawny. June 28, 1636 SS 

Narias Hawkins to Robert Trelawny. June 2S, 1636 94 

Narias Hawkins to Robert Trelawny. June 19, 1636 97 

Sir Ferdinando Gorges to William Gorges. Aug. it, 1636 ... 9S 

Edward Trelawny to Robert Trelawny. Aug. 12, 1636 .... 100 

Robert Trelawny to Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 1637 101 

Deed from Richard Vines to John Winter. June 30, 1637 ... 105 

John Winter to Robert Trelawny. July 8-10, 1637 107 

John Winter to Robert Trelawny. July 11, 1637 116 

John Winter to Robert Trelawny. July 29, 1637 117 

John Winter to Robert Trelawny. Sept. 20, 1637 121 

John Winter to Robert Trelawny 123 

Richard Gibson to Robert Trelawny. June u, 1638 126 

John Ammirie to Robert Trelawny. July 2, 1638 129 

A Witness of Possession of 2,000 Acres of Land on the North- 
west Side of the River of Black Point, by John Winter, for 

the use of Robert Trelawny. July 12, 163S 131 

Arthur Gill to Robert Trelawny. July 17, 1638 133 

John Winter to Robert Trelawny. July 30, 163S 134 

John Winter to Robert Trelawny. Aug. 27, 163S 143 

Invoice from Trelawny, Plymouth, per the Hercules, to John 

Winter, at Richmond's Island. Sept. 20, 1638 147 

John Winter to Robert Trelawny. June 20, 1639 '54 

Stephen Sargent to Robert Trelawny. July 8,1639 157 

Richard Gibson to Robert Trelawny. July 8, 1639 159 

Arthur Gill to Robert Trelawny. July 8, 1639 161 

John Winter to Robert Trelawny. July 10, 1639 162 

Stephen Sargent to Robert Trelawny. July 11. 1639 175 

An Inventory of all the Goods at the Plantation at Rich- 
mond's Island and the Main. July 15, 1639 177 

Accounts of John Winter. July 15, 1639 1S1 

John Winter ro Robert Trelawny. Sept. 17, 1639 19S 

John Winter to Robert Trelawny. Dec. 12, 1639 202 

George Cleeve's Complaint to Sir Ferdinando Gorges. June 24, 

1640 206 

George Cleeve vs. John Winter. June 25, 1640 20S 



CONTENTS. xiil 

Page 

John Winter to Robert Trelawny. June 27, 1640 215 

John Winter to Robert Trelawny. Aug. S, 1640 222 

George Cleeve vs. John Winter. Sept. 8, 1640 225 

George Cleeve vs. John Winter. Sept. S, 1640 22S 

Testimony respecting the Name of Casco River. Sept. S, 1640 . 231 
John Winter's Prayer for Stay of Judgment, and Appeal to 

Sir Ferdinando Gorges. Sept. 15, 1640 233 

Edward Godfrey to Robert Trelawny. Sept. 22, 1640 240 

Affidavit of Richard Vines and Henry' Josselyn. Oct. 3, 1640 . 241 

John Winter to Robert Trelawny. Oct. 7, 1640 242 

Memoranda enclosed in foregoing Letter 250 

John Winter to Robert Trelawny. Oct. 19, 1640 252 

John Winter to Robert Trelawny. Oct. 21, 1640 254 

A Copy of Mr. John Winter's Recognizance. April 1, 1641 . . . 255 

John Winter to Robert Trelawny. June 21, 1641 257 

Petitions of John Winter to the Right Worshipful the Coun- 
cillors for the Province of Maine, &c. June 25, 1641 .... 260 

Depositions 264 

Arthur Mackworth vs. John Winter. June 28, 1641 266 

Award in the Case of Cleeve and Winter. June 2S, 1641 . . . 269 

Robert Trelawny to John Winter. June 29, 1641 272 

Robert Trelawny to the Governor and Council of the Prov- 
ince of New Somersetshire. June 29, 1641 275 

John Winter to Robert Trelawny. July 29, 1641 27S 

John Winter to Robert Trelawny. Aug. 2, 1641 287 

Accounts of John Winter. 1639-1640 289 

John Winter to Robert Trelawny. May 18, 1642 30S 

Robert Jordan to Robert Trelawny. July 31, 1642 314 

John Winter to Robert Trelawny. July 19, 1642 321 

Accounts of John Winter. 1641-42 323 

Indentures between Robert Trelawny and others 1642, 1643 . 336 

Accounts of John Winter. 1642-43 344 

John Winter to Mary Hooper. June 13, 1644 362 

Mary Hooper to John King. June 15, 1644 363 

Jordan's Petition to the General Assembly of Lygonia. Sept. 22, 

1648 365 

Order of the Lygonia Assembly. Dec. iS, 164S 370 

Inventory of Property at Richmond's Island and Spurwink. 

Oct. 10, 164S 372 



xiv CONTENTS. 

Page 

Report of the Commissioners. Dec. 16, 1648 377 

Thomas Wescott to John Trelawnv. Feb. 19, 1675 3S5 

Thomas Wescott to John Trelawny. March 13, 1675 3S7 

Abstract of Title. 1674 ? 389 

John Cooke to Sir Jonathan Trelawny. Dec. 31, 1692 391 

John Trelawny to Lord . 1692 392 

Jahleel Brenton to John Trelawny. June 10, 1697 393 

Samuel Allen to Colonel Trelawny. Jan. 14, 1699 394 

David Waterhouse to John Trelawny. Nov. 21, 1700 397 

John Trelawny to Brigadier Trelawny. Feb. 28, 1701 399 

John Usher to Colonel Trelawny. June 18, 1702 400 

Thomas Banister to Lord Trelawny (Lord Bishop of Winches- 
ter). Dec. 9, 17 1 2 402 

Henry IIooke to Lieutenant Trelawny. Feb. 10, 1713 405 

Thomas Banister to Lieutenant Trelawny. Aug. 2, 1715. . . . 405 

Extract from the Book of Eastern Claims 406 

Unknown to Lord . May 19, 1719 410 

Samuel Waldo to Captain Trefuse. Feb. 3, 173S 411 

Peter Kenwood to the Widow of Dr. Samuel Trelawny. 

March 17, 1749 ... 414 

Abstract of Mrs. Trelawny's Title to Lands in New England . 416 

Samuel Pollexfen Trelawny to Peter Kenwood. Sept. 3, 175S . 417 

Peter Kenwood to Samuel Pollexfen Trelawny. Sept. 4, 1758 . 419 

Samuel Pollexfen Trelawny to Peter Kenwood. Sept. 29, 175S . 421 

Peter Kenwood to Samuel Pollexfen Trelawny. Oct. 5, 175S . 422 

Peter Kenwood to Samuel Pollexfen Trelawny. July 2S, 1759 . 424 

Peter Kenwood to Samuel Pollexfen Trelawny. Sept. 25, 1760 . 427 

Peter Kenwood to Samuel Follexfen Trelawny. Oct. 23, 1761 . 428 

Peter Kenwood to Samuel Pollexfen Trelawny. Jan. 13, 1762 . 429 

Peter Kenwood to Samuel Tollexfen Trelawny. Feb. 4, 1762 . 429 

Abraham Osgood to Samuel Pollexfen Trelawny. June 21, 1766 431 

Godfrey Smith' to Trelawny. Sept. 6, 1767 433 

Joseph Squire to Samuel Trelawny. Oct. 31, 17G7 433 

Samuel Pollexfen Trelawny to Sir William Trelawny. July, 

1763 434 

Instructions for Captain Sears 435 

Martin & Kay to Putt & Stephen. July 26, 1770 437 

R. Putt to Samuel Pollexfen Trelawny. July 30, 1770 .... 43S 

Seth Hunt to George Collins. April 4, 1S09 439 



CONTENTS. XV 



APPENDIX. 

Pace 

I. The Will of Robert Trelawny, Senior. June 30, 1627 . . 441 

II. ROBERT Trelawny's First Will. Oct. 26, 1640 445 

III. Robert Trelawny's Last Will. Aug. 27, 1643. • • • ■ 45° 

IV. Sir Jonathan Trelawny 457 

The Song of the Western Men 458 

V. John Winter to Robert Trelawny. April, 1634 459 

John Winter to Robert Trelawny. May 5. 1634 .... 468 

VI. John Winter's Seal 47 1 

VII Charges on Newfoundland Fish 473 

VIII. Pedigree of Sir Ferdinando Gorges 475 

IX. The Great Seal of the Council for New England ... 477 

X. Accounts of Jordan and Ridgeway 4§S 

XI. The Will of Robert Jordan 49 1 



INDEX 495 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 



Page 

Trelawny Arms xv ii 

Map of Ancient Plymouth x ix 

Ham, — Home of Robert Trelawny xxi 

Winchester House, — Prison of Robert Trelawny xxiv 

Autographs xxxii 

Coins and Ring found at Richmond's Island 7 

Patent to Trelawny and Goodyear 9 

Power of Attorney to Winter and Pomeroy iS 

Specimen of Invoice 39 

Map of Cape Elizabeth and Casco Neck 63 

Letter of Sir Ferdinando Gorges 99 

Letter of Robert Trelawny 105 

Deed from Vines to Winter 107 

Letter of John Winter 117 

Letter of Edward Godfrey 241 

Merchant's Marks 47 2 

The Arms on Smith's Title-Page 4 S ° 

Seal of the Council for New England, on the Patent of 

Jan. 13, 1629 481 

Fragments of Seal of the Council for New England, on the 

Patent to Trelawny and Goodyear, Dec. i, 1631 482 




MEMOIR OF ROBERT TRELAWNY. 



Robert Trelawny, the subject of this memoir, was born 
at Plymouth, in the county of Devon, on the 25th of March, 
A. D. 1598. His country residence was Ham, otherwise Wes- 
ton Ham, in the parish of Pennycross, which he had rebuilt 
in 1639, within two miles and a half of the town. He was 
descended from a younger branch of the ancient and distin- 
guished family of Trelawny, which had long flourished in the 
county of Cornwall, and at the time of the Norman conquest 

b 



xviii MEMOIR OF ROBERT TRELAWNY. 

was -represented by Hamelin de Treloen, son of Edwin, who, 
tempore Edward the Confessor, resided at Trelone, in the 
parish of Alternon in Cornwall, which manor, according to 
Doomsday Book, with twenty-one other considerable ones, 
were also at the same time held by him. 

It is not too much to say, that this family was not only one 
of the most ancient, but most eminent in the West of Eng- 
land, and can boast of not a few distinguished characters, who 
in after ages did their country service. 

Such was that illustrious knight, Sir John Trelawny, who 
in the wars with France, especially at the battle of Agincourt, 
so greatly distinguished himself, that King Henry V., at Gisons 
in Normandy, as a just recompense for his services, granted 
him not only a pension for his life, which Henry VI. was 
pleased to confirm in the first year of his reign, but also added 
in augmentation to his armorial bearings, the coat of three 
oaken leaves, as the symbol of conquest ; and under the por- 
trait of the King, that once stood over the gateway of Laun- 
ceston Castle, was also placed the following inscription : — 

" He that would do ought for Mee, 
Let hym love well Sir John Trelawnie." 

At a still later period lived that illustrious prelate, Sir 
Jonathan Trelawny, Bart., Lord Bishop of Bristol, who in the 
memorable year of 1688 had the courage, with Archbishop 
Sancroft and the five other bishops, to refuse the publication 
in their churches, as required by King James II., of his 
" Declaration of Liberty of Conscience," as it was called, but 
in reality for annulling the Act of Uniformity ; and was with 
the other six bishops committed by the enraged monarch to 
the Tower, and afterwards brought to a public trial in West- 
minster Hall, when they were all acquitted, and on the 15th 
of June of that year released, to the great joy of the whole 
nation.' In Cornwall, the Bishop's committal to prison and 
trial excited the utmost indignation of the people, and gave 

1 See Cassan's Lives of the Bishops of Winchester, Vol. II. p. 196. 




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MEMOIR OF ROBERT TRELAWNY. XIX 

occasion for a very popular ballad being written and sung 
throughout the county, but of which unfortunately nothing 
has been preserved excepting the chorus : — 

" And shall Trelawny die ? 
And shall Trelawny die ? 
Forty thousand Cornishmen 
Will know the reason why."' 

In the above two cases has been verified the truth of the 
ancient Cornish saying with respect to three of her old fami- 
lies, that a Trelawny was never known to want courage, a 
Godolphin wit, or a Granville loyalty. 

But to return to the subject of our memoir. The father of 
Robert Trelawny, also called Robert, had settled at Plymouth 
in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, where he became a very suc- 
cessful merchant, and by his ability, and integrity rose so high 
in the estimation of his fellow townsmen, that he was thrice 
called upon to fill the civic chair. He appears also to have 
been a no inconsiderable benefactor to the town, for on the 
ceiling of the entrance of the ancient Poorhouse that once 
stood near the west end of St. Andrew's Church his family 
arms were emblazoned, and the following inscription added 
to his honor: — 

" Mr. Robert Trelawnye, 
Thrice Mayor of Plymouth, 
A Benefactor to this House." 

This Robert Trelawny died in December, 1627, and was 
interred in St. Andrew's Church, as appears from a massive 
stone over his vault. 

In 1597, he had married Elizabeth, daughter of Alexander 
Mayne, Esq., of Exeter, by whom he left three sons, Robert, 
Edward, and John, and two daughters, Elizabeth and Eleanor, 
besides other children of his second wife, Judith, daughter of 
John Amydas of Plymouth. 

Robert, of whom we shall now speak, succeeded his father 

1 Vide Appendix, No. IV. 



xx MEMOIR OF ROBERT TRELAWNY. 

in 1627, having married in 1623, at the parish church of 
Mevagissey, Ann Voga, of St. Michael Caerhayes, Cornwall. 
With his father's estates in Devon and Cornwall he also in- 
herited his father's reputation as a successful and enterpris- 
ing merchant, for it was early in 1630 that he appears to 
have directed his speculations to the great American conti- 
nent, where already the coast of New England was attracting 
adventurers from the old country, and where numerous settle- 
ments were beginning to occupy the land within the Massa- 
chusetts jurisdiction. 

As early as 1620, King James had granted a charter to 
what was called the Northern Company. The patentees in- 
cluded, not only the Earls of Arundel and Warwick, and other 
noblemen, but also Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and other private 
gentlemen, who where called " The Council established at 
Plymouth in the County of Devon, for the planting, governing, 
&c. of New England in America." Under this patent Robert 
Trelawny obtained a grant of land, including Richmond Island 
and all Cape Elizabeth, bearing the date of 1st December, 
163 1, which was signed by the Earl of Warwick, Edward 
Gorges, and Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 

This grant was made, as stated therein, to Robert Tre- 
lawny and Moses Goodyear, merchants of Plymouth, and the 
reason assigned for its being made to them was the having 
expended great sums in the discovery of those parts, and for 
their encouragement in settling a plantation there. 

Mr. John Winter, who is spoken of as being " a grave and 
discreet man," was appointed by the patentees as their agent, 
and he was placed in possession of the tract by Mr. Richard 
Vines, of Saco, on 21 July, 1632, who seems by an attested 
commission to have been appointed by Robert Trelawny 
alone. 

It appears also that Robert Trelawny had intrusted some 
portion of the agency to his brother Edward Trelawny, as let- 
ters from him to Robert and a return of goods at Richmond 
Island and Spurwinke, seem to imply that he was something 



MEMOIR OF ROBERT TRELAWNY. xxi 

more than a mere correspondent at the plantation. But how- 
ever that may be, Mr. John Winter, in making his annual 
returns, and in his numerous letters to his employer, shows 
himself to have been an active and intelligent manager; for in 
a very short time it appears that he was employing almost 
a fleet of trading vessels, and some of them of considerable 
burden, — one of no less than 600 tons and another of 300, — 
no small tonnage in those early days. Their exports consisted 
principally of pipe-staves, fish, beaver-skins, oil, &c. ; and their 
imports, from the coasts of Spain and Portugal, of wine, fruit, 
and other productions of the Peninsula. 

It must not be concluded that Robert Trelawny was per- 
sonally engaged in any of the trading voyages of these ships ; 
but he took the most anxious interest in its success. At home 
he was far too much occupied with the management of his 
domestic affairs, of his many estates in Devon near Corn- 
wall, and of his "venture in Ireland," to have allowed him- 
self the leisure of so long a voyage as it used to be across the 
Atlantic. Confiding as he did so entirely in Mr. John Win- 
ter's agency, he found plenty of occupation in his Plymouth 
counting-house ; and, taking as he did an active part in civic 
affairs, it becomes a matter of surprise that he could have 
allowed the additional burden to be thrown upon him of thrice 
discharging the duties of the mayoralty. 

And yet his labors did not terminate here. At the eventful 
period of 1639, when party spirit was already waxing warm, 
both in politics and religion, and it was well known that his 
loyalty to the throne was only exceeded by his attachment 
to the principles of the Established Church, so popular had 
he made himself with all parties, and such a hold had he ac- 
quired on the love and confidence of the people, that even at 
this critical time was he freely chosen by the commonalty 
of Plymouth as their representative in the Parliament then 
assembled. 

Having thus become a member of the British Parliament, 
we are no longer to consider him as a successful merchant or 



XXli MEMOIR OF ROBERT TRELAWNY. 

enterprising colonist, but must view him in his new character 
as a legislator of the realm. And here we cannot but ad- 
mire his intrepidity in thus abandoning the quiet of private 
life, and boldly thovving himself on the troubled waters of the 
times. To a man of his penetration, it must have been evi- 
dent that there was already springing up a feverish spirit of 
sullen discontent, which year by year was rapidly spreading 
among the people. At first its symptons were not such as to 
awaken serious alarm. Still there was enough to excite, in 
the minds of sober-minded men, great anxiety, and Robert 
Trelawny was no doubt fully alive to the growing dangers of 
his position, but ready at all hazards to do his duty. 

Critical as were the times at the moment of his election, 
they were speedily followed by sadder still. The cloud that 
so lately was no bigger than a man's hand had now assumed 
portentous dimensions. A mighty surge of disaffection to- 
wards the Established Church and the throne was fast flooding 
the land, and threatening the most disastrous consequences 
to the peace and happiness of England. 

Shortly after Robert Trelawny took his seat in the House 
of Commons, this rebellious spirit showed itself in the tyranny 
exercised by that House towards all who manifested the 
slightest opposition to their will. The struggle had already 
commenced, in 1640, between the unhappy King and his Par- 
liament, which culminated at last, after many conflicts, in open 
rupture and civil war. 

In those sad days, however moderate might be any man's 
opinions, however careful and guarded he might be in express- 
ing them even in private society, no one was safe. The good 
and cautious Robert Trelawny did not escape. He soon 
found himself to be a marked man. His well-known loyalty 
speedily brought him into trouble, and gave occasion in his 
case for an exhibition of that bitter spirit of persecution which 
now pervaded the Parliament of England. 

In Lord Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, the treat- 
ment Mr. Trelawny received is particularly recorded, and so 



MEMOIR OF ROBERT TRELAWNY. xxiii 

well described by that great historian that we cannot do 
better than transcribe his whole account of it. In the first 
volume of his folio edition, page 349, he thus writes : — 

"In this particular, (in oppressing all those who were of different 
opinions from them,) their carriage was so notorious and terrible, 
that spies were set upon, and inquiries made upon all private, light, 
casual discourses which fell from those who were not gracious to 
them : as Mr. Trelawny of the House of Commons, and a merchant 
of great reputation, was expelled the House, and committed to 
prison, for having said in a private discourse in the city to a friend, 
'that the House could not appoint a guard for themselves without 
the King's consent, under pain of high treason' : which was proved 
by a fellow, who pretended to overhear him ; when the person him- 
self, with whom the conference was held, declared that he said, 'it 
might be imputed to them for high treason'; and it was confessed 
on all parts, that the words were spoken long before the discovery, 
and some clays before the House had resolved ' that they would 
have a Guard.' And afterwards, upon the old stock of their dis- 
like, when the war began to break out, they again imprisoned this 
honest gentleman ; seized upon all his estate, which was very good, 
and suffered him to die in prison for want of ordinary relief and 
refreshment." 

The proceedings against Robert Trelawny further appear 
from the following extracts from the Journals of the House of 
Commons. 

" 1641, March 9. — Mr. Whitaker reported from the Committee 
of Information, two informations against Mr. Trelawny, a member 
of this House, one given in by Mr. Fletcher, and another by Cap- 
tain Andrews, subscribed with their own hands. Captain Andrews 
was called in, being asked, affirmed that the meeting was accidental, 
that Mr. Trelawny said nothing but upon the question first pro- 
pounded to him, — that he seemed to speak these things, not as his 
own opinion, but as the fears of others, — that Mr. Trelawny 
seemed to be much troubled when he spake these words. Mr. 
Fletcher was called in, and did confess that the meeting was acci- 
dental, and that the question was propounded to him, ' What 



xxiv MEMOIR OF ROBERT TRELAWNY. 

News ? ' and thereupon he made that relation. He did not per- 
ceive that he was much troubled when he delivered those words, 
for he said just before that the House had received a gracious 
message from His Majesty. 

"Resolved upon the question, that the House shall now proceed 
with the business concerning Mr. Trelawny. 

" Resolved upon the question, that Mr. Trelawny shall be forth- 
with put out of the House, and disabled for sitting as a member of 
this House during this Parliament. 

" Mr. Trelawny was called down to the Bar, and Mr. Speaker 
pronounced the sentence against him accordingly. 

"Resolved upon the question that Mr. Speaker shall issue his 
Warrant to the Clerk of the Crown in Chancery for sending forth a 
new writ for electing another Burgess to serve for the Town of 
Plymouth, instead of Mr. Trelawny, formerly chosen a Burgess to 
serve for that town, since disabled by a Vote of the House." — 
Vol. II. p. 473. 

"1642, Oct: 17. — Resolved upon the question that Mr. Tre- 
lawny shall be forthwith sent for in safe custody at his own 
charges." — Vol. II. p. 811. 

"1642, Novr. 23. — The humble petition of Mr. Robert Tre- 
lawny was this day read for his release, but nothing done upon it. 

" Ordered, that Mr. Robert Trelawny be forthwith committed 
to Winchester House, there to remain during the pleasure of the 
House." — Vol. II. p. 854. 

"1643, March 22. — The humble petition of Mr. Robert Tre- 
lawny, a prisoner in Winchester House, desiring to be bailed, was 
read, and the question being put for his bail, it passed in the nega- 
tive." — Vol. III. p. 14. 

In this wretched prison, Winchester House,' as it was called, 
formerly the palace of the Bishops of Winchester, but now 

1 Winchester House was founded by was converted into a prison for the 

Gifford, Bishop of Winchester, A. D. Royalists. In 1649 it was sold for 

1 107. In 1426Cardin.il Beaufort lived ^4,380 Ss. 3d. In 1660 Charles II. 

there, afterwards it was occupied by restored it to the See of Winchester. 

Bishops Gardiner and Bonner. In In 1814 it was destroyed by fire. 
1641, when the civil war broke out, it 



MEMOIR OF ROBERT TRELAWNY. XXV 

converted into a state prison by the Parliament, was Robert 
Trelavvny confined by the Speaker's warrant. It moreover 
appears from Lord Clarendon's History that he was twice sub- 
jected to this degradation j but how long he remained in his 
first confinement does not appear. Certain however it is, that 
he made his last will, dated 24 August, 1643, whilst a prisoner 
in that house, as his subscription to that will testifies. 

At the time this will was executed, Plymouth was enduring 
the miseries of a siege. Torn as it had been for a length 
of time by the deadly factions which prevailed between the 
Royalists and Parliamentarians, Plymouth had unhappily de- 
clared for the latter, and in consequence was shortly after 
invested by the Royalist forces under Prince Maurice. But 
after a time the siege was abandoned, and not until the 
spring of 1644 was it again renewed by the same commander, 
but with little success. In the autumn of that year the King 
in person appeared before the town, but after many struggles, 
and little success, his Majesty abandoned the siege, and with- 
drew his forces. 

It cannot be ascertained where Robert Trelawny was bur- 
ied. It certainly was not at Plymouth, though in his will he 
requests to " be laid as near his deceased wife as may be." 
She had died on the 8th of April, 1643, whilst he was yet 
living, and was interred in the same vault in St. Andrew's 
Church where the elder Robert Trelawny was buried. The 
will was proved in London, on the 19th of November, 1644 ; 
so that, in all probability, he died in the early part of that year. 
His petition for release was dated 23d November, 1642, and 
refused, and on 22d March, 1643, he sent in his second peti- 
tion for bail, which was also refused. His wife's death took 
place only a few days after, accelerated, no doubt, by the cruel 
treatment her husband was then enduring, which carried him 
also prematurely to his grave. 

By such an early death, his country lost an enterprising 
and devoted citizen, and the Church an attached and faithful 
son. It is a happy circumstance that by the two wills he left 



V 



xxvi MEMOIR OF ROBERT TRELAWNY. 

behind him we can form a very sufficient estimate of his 
character, as it was influenced and directed in those disastrous 
days by the love of God and an earnest desire to benefit his 
fellow creatures. In reading these wills, 1 we cannot but no- 
tice the spirit of genuine piety which breathes through both 
of them, leaving no doubt whatever that a strong religious 
faith was the basis of his whole character, and the real secret 
of his commercial success through life. At the very time he 
was writing his last will in Winchester House, — at the very 
moment he was enduring all the sufferings of imprisonment, 
aggravated as they doubtless must have been by his wife's 
untimely death, by the confiscation of all his estates, and by 
the barbarous withdrawal, as Lord Clarendon testifies, of 
" even ordinary relief and refreshment," — at such a time, and 
smarting under such provocation, not a word escaped of wrath- 
ful indignation : his pen gave utterance to only those few 
plaintive words, "a prisoner, according to the sadness of the 
times." - 

Such was the Christian spirit with which he " endured 
wrongfully the spoiling of his goods," and the further malice 
of his enemies. It will be seen also from his first will, in 
1640, what was in his heart, — how truly beneficent had been 
his intentions from the first, — devoting no inconsiderable 
sums of money to pious and charitable purposes, which no 
doubt, as being repeated in both his wills, would, but for " the 
sadness of the times" have been faithfully carried out. Espe- 
cially may be mentioned the legacy he had bequeathed to his 
friend, the Reverend Thomas Bedford of Plymouth, who, as 
Lecturer at St. Andrew's Church, had met with similar treat- 
ment from the Parliament, and had suffered imprisonment 
equally with himself. 3 This legacy was, it appears, afterwards 
paid ; but why the conditional bequest of £600 to the town of 
Plymouth was not carried out, does not appear. 

1 Vide Appendix, Nos. II., III. 

■ Vide Codicil to his last Will, in Appendix, No. III. 

1 Vide Appendix, No. III. 



MEMOIR OF ROBERT TRELAWNY. xxvii 

After the death of Mr. Robert Trelawny, Mr. John Winter 
continued to carry on the plantation for his son and successor 
John Trelawny, then about ten years of age ; but from various 
causes, partly the minority, and principally it may be from the 
want of funds, the commercial character of the plantation 
from that time began to decline ; added to which the death 
of John Winter himself, about 1645, and the war which shortly 
after broke out between the native savages of Casco and the 
dispersed colonists, all tended to produce a thorough collapse 
of the Trelawny adventure. The trade once so flourishing 
declined, or else, to borrow the language of Willis's most inter- 
esting History of the Early Settlement of Maine, " sought 
other channels, until the mouth of the Spurwinke and Rich- 
mon's Island became entirely deserted. Their mercantile 
prosperity is now only to be found among the perishable and 
almost perished memorials of a bygone age." 1 

In 1648, after Mr. Winter's death, the plantation and all its 
appurtenances were awarded to Robert Jordan, by a decree of 
the General Assembly of Ligonia, to secure the payment of a 
claim which Winter's estate had upon the proprietors. "Jor- 
dan married Winter's only daughter," and administered upon 
the estate. He presented his claims to the Court of Ligonia 
in September, 1648, by whom a committee was appointed to 
examine the accounts, and make a report of the state of them. 
This committee went into a minute investigation, and reported 
in detail, upon which an order was passed authorizing Jordan 
to retain all the goods, lands, cattle, and chattels belonging to 
Robert Trelawny, deceased, within this Province, from this day 
forward and forever, unless the executors of the said Robert 
Trelawny shall redeem and release them, by the consent and 
allowance of the said Robert Jordan, his heirs, &c. 

Under this hasty and unjust decision — unjust because it 
does not appear that the executors of Robert Trelawny had 
any time allowed them for appeal, or else through the supine- 
ness and unfaithfulness of the executors themselves, in the trust 

1 Vide Maine Hist. Coll., Vol. I. pp. 57 et seq. 



PEDIGREE OF THE TRELAWNYS. 



The following pedigree of the Trelawnys is necessarily 
imperfect, as I have had to make it up from various items, 
gathered here and there. I have several times applied to 
the family for a full pedigree, without success, and but a 
few weeks since received a letter from Plymouth to the effect 
that no pedigree was in existence. It would not be difficult, 
however, with sufficient research, to complete a pedigree of 
this notable family ; and I trust that some writer for the 
"Miscellanea Genealogica et Heraldica" will take the matter 
in hand, and furnish the readers of that valuable magazine 
with a full Trelawny pedigree. 

Walter, the son of Robert Trelawny, died before his father. 
Robert, the youngest son, and a minor at his father's death, 
who inherited the New England estate, died unmarried. 
John, who was also a minor at the time of his father's death, 
in 1643, inherited the New England estate from his brother 
Robert. 

From John Trelawny the New England estate would have 
descended to his son, Dr. Samuel Trelawny ; from him, to 
Samuel Pollexfen Trelawny, and thence to his daughter, 
Mary Trelawny, the mother of the Rev. Charles T. Collins 
Trelawny 



PEDIGREE OF THE TRELAWNYS. 



XXXI 



Edwin de Trelone or Treloen = 
tempore Edward the Confessor. | 

I 
Hamelin de Trelone = 
tempore William the Conqueror. | 

■i 
Richard de Trelone = 



= 1 
William de Trelone = 

! 

3l 
John de Trelone = Joan Botterell. 

, . . 4 I 

William de Trelawny = Jane Trewynick. 



Si 
John de Trelavvny= Lady Laura Sergeaux. 



. 6 I 
William Trelawny = Margery de Reparijs. 

. l'\ 
William Trelawny = Joan Doyngull. 
tempore Edward III. | 

8 I 
John Trelawny = Maud Menwynick. 
A . D. 1396- I 

°l 
Sir John Trelawny = Agnes Tregodack. 
who fought at Agincourt, 1415. | 



10 I 

Richard 1 relawny, 

d. s. p. 



John Trelawny, Esq. = Joan Helligan. 
of Trelone, 1461. 



Sir John Trelawny = Blanch Pownd. 
of Coldrumech. j 



John Trelawny. 

Elder 
branch. 



John Trelawny (2d son) 
of St. Germyns. 

Margaret Bicton. 
13 I 
Walter Trelawny = Agnes Hawkins. 
ofTudyford, Cornwall. | 

14 J 

Robert Trelawny = Agnes Spry. 
ofTudyford. | 



Roger Trelawny. 

Line 
extinct. 



hs 
Edward Trelawny, 
son and heir. 



■ 5 I 
Robert Trelawny (2d son) 
thrice Mayor of Plymouth 



I 15 
John Trelawny (3d son). 



1st. Elizabeth Mayne, of Exeter, d. 1602. — 2d. Judith Sparke, 1607 — 

(I), of John Amydas, Esq.) 
j x6 



16 I I 16 _ I 16 I 16 I 16 
Robert Trelawny, b. 1 598 = Ann Voga. Edward, Elizabeth. Margaret. Eleanor. 
M. P. for Plymouth, and paten- I visited N. E. 
tee of Richmond Island, 1631. | 1635. 



I 

Walter. 



I 
Samuel. 



I 
Ann. 



I 



I 



Elizabeth. Judith. 



I 
John. 



Robert. 



(Tage 22.) 









(Page 78.) 



(Page 100.) 



%**-£ 



^At^ 1 




WEMU</ 





(Page 242.) 




/^77WjfliriZ& 



(Page 278.) 







THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



PATENT TO ROBERT TRELAWNY AND OTHERS. 
December i, 1631. 

7tTl)i$ SlTDCntUrC ttiaUe the ffirst daie of December, 
***r Anno Domini 163 1, And in the Seaventh Yeare of the 
Raigne of our Soueraigne Lord, Charles by the grace of God 
of England, Scotland, ffraunce, and Ireland King, defendor 
of the faith, &c. |3ctroccnc the President and Councell of New 
England, of th'one parte, And Robert Trelawny' of Plymouth 
in the Countie of Devon, Marchant, Moyses Goodyeare 2 of 
Plymouth aforesaid, Marchant, and their Associatts of thother 
Parte, SHttiuffctl), That whereas our Soveraigne lord King 
James of famous memorie, late King of England, Scotland, 
ffraunce, and Ireland, by his highnes Letters Pattents and 
Royall graunte vnder the greate Seale of England bearing 
date the Third daie of November In the Eighteenth yeare 

1 Trelawny signifies, in old Cornish, It will be seen that Edward, a brother, 

" the town in the wood." Sullivan was at the island a short time, and Sul- 

says that Robert Trelawny "came over livan may confound them, 
at the instance of Rigby," and "car- ' Son-in-law of Abraham Jennens, 

ried on the fishery, and had his store one of the first to establish a fishing 

at Richmond Island — he died soon station on this coast, and patentee of 

after he came over, and John Winter, Monhegan. Smith mentions two of his 

who was his agent, obtained adminis- vessels fishing here in 1622 ; viz. the 

tration of his estate, from the govern- Abraham of Plymouth and the Night- 

ment of Lygonia." Vide Hist. Dist. ingale of Portsmouth. Vide New Eng- 

Maine, p. 115. This is wrong. Robert lands Trials, p. 17, in Force's Tracts. 
Trelawny never came to this country. 



2 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1631. 

of his Raigne of England, ffraunce, and Ireland,' &c, for the 
causes therein expressed did absolutly give, graunte, and con- 
firme vnto the said President and Councell and their succes- 
sors foreuer, All the land in New England in America lying 
and being from ffortie to ffortie Eight degrees of Northerly 
latitude, and in length by all that breadth aforesaid from 
Sea to Sea throughout the Maine land, Togeather With all the 
Woods, Waters, Rivers, Soyles, Havens, Haiboures, Ilelands, 
and other Comodities whatsoeuer therevnto belonging, with 
diuers other Priviledges, preheminencies, proffitts, and liber- 
ties by Sea and land, As by the said letters Pattents (amongst 
other things conteyned), wherevnto due Relacon being had 
more at large it doth and maie appeare, ,&,nu whereas the said 
President and Councell by vertue and Authoritie of his said 
Ma st letters Pattents Haue by their deed indented, Dated the 
ffirst daie of Nouember, Anno Domini 163 1, And in the said 
Seauenth Yeare of the Raigne of our Soueraigne Lord king 
Charles, giuen, graunted, allotted, assigned, and confirmed 
vnto Captaine Thomas Cammocke, 5 his heires, Associatts, and 
assignes foreuer, All that one Thousand ffive hundred acres 

> 1620. Point. He probably did not reside at 
3 Son of Captain Thomas Cammock Black Point until after the sale to Tre- 
and Lady Frances, daughter of the Earl worgy. Here he continued to live for 
of Warwick. He was therefore a several years with his good wife Mar- 
nephew of the Earl of Warwick, at this garet and faithful friend Henry Josse- 
time one of the most influential mem- lyn, and here in 1638 came "Thomas 
bers of the Council. Cammock had Josselyn, Gent.," and his father, "the 
been in the service of the Council for old knight," to visit them. So great 
some time, and owing to his services was his friendship to Henry Josselyn, 
and his powerful connection he ob- that previous to a voyage to the West 
tained this important grant. He did Indies, from which he never returned, 
not at once occupy it, but continued to he bequeathed his property to him, re- 
live for some time on the eastern bank serving for his wife five hundred acres, 
of the Piscataqua, for which he received After his death in 1643, m Barbadoes, 
a patent from Gorges on the 2d of June, Josselyn married Margaret Cammock, 
1633. This he sold in 1636 to James and so came into possession of his 
Treworgy, and, without doubt, the friend's entire estate. Vide Folsom's 
" Convenient^ Houseinge " which he is Saco, pp. 41 et seq. Maine Hist. Coll., 
said in his patent to have erected, was Vol. III. p. 12, and Josselyn's two 
on the Piscataqua, and not at Black Voyages, p. 13, ct passim. 



1631.] PATENT TO TRELAWNY. 3 

of land scituate and bordering vpon the Eastside of the 
River Comonly called or knovvne by the name of the River 
of Black Point,' or by whatsoeuer other name or names the 
same is or haue bine or heereafter shalbee called or knowne, 
with the libertie of ffishing and fowling in and vpon the River 
of Black Point Eastward soe farr as the Extent of the lim- 
itts lyeth, Togeather With all the Shoares, Creekes, Bayes or 
Havens, and Coasts alonge the Sea or vpp in the land with 
in the bounds and limitts of the said One thousand ffive 
hundred acres of land, with the Woods and Ilelands within 
the said bounds, Togeather also With all the Mines, Miner- 
alls, Trade of what kind or nature soeuer, Woods, quarries, 
Marshes, waters, lakes, ffishings vpon the Sea Coast, Hunt- 
ings, Hawkings, fowlings, Comodities, emoluments, and here- 
ditaments whatsoeuer, with all and singuler their and everie of 
their appurtenances in or Within the limitts or bounds afore- 
said, or to the said land lying within the said limitts or bounds 
belonging or in anie wise appertayning, with free Passage and 
repassage to and from the Place of Plantacon thrrowe the 
said Territories of New England, by Water or by land, as his 
or their occasions shall require : So l)aue anb to Ijoulb all and 
singuler the said Maine land and premisses vnto the said 
Captaine Thomas Camock, his heires, Associatts, and assignes 
foreuer, to th'onely proper vse and behoofe of the said Cap- 
taine Thomas Camock, his heires, Associatts, and assignes 
foreuer, As by the said deed indented doth and may more 
at large appeare: uThis indenture wittnesseth that the said 
President and Councell of New-England, by vertue and 
Authoritie of the said letters Pattents, and for and in con- 
sideracon That the said Robert Trelawny, Moyses Goodyeare, 
and their Associatts haue adventured and expended greate 
somes of mony in the discouery of the Coasts and Harboures 
of those parts, and are minded to vndergoe a further Charge 
in settling a Plantacon in the Maine land heereafter men- 
coned, In Consideracon whereof and for the better encorage- 

' Now called the Nonesuch River. 



4 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1631. 

ment of the said Robert Trelawny and Moyses Goodyeare, 
their heires, Associatts, and assignes, in effecting soe good 
a worke, and for other good causes and consideracons the 
said President and Councell therevnto moueinge, hanc given, 
graunted, allotted, assigned, and confirmed, and by theis pres- 
ents doe fully, Cleerely, and absolutely give, graunte, allott, 
assigne, and confirme vnto the said Robert Trelawny and 
Moyses Goodyere, their heires, Associatts, and assignes for- 
ever, All those lands and hereditaments with Thappurtenances 
scituate, lying, and being alonge the Sea Coast Eastward, 
between the land before menconed to bee graunted to the 
said Captaine Thomas Camock, his heires, Associatts, and 
assignes, And the Bay and River of Cascoe,' extending, and 
to bee extended Northwards into the Maine land soe farr as 
the limitts and bounds of the land graunted to the said Cap- 
taine Thomas Camock as aforesaid doe or ought to extend 
towards the North, And alsoe all and singuler the Shoares, 
Creeks, Rivers, Bayes, Havens, and Coasts along the Sea, 
or vpp in the land with in or adioyning to the bounds and 
limitts aforesaid. And all and singuler Trees, Woods, Mines, 

■ Cascoe. Some suppose this to be a so designated. KaskS is the Abenaki 
corruption of Aucocisco. Vide Amer- for heron, and was applied to a wide 
ica Painted to the Life, p. 43. Levett, region east of Portland Neck, which 
who was here in 1623, applies the name abounded with these birds. Pekwahaki, 
Cascoe to the region lying eastward of or, as it appears in Roger Williams's 
Portland Neck, and Quack to the region Key, Pequauhock (the pe indistinct) 
between Cascoe and Cape Elizabeth, means the clam place, afterwards short- 
The river up which he sailed about six ened to Quahaug. Levett may have 
miles, and called Levett's River, was mistaken the word for Quack (pro- 
Fore River, and he regarded its mouth nounced quok or qitog) which it 
probably as lying outside of the present sounded like. These clams abounded 
breakwater. Vide Levett's Journal, on the shores of the main land and Hog 
Maine Hist. Coll., Vol. II., and Smith's Island, and the name of this island may 
Advertisements for the Unexperienced, be a relic of Levett's Quack, which was 
p. 27, ed. 1S65. Akwiasesko or Akua- applied to this locality. It is a popular 
sesko (the Aucocisco of Smith) means theory, however, that the early inhab- 
a place of much mud or slime, and was itants named this island after one of 
probably applied to a tract left covered their domestic animals, as they named 
with slime by the tide. Pack Cove and other islands in the vicinity in this man- 
the flats beyond might well have been ner, as Cow, Horse, Ram, etc. 



1631.] PATENT TO TRELAWNY. 5 

Mineralls, as well of Gould and silver Oare as of all or any 
other mettall, kind, or nature Whatsoeuer, Quarries, Rivers, 
Waters, lakes, Comodities, emoluments and hereditaments 
whatsoeuer, arrising, growinge, renewing, or being in or on the 
premisses, or anie parte thereof, within the bounds and lymitts 
aforesaid, or to the said premisses or anie parte thereof be- 
longing, or Reputed, or taken as parte, parcell, or member of 
the same, or of anie part thereof, And the full, free, and sole 
libertie and Priviledge of ffishing and fowling in and vpon the 
Sea and Sea Coast adioyning to the premisses, And the full, 
free, and sole libertie and Priviledge of Hawking and hunt- 
inge, and to sett vpp, vse, and exercise any lawfull Trade, Arte, 
or mistery of what kind or nature soever in and vpon the said 
lands and premisses before menconed to bee graunted, or anie 
parte thereof, Togeatber with free libertie to and for the said 
Robert Trelawney and Moyses Goodyeare, their heires, Asso- 
ciatts, and assignes, to fowle and ffishe, and stages, Kayes, 
and places for takeing, saving, and preseruinge of ffish to 
erect, make, maintaine, and vse in, vpon, and neere the He- 
land Comonly called Richmonds Ileland,' and all other Ilelands 

1 This is the Isle de Bacchus of only the liberty granted to "fowle, 

Champlain, who describes the savages ffishe," and erect "stages, Kayes, and 

as coming down to the shores of Prout's places " for preserving fish on the 

Neck when they saw his ship approach- island. Bagnall, who Winthrop says 

ing, and who welcomed him with joy. was "a wicked fellow," and "some- 

" Meanwhile," he says, " Sieur de times servant for one in the bay," it 

Monts visited an island, which is very has been supposed, was an associate 

beautiful in view of what it produces ; of Tom Morton of Merry Mount no- 

for it has fine oaks and nut-trees, the toriety. It is possible that he was 

soil cleared up, and many vineyards one of the four men from " Weston's 

bearing beautiful grapes in their season, Company" (the Morton fellowship) 

which were the first we had seen on whom Christopher Levett says he left 

all these coasts from the Cap de la with others in 1624 in charge of his 

Heve. He named it Isle de Bac- strong house and plantation in this 

chus." It was granted to Walter Bag- vicinity. It was perhaps to see his 

nail, December 2, 1631, who, the Rec- old companion that Morton visited 

ords of the Council state, had been in Richmond's Island, which he extols 

-the country seven years. The grant to for its whetstones, saying, with his ha- 

Trelawny and Goodyear, it will be ob- bitual extravagance of statement, that 

served, was " in the Maine land," and this stone was called by the savages 



6 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1631. 

within or neerc the limitts and bounds aforesaid which are not 
formerly graunted to the said Captaine Thomas Camock as 
aforesaid, And free Passage and Repassage to and from the 
premisses, or anie part thereof, ouer and throughe the said 
Territories of New-England, or anie parte thereof, by Water, 
, Sea, and land, or anie or either of them, at the Will and pleas- 
ure of the said Robert Trelawny and Moyses Goodyeare, their 
heires, Associatts, and assignes foreuer, JTo I).uu aiti) to I)ouu) 
all and singuler the said lands, Shoares, Creekes, Rivers, 
Bayes, Havens, Coasts, Trees, Woods, Mines, Mineralls, 
Quarries, Rivers, Waters, Lakes, Commodities, emoluments, 
fishings, fowlings, Hawkings, Huntings, Trades, liberties, 
priviledges, Rights, Jurisdiccons, Royalties, Commodities, He- 
reditaments, and premisses before menconed to bee graunted, 
and every parte and parcell thereof, to the said Robert Tre- 
lawny and Moyses Goodyeare, their heires, Associatts, and 
assignes foreuer, to the onely proper vse and behoofe of the 
said Robert Trelawny and Moyses Goodyeare, their heires, 
Associatts, and assignes foreuer, pcalbing ana Payeing vnto 
our Soueraigne lord the King, his heires and Successors, one 
ffifte parte of all the Gould and silver Oare to bee found or 
had in or on the premisses, or anie parte thereof, and one 
other ffifte Parte of the same to the said President and Coun- 
cell aforesaid and their Successors foreuer, So $ke ljcnlbcn of 
the said President and Councell and their Successors by the 
Rent heereafter in theis presents reserued, pcaloing .nib Paye- 
ing therefore Yearely foreuer vnto the said President and 
Councell, their Successors or assignes, for everie hundred acres 

Cos, — the Latin and not the Indian name silver coins and a wedding ring sup- 

for whetstone. Possibly this grant to posed to have belonged to him, was 

his former chum was brought about ploughed up on the island, May 11, 1855. 

through the influence of Morton, who Vide Winthrop, I. 62, 75, 118, ed. 1853. 

was then in England, and in favor New English Canaan, Force's Tracts, 

with Gorges. Bagnall was killed by the p. 57. Levett's Voyage, Maine Hist. 

Indians a few weeks before the date of Coll., II. 101. Sainsbury, Colonial Pa- 

the grant to him, but the news of his pers, VI. 137. Voyages of Sieur de 

death had not reached England. A Champlain, II. 62. 
small stone pot, containing gold and 




J c ^ 



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1631.] rATENT TO TRELAWNY. 7 

of the said land in Vse Twelue pence of lawfull mony of Eng- 
land into the hands of the Rentgatherer (for the time being) of 
the said President and Councell, their Successors or assignes, 
for all service Whatsoeuer. ^-nt) the said President and Coun- 
cell for them and their Successors doe Covenant and graunte 
to and with the said Robert Trelawny and Moyses Goodyeare, 
their heires, Associatts, and assignes, by theis presents, That 
they the said President and Councell shall att all time and 
times heereafter, vpon reasonable request and att the onely 
proper Costs and Charges in the lawe of the said Robert 
Trelawny and Moyses Goodyeare, their heires and assignes, 
doe, make, performe, suffer, execute, and Willingly consent 
vnto anie further acte or acts, Conveyaunce or Conveyaunces, 
assuraunce or assuraunces whatsoeuer, for the good and per- 
fect investing, assureing, conveying, and sure making of all the 
aforesaid premisses, with Thappurtenances, and of euery parte 
and parcell thereof, to the said Robert Trelawny and Moyses 
Goodyeare, their heires and assignes, as by them, their heires 
or assignes, or by his or their or anie of their Councell learned 
in the lawe, shalbee deuised, aduised, or required : p.oiriuci) all- 
waies That the said Robert Trelawny and Moyses Goodyeare, 
their heires, Associatts, and assignes, or anie of them, shall 
not att any time or times heereafter allien, sell, or Convaye 
awaie the said premisses soe giuen and graunted as aforesaid, 
or any parte thereof, without the Consent or assent of the said 
President and Councell, or the Maior Parte of them, or other the 
Governour settled in those parts for the Government of those 
Affaires, first had and obteyned in writing vnder their hands 
and Comon seale of them or of their said Governour. ^nb 
further knowe yee that the said President and Councell Haue 
made, Constituted, deputed, Authorized, and appointed, and 
in their Place and stead Doe Putt Captaine Walter Neale," 

1 Walter Neale came to this country pointed Governor in New England, 

in the spring of 1630, as Governor of claiming that he had "served in all the 

the Piscataqna Company. He returned King's expeditions for the last twenty 

in the summer of 1633 to England. He years; commanded four years, and 

petitioned the King in 163S to be ap- brought to perfection the company of 



8 



THE TRELAWNV PAPERS. 



[1631. 



Henry Josline,' Leifetennt, and Richard Vines, 2 gentleman, 
and every or anie of them, and in Case of their death or ab- 
sence Doe nominate and appointe The Governour or other 
Cheife Officer for the time there being vnder the said Presi- 
dent and Councell Joyntly and seuerally to bee their true and 
lawfull Attorneyes or Attorney, and in their name and stead 
to enter into the said premisses aboue mentioned to bee giuen 
and graunted with their appurtenances, or in some Parte thereof 
in the name of the whole, And for them and in their name 
to haue and take Possession and seizon thereof, and after such 
possession and seizon soe thereof, or of some parte thereof, in 
the name of the whole soe taken and had, Then for them and 



the Artillery Garden ; lived three years 
in New England, and made greater dis- 
coveries than were ever made before. 
Exactly discovered all the rivers and 
harbors in the habitable parts of the 
country." Vide Sainsbury, Vol. I p. 285. 
Maine Hist. Coll., Vol. I. p. 53. 

1 Henry Josselyn, the "well beloved 
friend" of Cammock, who married 
Cammock's widow, Margaret, shortly 
after her husband's death, which took 
place in 1643, as before stated He is 
a conspicuous figure in the annals of 
his times, and enjoyed a most honorable 
reputation. He was a member of the 
first court held in the Province of Maine, 
in 1640, before which court George 
Cleeve brought his claim for damages 
against Winter, on account of his eject- 
ment from the settlement made by him 
ten years before at the mouth of the 
Spurwink. The result, as is well known, 
was in favor of Cleeve, Richard Vines, 
a member of the court, alone dissenting. 
He strongly opposed Massachusetts in 
her claims to the territory of Maine, 
and was indicted therefor with other 
obnoxious persons in 1663. Driven 
away by the Indian war after the sur- 
render of his fort at Black Point, he 



went to Pemaquid and served under 
Governor Andros, being intrusted, as 
he ever had been, with most responsi- 
ble positions. He died at Pemaquid 
in 16S3, after a long and useful life. 

2 Richard Vines visited New England 
as early as 1609, and again in 1616, 
passing the winter following near the 
present town of Biddeford. In 1630 
he returned again to this country, and 
planted a colony on the west side of 
the Saco, within the limits of a grant 
to him and John Oldham, of lands ex- 
tending four miles upon the sea and 
eight miles into the country. He was 
a man of great energy and of most ex- 
cellent character, and figured conspicu- 
ously in the affairs of New England till 
1645, when he sold his patent, and with 
his family settled in Barbadoes, where 
he engaged in the practice of medicine. 
Although he did not agree with Gov- 
ernor Winthrop in religious views, a 
warm friendship seems to have always 
existed between them, which is an im- 
portant factor in forming an estimate 
of the man. Vide Folsom's Saco, p. 68. 
Brief Narration, Maine Hist. Coll., II. 
24. John Wheelwright, p. 126. Mass. 
Hist. Coll., 4th Series, VII. 337 ct scq. 




^ £ Tir S 



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l6 3 i.] 



PATENT TO TRELAWNY. 



in their names to deliuer full and peaceable possession and 
seizon of all and singuler the said premisses vnto the said 
Robert Trelavvny and Moyses Goodyeare, or to their Certaine 
Attorney or Attorneyes in that behaulfe, To haue and hould 
to the said Robert Trelawny and Moyses Goodyeare, their 
heires, Associatts, and assignes, according to the true intent 
and meaninge of theis presents, Ratefying, Confirming, and 
allowing all and Whatsoeuer their said Attorneyes, or anie or 
either of them, shall doe in or about the premisses by theis 
presents. 

In totttncs whereof the said President and Councell haue 
to the one Parte of theis presente Indenture sett their Seale. 
And to the other Parte thereof the saide Robert Trelawny 
and Moyses Goodyeare haue sett to their hands and seales. 
Given the day and yeare ffirst aboue written. 

Ro. Warwicke. 1 Ed: Gorges. 2 Ferd: Gorges. 3 



[Indorsed :] 

A Grant from the President 
to Mr. Robert Trelawny and 
New England, 7th Dec. 163 1. 

• Brother to Lady Frances, mother 
of Captain Cammock. 

2 Brother of Sir Ferdinando Gorges. 

3 Sir Ferdinando Gorges, the ancient 
proprietor of the Province of Maine, 
seems, in his connections with the Prov- 
ince, to have been guided by a spirit 
of philanthropy as well as self-inter- 
est. From the moment when he heard 
Weymouth relate the glowing tale of 
his visit to the shores of Maine, and 
saw the natives which that unscrupu- 
lous navigator brought from the Kenne- 
bec, whence in the summer of 1605 he 
returned to England, his interest in col- 
onization was fired, nor did it cease to 




and Council of New England 
Moses Goodyear of Lands in 

glow during his busy and troubled life. 
He was appointed Governor of New 
England in 1637, but in 1639 a charter 
of the Province of Maine was granted 
him, with powers almost absolute ; such, 
indeed, as had never before been granted 
to an individual. In this Province the 
religion of the English Church was es- 
tablished. His grandson says : " He no 
sooner had this Province settled upon 
him, but he gave public notice that if 
any would undertake, by himself and his 
associates, to transport a competent 
number of inhabitants to plant in any 
of his limits, he would assign unto him 
or them such a portion of land as should 



IO THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1631. 

PATENT TO THOMAS CAMMOCK. 
November i, 1631. 

^TO £11 Crtgittan PCOpCll to whome this present 
^■J*' writinge Indented shall come, the Counsell for the 
affaires of New Ingland in America, Send grettinge in our 
Lord God Euerlasting: Wher as Kinge James of famous 
memmory, late Kinge of England, Scotland, ffrance, and Ire- 
land, by his Highnes leters pattents, and Royall grante vnder 
the greate seale of Ingland, bearinge Datte the 3"' Day of 
Noumber in the Eighttenth yeare of his Raigne of England, 
France, and Ireland, 1 @c, for the Causes there in Expressed 
Did Absolutly giue, grante, and confirme Vnto the said Coun- 
sell for the Affairs of New Ingland in America, and the Suc- 
cessors for euer, all the land in New England in America, 
lyinge And beinge from fourty to fourty Eight Degrees of 
Northerly Lattitude, and in length by all that bredth afore 
said from Sea to Sea through out the Maine land, to geather 
With all the Woods, Waters, Riuers, Soyles, Hauens, Har- 
bours, Isle land, and other comodityes what soeuer there two 
belonginge With Diuers other priueledges, preheminencies, 
profntts, and libbertyes, by Sea and land, as by the said let- 
ters pattents, A Mongste other thinges Contained, where vnto 
Due relacon 2 beinge had more at large itt doth and maye 
appeare : Now Knowe yee that the said Counsell, by vertue 

in reason satisfy them, reserving only the parish of St. Budeaux. Vide Fol- 

to himself two shillings sixpence for a som's Discourse. Also, A Brief Narra- 

hundred acres per annum." But the tion, Maine Hist. Coll., Vol. II. Mass. 

old knight never realized the fulfil- Hist. Coll., 3d Ser., Vol. III. p. 342 ; 

ment of his dreams, for, called to the ibid., 4th Ser., Vol. VII. p. 329. Earls 

service of his sovereign in the great re- of Essex : Devereaux, Vol. I., et fas- 

bellion, after many hardships he ended sim. 

his career, in 1647, at the age of eighty- For an account of the seal to this 

seven. The Maine Historical Society, patent, vide Appendix. 

honoring his memory, have restored the ' A. D. 1620. 

family monument in the old church of ' In the original written U laton. 



1631.] PATENT TO THOMAS CAMMOCK. II 

and Authoritie of his said latte Ma ts ' lettrs Pattents, and for 
an In consideration that Cap 1 Thomas Camocke and his As- 
sociatts haue for these two years last past [1628-1630] liued 
in New England Aforesaid, and haue there Inhabbitted, 
Planted, and builte in the Countrye off New Ingland afore- 
said some Conveniente Houseinge, 2 and for that Hee hath 
Venttred himselfe, Hasarded his life, and Expended Seuerall 
Somes of Monny in the More Ample discouerie of the Coast 
and Harbor of those partes, and is for the Efectinge of soe 
good A worke minded two vndergoe the ffarther Charge of 
Settling him selfe, his ffamily and ffrinds, in those partes, in 
Consideration Whereof, And for the Better Incoragement of 
the said Cap' Thomas Camocke and his said Associatts and 
Assignes, and other good causes and consideration the said 
Counsell there vnto Moueinge, Haue giuen, Granted, Allotted, 
Assigned, and Confermed, and by these presents Doe fully, 
Clearely, and Abbsoluttly giue, grante, Allote, Assigne, and 
Conferme vnto the said Captaine Thomas Camocke, his Heirs, 
Associatts, and Assignes for euer, all that one Thousand hue 
Hundred Acckers of land Sittuatted and bordering vpon the 
East side of the Riuer Comonly Called ore known by the 
Name off the Riuer of Blacke Poynte, 3 ore by what soeuer 
other name ore names the same is ore haue byne ore here 
affter shalbe Called or knowne, by which the Libberty of 
fishinge And fouleinge in and vpon the said Riuer of Blacke 
Poynte Easteward soe farr as the Extente of the lymetts 
lyeth, together With all the Shoures, Creckes, bayes, ore 
Hauens, and Coasts, alonge the Sea ore vp in the land with 
in the bounds and limitts of the said one Thousand fiue 
Hundred Accarrs of land, with the Woods and Isle lands 
within the said bounds, together also with all the Mynes, 
Myneralls, Trade of what Kind or Nature soeuer, Woods, 
quarries, Marshes, vvatter Lakes, fishinge vpon the Sea Coast, 

1 Majesties. of evergreen, or black growth, which cov- 

2 Houses. Vide Halliwell, in loco. ered this point. Maine Hist. Coll., 

3 So called on account of the forests III. 18. 



12 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1631. 

Huntinges, Hakinges, fouleinges, Commodityes, Emoluments, 
and Hereditaments what soeuer, With all and singular ther 
and euery of there Appertinances, in ore with in the Limetts 
ore bounds Aforesaid, ore to the said land lyinge within the 
said limetts, ore bounds belonginge ore in Any wise appertain- 
inge. With ffree passage and Repassage two and from the 
place of Plantation, through the said teritoryes of New Eng- 
land by watterore by land as his ore ther Occasion shall 
Require, To haue And to Holde all and singular the said 
Maine land and premises with all and singular the Woods, 
quaris, Marshes, watters, Riuers, Lakes, fishinge, fouleinges, 
Hakings, Huntings, Mynes, Myneralls, trade of Whatt kind 
ore nature What soeuer, Preueliges, Rightes, Jurisdictions, 
libertyes, Royalltyes, and all other Proffitts, Commodityes, 
Emoluments, and Heriditements what soeuer befor in and 
by these presents giuen And granted, or here in Mente, Men- 
tioned, or Intended to be here by giuen ore graunted, with 
there and euery of there Appurtenances, and euery parte and 
p'cell thereof, vnto the said Capt Thomas Camocke, His 
Heirs, Assosiatts, and Assignes for euer, to thonly proper vse 
and behoufe of the said Cap' Thomas Camocke, Heirs, Asso- 
ciatts, and Assignes for euer, Yealdinge and payeinge vnto 
oure Soueraigne Lord the Kinge one ffifte parte of Gould and 
Silkier Oare, and another fifte parte to the Counsell Aforsaid 
and theire Succssors, To be Houlden of the said Counsell 
and there succesors, by the Rent here After in these presents 
Reserued, Yealdinge And payinge there for yearly for euer 
vnto the said Counsell, ther Succesors ore Assignes, for euery 
Hundred Accars of the said land in vse twelue pence of lau- 
full Money of Ingland into the Hands of the Rente gatherer 
for the tyme beinge of the said Counsell, ther Successors ore 
Assignes, for all seruice what so euer. And the Said Councell 
for the Afairs of New Ingland afor said, Doe by these presents 
nominate, Debute, Authorize, and Apointe, and And in there 
place and stead putt Cap' Walter Neale, Richard Vynes, gent., 
and Henry Joslyne, Lififtennatt, all of New England, ore any 



1631] PATENT TO THOMAS CAMMOCK. 1 3 

of them Joyntly ore seuerally, to be there true and lawefull 
Attornye ore Attornyes, and In there name and Stead to 
Enter into the said p'te ore Portion of land and other the 
premises with the Appurtenances by these presents giuen 
And granted, ore into some parte there of in the name of the 
whole, and peaceable and quiett possesion and seazon there 
of for them to take, and the same soe had and taken in there 
name and stead to Deliuer possesion' and season there of 
vnto the said Cap' Thomas Camocke, his Heirs, Associatts, 
and Assignes, Accordinge to the tennor, forme, and effecte 
of these presents, Rattifining, Conferminge, and Alowinge all 
and what soeuer the said Attornye ore Attornyes, Or any of 
them, shall Doe in ore Aboutte the premises by Vertue Here 
of: Prouided all vvayes that the said Cap' Thomas Camocke, 
his Heirs, Associatts, ore Assignes, ore any of them, shall not 
att any tyme or tymes Here After Allien or Conuaye avvaye 
the said Premises soe giuen and Granted as Afor said, ore 
any parte there of, with out the Consent, or Assent, of the 
said Counsell, ore the Maior parte of them, or other ther 
Gouernor settled l\\ those partes for the Gouernmente of 
those Affaires, first had and Obtained on Writtinge vnder 
there hands, and Comone seale of them ore of there said 
Gouernor." And lastly the said Counsell for the Afairs of 
New Ingland Aforsaid, for them and there succesors, Doe 
Couenante and Grante to and with the said Captaine Ca- 
mocke, his Heirs and Assignes, by these presents shall, If 
hee, his Heirs Ore Assigns, ore any of them, att any tyme 
or tymes here After vpon any doubte which the shall con-. 
seaue, Conserninge the strength and Vallidity in the Lavve 
of this there present grante, or elce be Desirous to haue the 
same Renewed by them or there successors, which amend- 
ment of Such Imparfections and Defects as shall appeare 

1 It was necessary, in order to com- his attorney to the grantee, or some one 
plete the validity of a title to real es- acting for him. This was called "de- 
rate, that formal delivery thereof should livery by turf and twig." 
be made on the spot by the grantor or ■ Walter Neal. 



I 4 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1631. 

fitt and Nessary to him, the said Cap' Thomas Camocke, His 
Hirs ore Assignes, to be Reformed and Amended, one the 
bchalfe of them and theire successors, and for the fartheringe 
of the said plantation and gouernmente, ore the Increase, 
Continewinge, ore fflorishinge there of, that then vpon pet- 
tion of him the said Cap' Thomas Camocke, his Heirs ore 
Assignes, to them and there successors, ore Gouernor Afor- 
said, made, they the said Counsell And there Successors 
shall and will forth with make and pase vnder there Com- 
mon Seale to him, his heirs and Assignes, such further and 
Better Assurance of all and singulare the Before granted and 
Recitted Premises, and of Euery parte and parcell there of, 
with there Apporttanances, accordinge twoe the trewe In- 
tente and Meaninge In this there Grante ore Convayance 
signified, Declared, ore Menchoned, as by the learned Coun- 
sell of them, and there suckesessors, and of him the said Cap' 
Thomas Camocke, his Heirs and Assignes, shalbe Reason- 
able in that behalfe Denized ore Aduized, and that in all 
questions and Dovbts which shall Arise vpon any Difficulty 
of Construction ore Interpetation of any thinge menchoned 
in this there presente Grante, the same shalbe taken and 
Interpreted in moste Ample and Benifishall manner for him 
the said Captaine Thomas Camocke, his Heirs and Assignes. 
In wittnes where of the said Counsell haue here vnto fixed 
ther Seale, Datted the first daye of Nouimber, Anno Domini 
163 1, And in the years of the Raighne our Soueraigne Lord 
Charles, by the grace of God Kinge of England, Scottland, 
France, and Ireland, Defender of the ffaith, @ the 7"'. 

This is a true Coppie of Cap' Thomas Cammocks Pattent 
for New Ingland, taken out of the Originall in Plymouth, the 
4 th of January, 163 1, By the speciall leaue and Consent of the 
said Cap' Thomas Cammocke, Examined and agreed on by 
vs herevnder. 

Robert Trelawny. Thomas Coga. John Kinge. 



1632.] POWER OF ATTORNEY. 1 5 



POWER OF ATTORNEY 

TO JOHN WINTER AND THOMAS POMEROY. 
January iS, 1632. 

To all People to whom these presents shall come, Robert 
Trelawny & Moses Goodyeare, of [Plymouth, Countie] of 
Deuon, Marchants, send greeting in our Lord God euerlast- 
ing : Whereas the President & Councell of Nevve England, by 
their deed dated the first December, Anno Domini [163 1], in 
the Seauenth yeare of the raigne of our Soueraigne Lord King 
Charles ouer En [gland, in] consideration therein expressed, 
Haue giuen, granted, allotted, assigned, & confirmed vnto the 
said Robert Trelawny & Moses Goody[eare, their] heires, As- 
sociates, & assigns for euer, All those lands & hereditaments, 
with Thappurtenances, scituate, lyeing, & being along the Sea- 
coaste Eastwa[rd from] the Land before in the said recited 
deed menconed, to be graunted to one Captaine Thomas Ca- 
mock, his heires, Associates, & Assignes, And [towards the] 
Riuer of Cascoe extending, & to be extended Northwards into 
the Mayne Land so farre as the Limitt & bounds of the Lands 
graunted to the said Captaine Camock do or ought to extend 
towards the North,' And all the Shoares, Creeks, Riuers, Bayes, 
Hauens, Islands, & Coasts along the same, And diuerse other 
proffitts, Commodities, & Priueledges, As in and by the said 
deed more at large appeareth. And Whereas the said Presi- 
dent & Councell haue deputed and ordeyned one Captaine 
Walter Neale, Henry Josling, & Richard Vynes, gent., or the 
chief Gouernor or Officer there for the tyme being vnder the 
said President and Councell, theire lawfull deputies or Attor- 
nyes, to make Liuery of the Premisses, Now knowe yee That 
wee the said Robert Trelawny & Moses Goodyeare doe by 

■ Which limit was established by Neal "Vpp a Mile by y e Westerside of 
y e River" (Spurwink). 



l6 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1632- 

these presents for vs and in our names & behalfes, and on the 
behalf of our associates, depute, ordeyne, appoynte, and in our 
place and sted put our trustie & wel beloued friends, John 
Wynter 1 and Thomas Pomery 2 of Plymouth aforesaid, Marry- 
ners, our true and lawfull Attorneys Joynctly or seuerally to 
[take,] receiue, and baue for vs and in our behalfes and names, 
and to and for the only vse of vs, our heires, Associates, and 
Assignes, liuery and possession of all and singular the lands 
and other the premises in the said recited deede specified of 
the said President & Counsell of Newe England, theire At- 
torney or Attorneys authorized on that behalf, to deliuer the 
same, Giving vnto our said Attorneys, or one of them, our full 
and whole power in the Premises, Ratifying, allowing, and ac- 
cepting all & whatsoeuer our said Attorneys, or one of them, 
shall doe in the Premises by fource and Vertue of [these] 
Presents. In witness whereof wee the said Robert Trelawny 
and Moses Goodyeare haue here vnto sett our hands and [seals]. 
YEOUEN 3 the Eigteenth daye of January in the said Seau- 
enth yeare of the raigne of our Soueraigne Lord Charles, 
of En[g]land, ffrannce, & Ireland, King, defender of the faith, 
Annoqe Domini 1631 — supradict — 

Robert Trelawny. [Moses Gojodyeare. 

'"John Winter of Plymouth, Marry- In his contests with Cleeve, an antag- 

ner," — whom Josselyn says he saw " on onist as wily and uncompromising as 

the three and twentieth " of September, himself, he does not appear to advan- 

1639, "at Richmonds Island, where tage ; but allowance should be made 

Mr. Tralane kept a fishing," and whose for the temper of the times in which he 

portraiture he so graphically presents lived. He died in 1645, and such is 

us in the simple words, " A grave and the irony of fate that, though he came 

discreet man, imployer of 60 men here the humble servant of the rich and 

upon that design," namely, " fishing," powerful Trelawny, his heirs succeeded 

— had probably been in Trelawny's to his employer's vast property in the 

employ before coming hither in 1632. New World, the fickle basis of so many 

That he had made voyages to our high hopes. 

shores before this date, we know, and * Thomas Pomeroy, who, it will be 

that he was a good manager of his em- seen continued in Trelawny's employ, 

ployer's affairs, exacting from all under 3 Yeoven, A. S. Yeven, whence the 

him the fulfilment to the letter of their English "given." Vide Jacob's Law 

bonds of service, cannot be doubted. Diet, in loco. 



1632.] TOWER OF ATTORNEY. 1 7 

[Indorsed as follows :] 
Sealed and deliuered in the presence of vs 
William Rackett [?] 
Teste me Johanne Toser, 
John King. 

M d that the 21* day of July, 1632, John Winter, Attourney 
within written, did accept and take of Richard Vines, gent, 
within named, livery and [pjossession of the premisses named 
in the deed [with]in recited to and for the [herebie] within 
named Robert [Tre]lawny and Moses Goodier [their] heires, 
associats, and [assigne]s, according to the authoritie [vnto] vs 

herebie within written. 

By me, Rich: Vines. 

Wittnes J 

Thomas Ca[mock]. 
Isa: Aller[ton].' 
Richard [Bonython?]. 
Thomas [Allgar]. 

Med: that the 30 th day of July, 1632, livery and possession 
was given vnto John Winter of the Mayne lands, according 
to the premises with in written: By me Rich' 1 Vines. 

Wittnes 

Isa: Allerton. 
William Hingston. 
Thomas Allgar. 

1 Isaac Allerton, about 1608 or 1609, four in the morning we were near our 

leaving Old England, settled at Leyden port. We shot off two pieces of ord- 

in Holland for the sake of " purity of nance, and sent our skiff to Mr. Pierce 

conscience and liberty of worship." It his ship (which lay in the harbor and 

is supposed that he was born about had been there — days). About an hour 

1583, in the northeastern part of Eng- after, Mr. Allerton came on board us in a 

land. Mr. Allerton was one of the shallop, as he was sailing to Pemaquid." 

noble fellowship of the Mayflower, and His fifth voyage to England was made 

figured largely in the early annals of in the White Angel, of Bristol, in 1630. 

New England, being frequently men- He died in New Haven in the latter part 

tioned by Bradford and Winthrop. He of 1658. Says Judge Davis : " It is to 

was the first to welcome Mr. Winthrop Allerton's old house, which was taken 

and his associates to New England, as down in 1740, that the well-known tra- 

appears from Winthrop's Journal, under dition respecting the concealment of 

date of Saturday, 12 June, 1630: "About the Judges by Mrs. Eyres is to be re- 



1 8 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. I1632. 



CORRESPONDENCE. 



THOMAS CAMMOCK AT RICHMOND'S ILANDE, TO ROB- 
ERT TRELAWNY. — July 23, 1632. 

Worthy Sir : — - 

The manifold curtesies I receued from you att Plymoth, 
doth tye me by a duble obligation of your loue to requite 
them with my best service. I receiued your letter by Mr. 
Winter, who came Into Richmonds He before our shipp about 
5 dayes ; for wee had a tedious and dangerous passage, and 
on the 22"' of Aprill itt pleased God that we safely arriued att 
Rich: He: And itt was but an 111 wellcome to me on the first 
Comminge ashoare; for, going on Mr. Jewells" stage, I had 
an vnfortunat fall, and putt my shoulder out of Joynte, so that 
itt hath much hindered me this yeare in getting my house in 
a Readiness, and alsoe in goinge abroade about my busines. 
Neither could I haue Come to take possession before Mr. 
Winter came away, out of the Cuntrye, the Gouerner = hauing 
such vrgent occations that he Could nott Come thither, and 
Mr. Vynes being a Coasting, Could nott stay att that time, as 
he retourned home. Mr. Winter hath taken possession for 
you. As for trade heer itt doth decay euery yeare more and 
more. And for our Joyninge together either for trade (or in 

ferred." Vide N. E. Hist, and Gen. Winthrop. Losing his hat from the 
Reg., Vol. VIII. Ancient Landmarks boat as they were rowing, " he fell into 
of Plymouth, p. 17, ct passim. the water near the shore where it was 
1 George Jewell, who came from Saco. not six feet deep, and could not be re- 
He was drowned in Boston Harbor in covered." Folsom's Saco, 33, 125. 
1637, while returning to his bark on Winthrop, I. 244. 
a cold and dark night, after drinking * Walter Neal. 
"about a gallon of strong water," says 




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1632.] CAMMOCK TO TRELAWNY. 19 

Patent) I shall willingly Condesend vnto, vpon such reason- 
able Conditions as yourselfe shall propound, so itt bee to both 
our profitts proportionablye, And my indeauor shall be to 
mayntayne your Right in your plantation against all inter- 
lopers as if itt vver my owne ; and vvheras you write that you 
will doe for me as for your selues in making both our planta- 
tions one, I will willingly Consent vnto itt, and referr my selfe 
to those reasonable propositions which you shall make for 
both our goods. 1 All the good that is to bee done in thes 
partes, for trade, is towards the Eastwarde with a good shal- 
lopp will fitted, and if you please that I shall Joyne with you, 
to goe in the shallop, with some of my goods and men, wee 
will range all the coast alonge to the Eastwarde allmost to 
the Scotts plantation, 3 wher I know ther is more store of 
beauer and better tradinge then is heer with vs ; and I doubt 
nott (by Gods assistance) but wee shall doe some good on itt. 
If you please to furnish me with such goods and Commodi- 
tyes as I want, I will willinglye giue you 25 in the hundred 
profitt for your mony disbursinge, and retourne what beauer 
I Can make for payment, and soe I haue bin offred by mer- 
chants from London or Bastable, 3 and my desier is rather to 
deale with soe worthye a Gentleman as your self then with 

1 It would seem that a copartnership copartnership was not consummated, 

between Cammock and Trelawny had and Winter, arriving at Richmond's 

been discussed at the latter's house be- Island, March 2, 1633, acted thereafter 

fore Cammock left Plymouth, and that as Trelawny's accredited agent. 

it was understood that Cammock, who = "The Scotts plantation." Charles 

was a gentleman, and whose relation- I. had granted to Sir William Alexander 

ship to the Earl of Warwick entitled a territory one hundred leagues wide, 

him to consideration, should take pos- extending from the mouth of the St. 

session for Trelawny; but Cammock's Lawrence to the Pacific Ocean. Vide 

accident prevented, and Winter, who Sir William Alexander and American 

was in Trelawny's employ, took pos- Colonization, pp. 239-249. 

session instead, in accordance with the 3 Barnstaple, England, on the river 

power of attorney which he held, and, Taw, whence many vessels were sent to 

leaving some men in charge, returned trade on the New England coast. Josse- 

to England, bearing the six pound of lyn says that Salem was first named 

beaver which Cammock sent to liqui- after this town by King Charles, 
date a previous indebtedness. This 



20 



THE TRELAWNY TAPERS. 



[1632 



any other. I doe purpose before winter to goe and see the 
Narragancett,' which is to the Southward of Cape Codd, if our 
shallop Comes home from the Eastward time enough ; and if 
I see any good to be done ther, to driue a trade, and you 
please to Joine in the proceedinge of itt, which shall be very 
probable or els I will nott stirr in itt, lett me alone for the 
procuringe off a patent, for itt is my lorde of Warwickes owne 
devision, and he was willinge I should gon vpon itt. But itt 
is very populus of the Indians, and itt will requier a planta- 
tion of good force and strenth, which so soone as I haue bin 
ther, I will acquaint you of the state of the cuntrye. Hecr is 
great store of very greate Bass 2 att Black Pointe, enough to 
lade a shipp in a smale time, and I am sorry ther was none 
made drye fish before Mr. Winters comminge away that I 
might haue sent you some for a tryall. If I haue a kinsman 
of myne whose Name is William Whelpdell, which intends to 
bringe his wife ouer, and that they come for Plymoth for pas- 



1 The early settlers carried on a lu- 
crative trade with the natives in the 
Narragansett country. They were a 
numerous people, and inclined to trade. 
Wood calls them minters of wampum, 
the current coin of the Indians, which, 
he says, " They forme out of the inmost 
wreaths of Periwinkle-shells. The 
Northerne, Easterne, and Westerne 
Indians fetch all their Coyne from these 
Southerne Mint-masters. From hence 
they have their great stone pipes, which 
wil hold a quarter of an ounce of To- 
bacco. Such is their ingenuity & dex- 
terity, that they can imitate the English 
mold so accurately, that, were it not for 
matter and colour, it were hard to dis- 
tinguish them ; they be much desired of 
our English Tobacconists, for their rar- 
ity, strength, handsomenesse, and cool- 
nesse." He further says, that since the 
advent of the English the NafTagansetts 
had given their attention to gathering 



furs, which they exchanged for English 
commodities, and, in turn, sold these to 
more remote Indians ignorant of their 
value, " So making their neighbours 
ignorance their enrichment." / 'ids 
Wood's New England Prospect, p. 69. 
Also Hubbard's Indian Wars, in loco. 

2 The Striped Bass [Labrax lineatus, 
Cuv.), a fish greatly esteemed by the 
early settlers. " The Basse is one of 
the best fishes in the countrey, and 
though men are soone wearied with 
other fish, yet are they never with 
Tiasse ; it is a delicate, fine, fat, fast 
fish, having a bone in his head, which 
containes a sawccrfull of marrow sweet 
and good, pleasant to the pallat, and 
wholesome to the stomack." 

"The stately Basse, old Neptune's fleeting post, 
That tides it out and in from Sea to Coast." 

N. E. Prosp., Chap. IX. pp. 36 et seq. 
Also Josselyn's Voyages, pp. 85, 109. 



1632.] CAM MOCK TO TRELAWNY. 21 

sage, I haue directed them vnto you, requestinge you to fur- 
ther ther passage in your shipp att as reasonable a rate as 
you may, for they are to Hue with me, and I shall be much 
bound vnto you, in their behalfe. If you will voushsafe to 
send me ouer thes commodytyes which I will heere write for, 
I will see you satisfyed for them heer att the rate of 25 p' 
centum, or send you bills of exchange to London to my lord 
of Warwicke or some other my frindes, to be payd to whome 
you will appoint in London. I haue sent you six pound of 
beauer 1 by Mr. Winter, for satisfaction of the three pounds 
which you lent me att Plymoth ; wher In I acknowledg my 
selfe to be much bounde vnto you for that curtesie. The 
Commodityes and provisions which I desier you will send in 
your shipp vnto mee are these, as followeth. 

Twoe hoggsheads of good meale, six hundred of good bis- 
kett, two good Kettells of Copper, one bigger then another, one 
Iron pott, one Iron possnett, 2 one fryinge pann of a good syze, 
one griddiron, a fyer pann, and Tonges, pott hoockes and pott 
hangers ; one dozen of howes, six Iron wedges, one hand saw, 
three siues for Corne, one finer then the other; & one dozen 
of wodden platters and one good drippin pan and a payer of 
bellows : and for all thes goods I will send you what beauer 
I Can gett, and the rest in bills to whom you will appoint 
by Mr. Winter, to be payd att London within 5 dayes sight 
of my bill. Thus desiringe you to pardon my bouldnes, for 
writtinge to you for thes thinges which I haue presumed to 
trouble you, with all with my true respects and best servise 

1 The fur of the beaver was greatly lish. Bradford says, under date of Sep- 

prized by Europeans at this time, and tember2i, 1621, "After a visit" tosome 

if the Indians were ready to sell their Indians, "we returned to the shallop, 

souls for strong water, many of the almost all the women accompanying us 

English were quite as ready to sell to truck, who sold their coats from their 

theirs for beaver, as vide Levett and backs, and tied boughs about them, but 

other writers of the period for proof, with great shamefacedness, for indeed 

"Truck" with the Indians for furs was they are more modest than some of our 

the motive which brought great mini- English women are." (?) Young's 

bers to our shores, and for "truck" the Chronicles, p. 22S. 

Indians were quite as eager as the Eng- = A little pot. 



22 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1633. 

to your selfe, your good wife, and Mr. Goodyeare, I shall neuer 

cease to be your Assured louing frinde to Commande, 

THOMAS CAMMOCKE. 
RiCHMONDS lLANDE, this 23 th of July, 1632. 

Good Sir, lett me intreat you if you Can gett me a Cuple 
of servants that are Cuntrye fellowes, which will stay with 
me for 3 yeares, I intreat you to send them ouer to me, and 
I will pay for their passage. 

To the wor" and his much /J^cHfe^s 

respected good frinde, Robert M-c^r J^S\ 

Trelawnye, esquier, att 

Plymoth, thes, \^ 

p' a frind whom God preserue. 




JOHN WINTER TO ROBERT TRELAWNY. — July ii, 1633. 

At Richmon Iland, the II th of July, 1633. 

Mr. Trelawny. 

Syr : Your letter of the ioth of January receaved, wherby I 
vnderstand that our supply is to Com directly from England. 
She is not as yet arrived heare nor nues of her yet heare vpon 
the Cost. You may please to vnderstand of our prosedings. 
We arrived heare the second of March, finding our men heare 
In health, praised be to God for yt, but their Came in a ship 
of Barnestable som thre weekes before vs, the maisters name 
is William Garland, and tooke away our stage from our men 
and kept yt all the yeare, and at his departure toore downe 
the stakes, and I had much a do with him to keep vp any 
thinge, and the do purpose to do the like againe another yeare 
yf the be not questioned for yt, for we haue not as yet strenght 
to resist them ; but, yf yt be lawfull for any on to take vp any 
of the place that I haue taken heare for your vse, you must 
not expecte to haue but litle Rome for a ship to fish heare 
when she Commeth with provision for vs and to take away 
the fish from vs that God shall send vs. You ar nothinge at 



1 63 



WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 



all the better for a patten for a fishinge place heare, yf another 
shall take yt from vs at their pleasure, and yt will make me vn- 
willinge to [proceed to take more fish than] we shall vse our 
selues ; therefore I will Intreat you to advice me In yt by the 
first Convenience you Can. Captaine Cammocke hath his 
lands bounded out to him by Captaine Neall, and he is to Com 
on the weste side of the River Spurwinke and to go vp a myle 
by the wester side of the River, and from thence, to Cros ouer 
to the place of the Riuer of Blacke Pointe. The last yeare 
heare was on that was a trader for bever that is now turned 
pirate, and hath done much spoyle heare In the Country : his 
Name is Bull.' He is on of London. He tookeaway from the 
plantation at Pemeguid as much goods and provisions as is val- 
ued to be worth fiue hundred pounds, and this Bull, yf winde 
and weather would haue giuen him leaue, had an Intent to Com 
heare at Richmon Hand to haue taken away their provisions 
also, and did purpose to haue on of their men, as they say ; ther- 
fore we must haue soram ordinance and provision for to defend 
our selues, doubtinge such [threats would harm men who are] 
for vs ; and to advice you of our voyage now In the Welcombe," 



1 Dixy Bull probably came to this 
country in 163 1, being associated, March 
2d of this year, with Sir Ferd. Gorges, 
Samuel Maverick, Seth Bull, " Citizen 
and Skinner of London," John Bull, 
"Son of the said Seth," and others, in a 
large grant of land bordering on the 
"Aquamentiquos" (York) River. He 
did not settle on his grant as a colonist, 
for we find him engaged in trade along 
the coast eastward. On one of these 
trading voyages his shallop and cargo 
were captured by the French, who 
caught him trading in their territory. 
To repair his fortunes, he raised the 
black flag, and ranged the coast plun- 
dering his former friends. Captain 
Clapp, as quoted by Prince, says : 
" There arose up against us one Bull, 
who went to the eastward trading, 
turned pirate, took a vessel or two, 



plundered some planters thereabouts, 
and intended to return into the bay 
and do mischief to our magistrates here 
in Dorchester and other places. But 
as they were weighing anchor (at Pem- 
aquid) one Mr. Short (Shurt) his men 
shot from the shore and struck the prin- 
cipal actor dead, and the rest were filled 
with fear and horror. These men fled 
eastwards, and Bull got into England ; 
but God destroyed this wretched man. 
Thus the Lord saved us from their 
wicked device against us." From a 
pedigree of the Bull family drawn in 
1620, their crest appears to have been a 
black bull, bearing a scroll in its mouth, 
inscribed " God is Cortues." Vide Win- 
throp, I 94. Maine Hist. Coll., V. 205. 
Records of the Council for New Eng- 
land, p. 57. Prince's Annals, p. 431. 
2 As an illustration of the supersti- 



24 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



U633- 



we haue taken abord the ship [at] this present 49 thousand of 
dry fysh, and I thinke we shall haue 10 or 1 1 thousand more, and 
we haue but 14 hundred of Cor' fish and 13 hodgheds of traine. 
I thinke we shall haue of dry fish and Cor fish, on and other, I 
thinke about 61 thousand or their abouts. We Came here som 
what of the latest. The Bastable man that had our stage had 
for 5 bootes 2 10 thousand of fish before our bootes went to sea. 
Mr. Gill, I hope, yf please God to send vs fair weather, wilbe 
ready to departe heare hence, about 4 dayes hence, and by him, 
God willinge, I will write you more at large, and God sendinge 
him well home, Can advice you how all things doth go with 
vs : so I haue not els to write you at present. The messenger 
being In hast to departe, I haue not the tyme to write my mind, 
so I rest. Your to hys power, 

IOHN WYNTER. 
I pray remember my loue to my wife. I haue not the time 
to write now at present vnto her. You may please, yf any of 
our Companys wyfes aske for their husbands, to tell them that 
they ar all In good health and all the rest of our Company. 

To his good frind Mr. Robert 

Trelawny, merchant, this be dd, 
in 
Plymoth. 




tion of the times, the account of the be- 
witchment of the Welcome by Winthrop 
is interesting. This vessel, riding before 
Charlestown, having eighty horses and 
ballast on board, and being about to 
sail for Barbadoes, was found to roll 
dangerously though the water was calm. 
The husband of a woman lately exe- 
cuted for witchcraft (this was nearly 
fifty years before the Salem troubles) 
had engaged passage on her, and the 
judges of the Court, then sitting at Bos- 
ton, hearing of the rolling of the ship, 
sent an officer to apprehend the man, 
" one of them saying that the ship would 
stand still as soon as he was in prison." 



It is gravely stated, that when the offi- 
cer reached the Welcome and presented 
his warrant, " She began to stop, and 
presently staid, and after he (the witch's 
husband) was put in prison, moved no 
more." Winthrop, II. 327. 

■ The dried fish sent to the West 
Indies is packed in casks, and is infe- 
rior in quality to that carried to Europe. 
The fish which is salted without being 
dried is termed Core-fish. Vide Her- 
liot through Canada, p. 31. Smith usts 
the same term in his Description of 
New England, p. 36. 

2 Boats. 



1634] WINTER TO TRELAWNV. 25 

WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 

Richmon Iland, the i8 th of June, 1634. 

Mr. Robert Trelawnye. 

Syr : Yt may please you to Vnderstand that I haue receaved 
sundry letterrs from you with the Invoyes of the goods sent 
by Mr. Pomeroy In the Hunter, and I haue receaved all the 
goods ashore except the 2 pece of ordinance 1 which ar vnder 
the salt. Yt had bin better that you had sent me malt and 
meale in steed of bread and beare, for I haue fitted our house 
heare at Richmon Iland to brew our beare and to bake our 
bread, & haue done yt all this yeare past. I hired a man a 
purpose for to do yt, but he is to serue me but this yeare. 
Our bread sent by Mr. Pomeroy doth proue good, but our 
beare very bad ; somm stinkes, som hodgheds h out, som 4 
or 5 gallons in a hodghed. Our barrells of wine you sent, 
somm lacke 5 Inches, som 4, & som but 3 Inches. The 2 
hodgheds of aquavite 2 lacke 5 Inches each of them ; the hodg- 
hed of oyle wanted 4 Inches ; the hodghed of veniger was 
filled into another hodghed abord the ship, and when yt Came 
ashore, yt wanted 8 Inches and not good neather. The dry 
goods Com well Conditioned, but their wanted 2 pair of shues 
& 2 pair of stockins & 2 shurtes of the account. The Coates 
ar good, but somwhat of the shortest, for the Indians make 
Choyse of the longest ; they pas best ; but the Coverletts are 
not for this Country ; they will not pas to the English nor to 
the Indians, for the must haue them soft & warme. The was- 
kotes ar made, most of them, to litle, otherwise they ar well 

' Which were to protect him against than 1671." Ben Jonson terms a dram- 

the "Bastable men" and other inter- seller an "aqua-vitae man." Vide 

lopers. Halliwell, in loco. "A sort of cordial 

2 Aqua-vitas. This was the general Licquor formerly made of brewed Beer 

term for ardent spirits, says Nares. strongly hopp'd, well fermented. Now 

" Irish aqua-vitae was usquebaugh, but it is commonly understood of Spirits 

brandy was a later introduction, nor Genava and the like." Bailey, A. D. 

has the latter term been found earlier 1730. 



26 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1634. 

Inough. The hatts ar sent without bands, or lined In the 
browes, which neather English nor Indian will weare them : 
therfore I pray send no more of them except the be better 
fitted, for I haue not put away on of them. The shurtes, 
shues, and stockins are fyt," only the shues ar most of them to 
litle, for the snow doth Case 2 the shues to shrinke. I haue 
receaued the goods sent by Captaine Smarte accordinge to his 
bill of ladinge. Mr. Pomeroy arrived heare the second of 
February, but yt is to late for the fishinge heare; the best 
fishinge we had heare this yeare was In January and Febru- 
ary. Yf you purpose to follow your fishinge heare, you must 
expect to haue your ship heare by Chrismas. Since March 
we haue had bad fishinge this yeare : we haue taken at pres- 
ent since Chrismas neare about 30 thousand fish, on & other; 
but I thinke we haue at lest 5 thousand hake and haddocke 
now : our later fish we take is much hake & haddocke. We 
tooke after Mr. Gill departed, before Chrismas, 13 thousand 
fish, most Cod, 3 & yt keepes very well ; yt we kept in house all 
this yeare. We haue not made aboue 3 hundred of Cor 4 fish 
all this yeare ; traine we haue made very litle accordinge to 
our fish. All the winter fish doth yeld very litle traine s ; we 
haue made but 5 hodgheds all this year. The bas was plen- 
tiest heare at the tyme we weare building our house, which 
was in July and August, that we had but litle tyme to saue 
any ; we did haue but 2 C Cor and dry ; but I hope we shall 

1 Suitable. selection of its aliment. The voracity 

2 Cause. of its appetite prompts it indiscrimi- 

3 " The Cod-fish," says Heriot, nately to swallow every substance which 
"whose abundance in these latitudes it is capable of gorging; even glass and 
has afforded for a series of years an iron have been found in the stomach of 
essential object of commercial enter- this fish, which by inverting itself has 
prise, is esteemed much more delicate the power of becoming disburdened 
than that found in the northern seas of of its indigestible contents." Travels 
Europe, although inferior to it in white- through Canada, p. 30. 

ness. The length of this fish usually * Salted, but not dried, — what are 

exceeds not three feet, and the con- now called corned. 

formation of its organs is such as to s Train oil is procured from the blub- 

render it indifferent with regard to the ber or fat of whales by boiling. Webster. 



1634] WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 27 

haue more this yeare. Mackrell ' wear heare plentiest in Sep- 
tember and October : we salted 8 hodgheds full & somwhat 
better, which did serue vs for baite all the winter, but towards 
March & Aprill they did not proue as good baite as the did 
before. The pilchards- wear a great deale better. I Cannot 
Vnderstand of any fish heare all this yeare that is any bene- 
fytt to be made of. I haue made triall of fishinge all this 
yeare. I had a boote to sea alwaies when their was weather 
for them to go to sea ; they did never mys a weeke, but they 
weare to sea 2 or 3 dayes in the weeke, & had alwaies fish, 
somtymes 30 fyshes, somtymes 40 fishes, & som tymes \ C ; 
only 2 weekes of Chrismas tyme we did forbeare : but the 7th 
of January all 3 bootes weare to sea againe, but had no fair 
weather before the 10th of January ; then they weare to sea all 
3 bootes, & we had for that seaford 3 of fish 5 C. all Cod : and 
so yt did Continue all January and till the 20th of February, 
when yt was weather to go to sea for yt. 

Now for tradinge busines with the Indians. I haue not re- 
ceaued from them since I Came to this land but thre skins, & 
that was 2 moneths after I Came hither ; and was for strong 
waters. 4 Heare hath not bin to this Hand one Indian all this 
yeare, nor to the maine to our house, that brought Any skins 

1 Wood says these were taken "with of the verb to fare, in the sense of going, 
drailes, which is a long, small line, with some of which approximate to ford. 
a leade and hooke at the end of it, being This precise form, however, I have not 
baited with a peece of red cloath: this seen. — Ed. 

kind of fish is counted a leane fish in 4 Josselyn says of the Indians: "Their 

England, but there [here] it is so fat drink they fetch from the Spring, and 

that it can scarce be saved against were not acquainted with other until the 

winter without reisting." French and English traded with that 

2 A fish resembling the herring, but cussed liquor Called Rum, Rum-bullion, 
thicker and rounder. "When they or kill-Devil. ... Thus instead of bring- 
are dried as red herrings they are ing of them to the knowledge of Chris- 
called Fumadoes." New England tianitie, we have taught them to commit 
Rarities, p. 67. Douglass says that the beastly and crying sins of our Na- 
" the pilchard is no where heard of but tion for a little profit." VideTvro'Voy- 
upon the coasts of Devonshire and ages, p. 108. "They have no law but 
Cornwall in England." Hist, of North nature. They are generally very loving 
America, Vol. I. p. 304, ed. 1755. and gentle." Vide Noua Britannia, in 

3 Sea-fare. There are various forms loco. 



28 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1634. 

to trade. I sent out a boote twyse this last winter and got 
not on ounce of bever from the Indians ; for [in] the winter 
tyme they Hue in the Country, and get no bever at all before 
the ponds do thaw. The tradinge heare aboutes with the 
Indians is not worth any thinge, for heare is no Indians Hues 
nearer vnto vs then 40 or 50 myles, except a few about the 
River of Salko. For the planters heare aboutes, yf they will 
haue any bever, must go 40 or 50 myles Into the Country 
with their packes on their backes, and put away most of their 
goods within a small matter as good Cheepe 1 as they pay for 
yt, [so] that yt is hardly worth their labour. I sent a man 
this yeare 2 voyages into the Country to put away som goods 
with the Indians, & he put away but one Coote, 3 waskotes, & 
3 shurtes, 2 pair of stockins, and did not get aboue a pound & 
h of bever more for yt then I sold yt for at home, and I was 
faine to giue an Indian to go his pilote In the Country more 
then I got by goinge there by this goods, only I bought a few 
Indian beads' & sent vp into the Country within, & by that he 
got som 6 pounds & i of bever, otherwise I should haue bin a 
loser by sendinge Into the Country. I bought som Coots and 
Ruggs 3 the last yeare after Captaine Smart arrived Into the 
Country, hopinge to haue put them away to the Indians the 
last winter & could not ; but now haue put away the Ruggs 
againe and 2 of the Cootes at the price I bought them heare. 

1 Equivalent to quite as. This form made up with Beads likewise to wear 

is not peculiar to John Winter, but was before their Breast. Their Hair they 

common at the time, as note New Combe backward, and tye it up short 

England's Prospect, p. 4: "There is with a Border, about two handfulls 

Wood good store and better cheape to broad, wrought in Works as the other 

build warm houses." with their Beads." N. E. Rarities, 

- Beads were much prized by the na- p. 157. Two Voyages, p. no. The 

tives, who used them to adorn their beads here referred to were probably 

women. Josselyn says that the Indian of native manufacture, "worked out of 

lasses were "Girt about the middle certain shells so cunningly that neither 

with a Zone, wrought with white and Jciu nor Devil can counterfeit"; but 

blew Beads into pretty Works ; of after beads of European manufacture 

these Beads they have Bracelets for were introduced, they were coveted 

the Neck and Arms, and Links to hang above everything but strong water, 
in their Ears, and a fair Table curiously 3 Coarse woollen coverings for beds. 



i6j4 ] WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 29 

Heare is such store of these goods brought heare by the Ins- 
table ships, that fills all the traders with goods, and the put yt 
away at such easy Rates that I thinke they hardly get any 
thinge by them : Cootes at 2 pounds of bever a peece ; Irish 
stockins" at 2 pounds of bever pr dosen, & good shurtes & 
waskotes at \ pound of bever a pece. The Indians ar now so 
well seen Into 2 our tradinge Commodities, that heare is litle 
to be got by yt ; for the traders do on vnder sell another & over 
throw the tradinge with the Indians altogether. The best 
tyme of trading with the Indians is best when we ar hopeful- 
lest for our best fishinge, [so] that we cannot attend yt, and I 
se those that do vse yt gets litle by yt, except those that haue 
houses In the rivers 3 to be with them Continually ; but I haue 
an Intent to send a boote to the eastward after the ship is 
gon, God willinge, to see what good is to be don at that sea- 
son. I haue put away almost as much of our sacke and aqua- 
vite 4 as I do purpose to put away before winter, and som bread 
& beare. I dare not put away much bread before I se how 
our harvest will proue, 5 for feare of wantinge, for our men 
Cannot worke [in] the winter without their bread. The hodg- 
hed of oyle is hear still. The planters haue so litle bever, that 
they Cannot do as the haue don : heere hath bin never a ship 
from the Virginia 6 this yeare. 

' Much used at this time. Wood s Respecting the fertility of the soil, 

advises all coming to New England to vide Memoir of Samuel de Champlain, 

bring a supply of "Good Irish Stock- Vol. I. p. 48: " De Monts and Cham- 

ings, which if they be good are much plain made an excursion upon the shore, 

more serviceable than knit ones." where their eyes were refreshed by fields 

N. E. Prosp., p. 57. of waving corn and gardens of squashes, 

s So well understand. beans, and pumpkins, which were then 

3 I. e. trading-posts along the rivers bursting into flower." Vide, also, New 

where they were first established, water- England's Prospect, p. 14. 
courses furnishing them the only means 6 The colonists of Virginia carried 

of transportation and communication. on a trade with their Northern neigh- 

* " Sacke and aquavite." The fish- bors at this early date. Smith says in 

ermen drank to excess, spending a large Advertisements for the Unexperienced, 

part of their earnings for intoxicants, so p. 18, "To those of New England may 

that Winter drove a thriving trade in it not be a great comfort to haue so 

the articles named. Vide Josselyn's neare a neighbor of their o»ne Nation 

Voyages, p. 61. that may furnish them with their roots 



30 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



[1634- 



Now for our land busines. I am in good hope yt will proue 
well with the helpe of fishinge : for the last year I did not sett 
nor sow any seed, but yt did proue very well. I had the last 
yeare neare about 10 hodgheds of Corne, 1 and the most part of 
yt very good Corne : the worst was good for our pigs [in] the 
winter. Our pigs did spend the last winter at lest 6 hodgheds 
of Corne : for In Chrismas tyme I had 5 sowes that had younge 
pigs, and I was desirous to breed as many of them as I Could 
to Increase our stocke. We bred 21, [so] that we weare faine 
to giue them meat, & the sowes also, tyll the beginninge of 
Aprill, that the ground was open to the frost ; but for the 
other pigs that weare bread the last yeare, we gaue them no 
meat at all all this winter, but they did get their meat them- 



and fruits much better than from Eng- 
land." 

1 Corn played a most important part 
in the diet of the early colonists. Vide 
Josselyn's quaint description, Two Voy- 
ages, p. 59. The term is not used here 
in its European sense, but is restricted 
to maize, called by some writers Guinea 
wheat. The Indian name was eachim- 
mineash. It is without doubt indige- 
nous to the western continent, and was 
found by early explorers growing every- 
where between the Gulf of Mexico and 
the great Northern lakes. It is remark- 
able that early travellers in other parts 
of the world have not mentioned it, 
although an Asiatic origin has been 
claimed for it. " In our discourse on 
plants," says Acosta in his " Natural 
and Moral History of the Indies," 1596, 
Lib. IV. Ch. 16, "we will begin with 
those which are proper and peculiar to 
the Indies. As wheat is the most com- 
mon grain for the use of man in the old 
world, so in the new found world the 

most common grain is mays God 

hath imparted to every region what is 
needful. To this continent he hath 



given wheat, which is the chief nourish- 
ment of man ; and to the Indians he 
hath given mays, which hath the second 
place to wheat, for the nourishment of 
man and beasts." It is described by 
Oviedo and Ramusio, but nowhere pre- 
vious to the voyage of Columbus hither. 
Its prolificness is everywhere mentioned 
by early writers, and the methods of its 
cultivation described, which were al- 
most precisely like those now followed. 
Says Higginson : " It is almost incredi- 
ble what great gaine some of our Eng- 
lish Planters have had by our Indian 
Corne. The setting of 13 Gallons of 
Corne hath had increase 52 Hogs- 
heads, euerie Hogshead holding seven 
Bushels of London measure, and euerie 
Bushel was sold and trusted to the In- 
dians for so much Beauer as was worth 

IS shillings, 8 pence There is not 

such great and beautiful eares of Corne, 
I suppose, any where else to be found 
but in this Countrey, being also of a 
variety of colours, as red, blew, and 
yellow." Vide New England's Planta- 
tion, in Force's Tracts, I. xii. 6. 



1634] WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 31 

selues & kept themselues in very good Case, for this winter 
was a very fair winter, and we haue at the maine store of 
Acrons, & glames" in the River, that the pigs feed vppon. 
Our River is not frozen all the winter, by the meanes yt is all 
salt water, the fresh is but litle. We haue now at the maine 2 
neare about 70 pigs, young and old, & I hope we shall haue 
more very shortly. I hope for this Company that we haue, 
we shall not need to haue any porke sent to vs the next yeare, 
and I hope the next yeare after yt wilbe plentier, when the 
pigs ar growen to som bignes. I hope we shall kyll 9 or 10 
this winter season, yf we lose none of them, for they feed 
themselues when the Acrons 3 do fall. 

Now for our buildinge and plantinge. I haue built a house 
heare at Richmon Hand that is 40 foote in length & 18 foot 
broad within the sides, besides the Chimnay, & the Chimnay 
is large with an oven in each end of him, & he is so large that 
we Can place our Chittle 4 within the Clavell pece. 3 We Can 
brew & bake and boyle our Cyttell 4 all at once in him with the 
helpe of another house that I haue built vnder the side of our 
house, where we sett our Ceves & mill & morter 6 In to breake 
our Corne & malt & to dres our meall in, & I haue 2 Chambers 
in him, and all our men lies in on of them, & every man hath 

1 Clams. Wood sings of cle of food for their swine. Vide Josse- 

" The Indian Squaw, lyn's Voyages, p. 147, and Winthrop, 

Which to the flats daunce many a winters Jigge, I. 108. 

To dive for Cocles, and to digge for Clamms, 4 " Chittle " and " Cyttell." Though 

Wherebyherlazziehusbandsgutssheecramms," {he custQm prevailed of spelling by 

and afterwards continues, more soberly, sound, we can hardly understand how 

" These fishes be in great plenty in most Winter could spell so common a word 

parts of the Countrey, which is a great as kettle in ways so unlike as he has 

commoditie for the feeding of Swine, here, in the same breath, 

both in winter and Summer, for being s " Clavell pece." Mantelpiece. Vide 

once used to those places, they will re- Halliwell, /'// loco. 

paire to them as duely every ebbe, as if 6 Sieves and mill and mortar. Grist- 

they were driven to them by keepers." mills were not erected in this locality 

Vide N. E. Prosp., pp. 36 and 39. Also, till many years after this date. The 

Williams's Key. corn was first broken in a mortar, then 

- On the place from which Cleeve ground in a hand-mill similar to the 

and Tucker had been ejected. coffee-mills now in use, and afterwards 

3 Acorns furnished an important arti- sifted. 



32 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1634. 

his Close horded Cabbin': and I haue Rome Inough to make 
a dozen Close borded Cabbins more, yf I haue need of them, & 
in the other Chamber I haue Rome Inough to put the ships 
sailes into and all our dry goods which is in Caske, and I haue 
a store house in him that will hold 18 or 20 tonnes of Caske 
Underneath : & vnderneath I haue a Citchin for our men to 
eat and drinke in, & a steward Rome that will hold 2 tonnes 
of Caske which we put our bread & beare into, and every one 
of these romes ar Close with loockes & keyes vnto them. At 
the maine we haue built no house, but our men Hues in the 
house that the old Cleues = built, but that we haue fitted him 
som what better, and we haue built a house for our pigs. We 
haue paled 1 into the maine a pece of ground Close to the house 
for to set Corne in, about 4 or 5 akers as neare as we Can 
Judge, with pales of 6 fote heigh, except the pales that the old 
Cleues did sett vp, which is but 4 foote & i ; he had paled of 
yt about an aker & ^ before we Came their, & now yt is all 
sett with Corne and pumkins : 4 I haue an Intent, God willinge, 
to send home the bever that I haue by Mr. Pomeroy. He 

1 Winter's term for a bunk. These James, granting to any of his subjects 

bunks were narrow, only wide enough who settled in the New World a certain 

for one man, and placed one above portion of land, and by a grant from 

another along the sides of the room. Richard Bradshaw, to whom a patent 

= George Cleeve probably came to had been given, by the Council, of land 
this country as early as 1630. He was on the " Pashippscot," and to whom 
known to Gorges, who had promised delivery had been made by Neal, 
him a grant of land in the New World. Gorges's agent, of land on the Spur- 
Winter had doubtless been at Rich- wink, in lieu of the Pejepscot. Armed 
mond's Island before the date of Tre- with a patent, and put into legal pos- 
lawny's patent, had returned to England, session, he had ejected Cleeve, who had 
and probably by his representations to settled on the peninsula now the site 
Trelawny, who was on good terms with of the city of Portland. It will be seen, 
members of the Council of Plymouth, later on, that this act led to much 
had prompted him to obtain the right to trouble, which continued while Winter 
build stages and other conveniences for lived, and long after his death, 
fishing on Richmond's Island, and a 3 Fenced with poles, pointed and 
grant of a portion of the main land driven into the ground, 
opposite, including the territory upon * Pumpkins, or Pompions as Josse- 
which Cleeve had settled with his part- lyn and other old writers called them, 
ner, Tucker, and which he claimed a furnished " the ancient New England 
title to under a proclamation of King standing dish." N. E. Rarities, p. 14S. 



1&34-] WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 33 

will be ready to departe hence about the beginninge of July. 
By him I shall write you at large. I am doubtfull to advice of 
any thinge that you shall send the next yeare by this Convey- 
ence. I was yll dealt with all the last year by Conveyinge my 
letters : the Barnestable men do not favour our prosedings. 
I know not the Case of yt. I haue an Intent, God willinge, 
to Com home for England the next yeare, and I think so will 
all our Company that ar heare with me ; they ar much desir- 
ous to go home this yeare, but yf you do resolue to keepe forth 
fishinge heare you may please to agree with men at home, for 
I thinke they are to be hired better Cheepe at home then the 
will be heare, to Com out in the shipe for the voyage, and to 
agre with them for the tyme the shall stay heare after the 
voyage is ended ; and they must be good, Carefull, plyable' 
fishermen, or els I doubt the will do but little good, and you 
shall do well to haue yt vnder their handes for the perform- 
ance of their promyse ; otherwise, when they Com heare, they 
will forget their promyse and slacke their busines. I shall 
write you by Mr. Pomery what men I shall agree with all after 
this next yeare, yf you purpose to go onwardes in the planta- 
tion, which I thinke you shall not do well to let yt ly deed" 
when yt doth begin to liue. You wrote to me, yf that we 
weare not like to do any good heare, that I should sell and 
bringe away all In the ship : that Cannot I well do now, for 
hear will be store of salt left, and I haue provision to serue 
till the returne of the next fishinge season, and I haue much 
of your goods to put away yet, and we ar settled heare to the 
Hand with house Rome, and to the maine, with ground and 
Corne when [it shall] please God to send the harvest ; and 
we ar likly to haue store of pigs, and Cattell 3 would proue well 
yf they weare heare. This is the 4"' letter 4 I haue written you 

1 Easily bent to his wishes. mas and turnd out to feed will be fat in 

2 Dead. a moneths time, & is as good meat as a 

3 "Goats were the first small cattle weather." Josselyn's Voyages, p. 147. 
they had in the Countrey ; he was count- Vide also N. E. Prosp., pp. 4 r > 45- 

ed nobody that had not a Trip or Flock 4 Vide Appendix No. V. for two of 
of Goats. A hee-Goat gelt at Michael- these letters. 

3 



34 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1634. 

of our prosedings, [which] you may please to Consider of, and 
by the next Convergence to advice me what you purpose to 
do In yt. I hope by our prosedings hear you shalbe no loser, 
God sending a safe returne ; but what is lost by the ship, that 
Cannot I hclpe. They that Com to this Country a fyshing 
must be plyable men, or els the will go home with losses ; 
so not [more] els at present, but end and rest. 

Yours to his power, 

JOHN WYNTER. 
To the right worshipfull Robert 
Trelawney, Mayor of 
Plymoth, this be dd. 
in 

Plymouth. 




°>3 


07 


00 


014 


00 


00 


002 


00 


00 



INVOICES AND ACCOUNTS 

ACCOMPANYING THE FOREGOING LETTER. 

An Inuoice of what goods Sent Mr. Winter in the Hunter, Mr. 
Edwin Pomeroye, for the accompt of the Plantation Called Rich- 
mans Island in Newingland. 

£ s d 
Imprimvs 3 hhds of beef from No. 1 to 3 qt 16 C 2 qr 

22lb, at 16s the hundred, Amounts to 
2 hhds of aquauite No. 4: 5 at 7s p' hhds Is 
1 hhd of viniger No. 6, at 40s p' hhd is 
I hhd, 1 barrill of pork, No. 7 : 21 qt 5 C. 3 qr 
at 22s p' C. is the some off 006 06 06 

22 to 29 No. 8 barrils of Malaga sacke, 1 qt 2 Butts 141b 

p' butt is 
8 to 17 No. for 9 barrills 1 hhd of pease qt 22 buz at 9s is 

for 1 hhd of oyles No. 18 at 91b p' hhd is 
No. 19, 20 for 2 barrills of Irish beefe at 30s p' barrl 

1 This was a sweet wine sometimes duced from grapes having little sugar, 

called Canary sack. The word " sack " which, becoming decomposed, is re- 

— Fr. sec, or dry — was a name given to placed by alcohol. Such wine, having 

any Spanish white wine, but must not no sweetness, is called sec : hence sherry 

be confused with what is now termed is notably sec, or dry. Vide Wines from 

sack. Wine is called dry which is pro- the Earliest Ages, etc., London, 1S64. 



028 


00 


00 


009 


18 


00 


009 


00 


00 


003 


00 


00 



I634-] 



INVOICES AND ACCOUNTS. 



35 



10 

08 



00 
00 



iS 
03 



02 

00 
12 00 
00 00 



No. 30 for one hhd of gores,' qt 4 buz at 7s 6d is 

No. 31 for one Barrill of kettells, qt 961b at 1 id is 

No. 33, 34, 35 ffor 3 hhds of dry ware wherein are 40 coats 
and 30 wastcoats which cost 
" in the same 24 ruggs cost p' note 
" in the same 12 shurts cost 
" in that 6 doz of Irish stockins 
" therm 4 Irish ruggs at is 

" 5 1- doz of shoes at is 

" the Corne Mill cost is 

for Seeds cost 
" 3 boats hookes is 

ffor I C. of smale shott ffor fowling pece 
for 10 pr of garters 2 
" Spilting cloth, 5 ydes at 
" ther goeth 2 Roman beames' loose, cost 
" ther goeth 1 1 doz 1 Knife in A box & cost 
" ther goeth 2 doz of hatts which cost 
ffor the ham p' the box and portaidg 4 to 

the carryers at Exon is 000 02 05 

ffor the bringing heer — — — 

for the 5 buz Salt used In selting beef — — — 

for 100 lb of candell at d p' lb Is — — — 

for the hay and goats sent is — — — 

for a whip with 2 thurt sacs, vile & wrest 5 — — — 

for peices of ordinance with the Carridgs — — — 

for 6 gallons of butter at 9s p' gallon 2 14 00 

" 1 peck of Mustard seed at p' peck — — — 

" 10 lb of Marrh, 6 I qr papryall,? & 2 pr 

bandelers 8 — — — 



001 

004 

036 
006 
002 
003 



002 
000 
000 

000 
002 
003 



06 04 

10 00 

0.8 06 

03 04 

05 00 

00 03 

04 00 



1 Spelt elsewhere girtes. Probably 
crushed oats. Ilalliwell calls ground 
grain sifted out, which is next finer than 
bran, shorts. This word is expressed by 
the German Kurtz, which seems to be 
nearly allied to the word girtes, often 
used by Winter. Cf. Groats, Grits. 

- The stockings were gartered at the 
knee, and the garters fastened in a large 
bow on one side. Vide Hist. British 
Costume, XXIV. 275. 

3 Steelyards. 

< I. e. carriage. 



s A whipiui/h two thwart sa-os, file, and 
rest. All the lumber at this time had to 
be sawed by hand, and a whip-saw was 
used for this purpose. The saw was set 
in a frame or " whip," and was worked 
by two persons, laboriously dividing the 
timber lengthwise into boards. 

6 Myrrh. 

i Paper Royal. A large kind of pa- 
per in use at this time, usually twenty 
by twenty-five inches or more in size. 

8 A bandoleer was a belt with small 
cases to contain each a charge of pow- 



36 THE TRELAWNY TAPERS. [1634. 

ffor 1 barrill of powder — — 

" 4 Musketts, 1 with a snapence 1 & 2 pr — — — 

bandelers — — 

" 15 tco. of beer at 8s p 1 hhd is 24 — — 

60 of bisquett at 13s p' C is 39 — — 

" all Riggin for 3 boats at blocks — — — 

ffor oakum for his boats — — 

for 1 barrill of tarr — — 

" 1 barrill of pitch, qt 300II3 at p' lb is — — — 

" 1 hhd of fumathe pilchards 2 Is — — — 

" 20 lb muskett shott at is — — — 



The Plantation Owes, viz. : — 

Payd M r Winter & his Comp- or. bills of e ic'.ic a t 156 — S — 3- 

-" my Scrv'. Harry's share is — h — 9 — g- 

" pd Owing Pomeroy for his Charg 

" to the gunner & to the boatson all 

" for Custome of beaver, & trayne, with the fees all 

" pd Nicolas Langworthy <)£ 

" pd Jno. Baddeuer, 8.6 besides the fish 4^ 

" pd Tlio: Alger 40s besides the fish "]£ 

" for the Carpenters hire, 2 of them, & for a hird man, 

& my 2 servants 
16 2 hhd beere * 4. To Ed: Fishcocke with adventure is 

— 3s. 1 id. for flesh * to his wiefe since 20s 

— is. 6d. for oyle * to Henry Roberts & his wiefe is in all 

— 2s. od. for flesh The whoole cost of shipe & Planta- 
■ — 2s. 6d. for locks tion as itt stands in my booke is 2 

— Ss. 2d. for Victells & beere Pitty 1 charges pd as p' c'tra 4 

— 4s. od. for butter for 2 Carpenters hire is 

— 4s. 6d. for helpe in for my 3 shares at 5.6 5s 

der, formerly worn by musketeers. This haan, i. e. Snap-lock, was the first rude 

belt was worn over the left shoulder, improvement of the matchlock, which 

and at the bottom of the belt, at the was fired off, like a cannon, with a 

right hip, were hung the bullet-bag and match. It struck fire with a flint, but 

priming-box. They were superseded at had no cover to the pan, which was a 

the close of the seventeenth century by later invention, considered of great im- 

the cartridge and cartridge-box. Vide portance, as it really was. 

Meyrick, III. 77. British Costume, = Smoked pilchards. 

p. 273. 3 Petty. 

1 The Snaphance, or Dutch Snap- * I. e. as per contra. 



TJ 





-96 


I 


12 


OO 


4 


2 





8 


00 


OO 


2 


00 


OO 


9 


04 


00 


1 


00 


00 


4 


16 


00 


5S7 


07 


°3i 


.1 


~ -1 


s\~r 


^ 


--» 


" f 


— t 


— 


% -"" 


■ y 


, H 


^~ 



1634] 



INVOICES AND ACCOUNTS. 



37 



— 5s. od. for w" of Vien pd price pr Mr. Winter & his Comp* 

— 2s. 6d. for locks 

— 5s. 6d. landing trayne 

— 4s. od. I pd portaidge of fish 

— 4s. od. Canvas to packe beaver 
63s. 7d. 

10s. to Ric: Pynnes wiefe the gunner 
5s. to wiefe of the Towne 

Stocke The shipe as shee Comes from Sea 
Cash p -|- By Jackson owing by bill 
Oliuer p -j- By 200 of beaver at I is is 
Potter p -|- By 6 Autor skinnes worth 
Spry p + By 793 kintalls of Cod & hadocke 12s p' q tM 
Setten p -\- By 49 kintalls of Cod at 6s p' kintall 
Stocke p -\- By 4 hhds of trayne 12^ p' tunne is 
Spry p -f- By 530 Kintalls Cod & hadock Hunter my 1" 
Spry p -f By 57 Kjntalls of Refuse 1 at 5s 6d 
Setten p -)- By 124I Kintalls of Correfish at 5s 
Stocke p -\- By S hhds of trayne my § of itt 
Cash By the Comp a of the Hunter owing 



167 17 



660 


00 


00 


16 


00 


00 


10S 


00 


00 


2 


00 


00 


475 


16 


00 


14 


14 


00 


12 


00 


00 


3>S 


00 


00 


15 


13 


06 


31 


00 


00 


16 


00 


00 


14 


09 


09 


1691 


13 


03 



Advent' 



20 dozen of kniues 


12s. 


Jno. Leach 


Beades to the Value of 


6s. 


Jno. Westawaye 


2 V bisquite 


6s. 


Jno. Celby 


6 hhds pease 


I2S. 


Ric: Skelton 


3 doz large shoes 


6s. 


Jno. Basly 


2 doz wastcoates 


6s. 


Jno. Conny 


3 doz strong shirtes 


6s. 


Geo: Sanders 


2 doz Irish stockings 


6s. 


And: Baker 


a butt of Malaga 


6s. 


Hen: Westaway 


2 hhds aquavits 


6s. 


Tho: Hore 


1 hhd of Vinnager 


6s. 


Mic Light 


1 hhd of good girtes 3 


6s. 


Chr: Weymouth 


30 yds stronge Canvas 


3s- 


Rog. Pearse 


threed, leather, thongs' 


4s. 


Chr: Quash 


sparrabills 4 & brads, shott 


6s. 


Pet. Cole 



Mr. Pomeroy owes 
1 iS 4 for Tho: 
Raclden 



1 I. e. rejected fish. 

■ Vide antes, p. 35, note I. 

' Thongs were leather straps. 

4 Shoemakers' nails. So called be- 



cause they resemble in form sparrows' 
bills. Spelt by Dekker and Wilbrtiham 
Sparrowiils. 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



[i634- 



Mrs. Pomeroy is allowed of 
the Comp- 1 for th' adven- 
ture of Monny p d for 
hird mens 3 wages. 



6 howes, 4 axes 96s. 

2 good Viles for the Sawes 4 16s. 
a pound of weeke yearne ' 
a doz pound of beeting tywnne* 

Some barke 4 for the netts 

Malt, hopes, Meall, beafe, 

3. 10 Dew to the owners 

1. 13. 3. d. in y c Sinnamon for Corber 
1. 13. 3. d. in Sinnamon for the Surgion 
1. 13. 3. d. in Sinnamon for the Carpenter 
1. 13. 3. d. for his servant 



9- 9 

4- Q2- 9 



40 

3 

120 

"6~ 

7o 

35S 

5- 

40- 

62 

31 
5 



6. 13. o. d. 

12. 00. o. d. for 4 shares 
18. 13. o. d. Dew to vs out of 
the Sinnamon for S shares 
in the Salt 



pa hirdmens wages on M 
Pomeroys rects. 
•Ric: Downinge 
Drgory Hugh 
RobNGilbert . 
Art 1 : DiHner . 
Alex: loue: 
Ric: Corber.' 
Geo. Perden 
Tho: Dunns 
Rob. Waymou* 
Jos: Crase 
Steph: Wnitcombe 
W" H<-fborne . 
Thof Arrosmith 
Toker . . 




1 Wick-yarn for lamps. 

- Marline, or rope-yarn, from beting, a 
rope or cable. Vide Eosworth's Anglo- 
Saxon Diet., London, 1SS1, in loco. 

3 Hired men. 



4 This was to float the edges of the 
fishermen's nets. The bark of the 
cork tree has been so used from a very 
early date. Pliny mentions it as in use 
in his time. 




Fold-out 
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future date. 




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future date. 



1 634-] 



INVOICES AND ACCOUNTS. 



39 



An accounte of ouer fyshe mad out of the Hunter, 1634. 

Delyuered vnto Arter Sprye of cood ' 28600 — 516 

Delyuered vnto him of hadox 04000 and 

20 Kupelles - which wayed 44 ke 

Refused fyshe and polockes put abord the French bark 2700 

which wayed 42 ke 

landed in youre seller' of refues fyshe 

mor you haue reseued of cor fyshe 118 

of trayn oyell you haue reseued 2 tounes. 
the Kompany has reseued of good Rod 10000 wayd 19S ke 
the Kompany has reseued of hades 4 02400 
and 28 Kupell= wayed 27 ke 

reseued of refues and poollocke 28 ke 

reseued Coorfyshe 5 54 ke 



Haddocke Cod 


d 






owner- Comp a owner- 


Couip' 






34 q tes 1 7 q lCb 80 q'^ 


40 q'"= s 






20 10 112 


56 






42 Refuse 21 of Refuse 120 


60 






96 48 60 


4' 






14' 


198 






113 

516 q ,es m'chantable at 




516 

1 98 




96 q ,K haddocks & refuse at 12 s p' 


367. 04. 00 


7H 




15 q ,es of very bad refuse at 5" 6 1 p' 


4. 02 06 


238 




1 28 q tes of Corre Cod ) 
10 q tcs of Corre pollocke ) at 9 s 6' 1 p' lb. 


is 35 04. 00 


40 
198 






406. 10. 06 

118 
6 




23S 

238 

476 

54 


More my f & 7 shares of 24^ for Trayne 


is 150 




530 


" my § of , & all others hire & charge & \ 


6 




for Carpenters & hirdmens wages is 


\ 450 
75 


700 






525 


35° 




[Indorsed :] 


26 


17 




Touching the Hunters & Plantations fish Rd in Septemb 


. 1634. 




Out of the Hunter, Mr. Owin Pomeroye. 






1 Arthur Spry, of Cod. * 


Scotch Haddie ; the 


same as 


Had- 


" Cupella, — a small cask. dock. 






5 Your cellar. 5 


Equivalent to corned fish. 





lb. 


S. 


d. 


45 


iS 


00 


34 


oS 


06 


40 


00 


00 



40 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1634. 

An account what third parte of the money of the fish an traine 
and pease made home vpon bills to be devided amonge our Com- 
pany, being 13 shares heare in New England for this yeares worke, 
the som beinge 1491b. 4s. divided into 13 shares is nib. 9s. 6d. 
■$ share accordinge to the price agreed. 

4. Imprimis for the owner 4 shares which at 1 lib. 9s. 6d. 

lb. s. d. p' share is 451b. iSs. od. 

3. p cl 34 8 6 " for my selfe and 2 servantes, 3 shares at 
1 lib. 9s. 6d. p' share is 341b. 8s. 6d. 

1. " more for my wages for the yeare 

" Thomas Dustin is to haue a share and 
4lb. in money, which doth amount vnto 
151b. 9s. 6d. and he is to allow out of yt 
for provisions bought of me heare in the 
Country, 10s. 8d., so ther remeaneth due 
vnto him 14 18 10 

1. p' 1 6 18 10 "Mathew Cannage is to haue a share and 
3lb. in money, which doth amount vnto 
141b. 9s. 6d., and he is to allow out of 
yt for provisions bought of me heare in 
the Country and money paid for him, 
lib. us. od., so ther remeaneth due 
vnto him 13 08 10 

1. p' 1 696 "Henry Townesend is to haue a share and 
3lb. in money, which doth amount vnto 
141b. 9s. 6d., and he is to allow out of 
[yt] for provisions bought of me heare in 
the Country and paid for him in money, 
lib. ns. od., so ther remeaneth due 
vnto him 12 1 8 06 

1. p' 1 5 05 5 "Arture Heard is to haue a share and 
20 shillings in money, which doth 
amount vnto I2lb. 09s. 6d., and he is 
to allow out of yt for provisions bought 
of me heare in the Country and paid for 
him in money, 2lb. 04s. oid., so their 
remeaneth due vnto him 10 05 05 

1. p' 1 5 12 6 "Peter Gill is to haue a share which doth 
amount vnto 1 lib. 9s. 6d., and he is to 
allow out of yt for money laid out for 
him, and provisions bought of me heare 



1634] INVOICES AND ACCOUNTS. 4 1 

in the Country, 4s. 4cl., so ther remean- il>. s. d. 
eth du vnto him 11 05 02 

J "Charrells Hatch is to haue a £ share and 

3lb. 5s. in money, which doth amount 

vnto 81b. 14s. gd., and he is to allow out 

lb. s . a. of yt this money for provisions bought 

p' 1 2 17 09 of me heare in the Country, lib. 3s. 4d. 

more ; he is allow for 2lb. 3 quarters of 
bever laid out for him heare for Clothes, 
and he is to allow for yt the paie that yt 
goeth for in England, and the rest is to 
be paid at his maister : his maisters name 
is Clemet Penwill & dwelleth at Newton 
Ferrers, to allow [3s. 4d. p' lb. beauer 
in all 31b. Rests' 5 14 09 

pi i 15 3 "John Hoskin is to haue 51b. wages, and he 
is to allow out of yt for provisions bought 
of me heare in the Country and money 
laid out for him heare, lib. 9s. 9d., so 
ther remeaneth due vnto him 03 10 03 



34 








40 






14 


18 


10 


'3 


oS 


10 


12 


18 


6 


10 


5 


5 


1 1 


s 


2 


5 


14 


9 


3 


10 


3 


9 


18 





156 


08 


3 



Thomas Kinge our Carpenter, is to haue I lib. 
p' 1 his Mr. $• yeare for his wages, and he is to allow 

Nic: Langworthy for provisions bought of me heare in the 
gib. iSs. ood. Country and money laid out for him heare, 
19s., and he is to pay the Carpenter of the 
Hunter, Thomas Treleage, 3s. for tooles 
bought of him ; so the whole is lib. 2s., 
which is laid out for him, & their remean- 
eth due vnto him 91b. iSs. to be paid vnto 

' I. e. in all 3 pounds remains due. The exact meaning of this account is as 
follows : — £ s. a. 

Charles Hatch is to have | share, value of 5 9 9 

And also in money 3 5 £ s - a 

= 8 14 9 

Deduct advanced for provisions 1 3 4 

Paid for clothes for him in heaver 23 lbs. @ 13s. 4d. per lb. 1 16 8 

= 3 

There remains due him 5 '4 9 



9 


i8 




7 


IS 


6 


17 


13 


6 


ii 






6 


7 


6 



42 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1634. 

his maister, Nicholas Langworthy of Ston- ib. s. d. 

house 09 18 00 

I pray pay the 3s. to the Carpenter, 
p'by Mr. Winter. Rowland Okers is to haue £ share 2lb 10s. 
in money, which doth amount vnto 
7lb. 19s. 9d., and I do pay his £ share 
and money heare in the Country. 07 19 09 

This is all our Company that do worke 
with vs heare vpon our fishinge, except 
your servant Henry, and for him and the 
money which you are to pay besides the 
shares and halfe shares, I do allow 
the fower shares before mensioned on 
the other side of the leaue. 

I haue giuen to every on of the Com- 
pany that ar to receaue their money from 
you, a bill out of this account before men- 
sioned, to shew vnto you for their moneys 
and I will Intreat you that yt may be paid 
accordinge to our tyme of agrement, that 
yt may giue them the better stomache 1 
to follow their busines heare with me : 
So God keep you." 

[Indorsed in handwriting of Robert Trelawny :] 
A Noat of Monnyes Dew 
to Mr. Winter & his Comp a 
for their hire & shares. 
Rd by the Hunter, 7 th Aug. 1634. 



6 06 6 



The 7* of Aug. 1634. 

Receaued by the Hunter from Jno. Winter, Gouvernor of my Plan- 
tation, at Richmonds Hand in New Ingland, this particulars fol- 
lowing. 

ffirst a bill of Rob: Jacksonn & Wm. Chappell for 

In 2 hhds 6 Autors skinnes q' 61b. £ worth lis. p' lb 

" 202 lb. of beaver skinnes worth us. p' lb. 

A Noate of particulars of Monny Owing by the Comp' of 
the Hunter, for prouisions deliured them by Mr. Winter 14 09 09 

1 " He which hath no stomach to this fight, 
Let him depart." — SHAKESi'EAKii. 



Ib. 


s. 


d. 


16 


OO 


00 


3 


I I 


06 


II 


02 


00 



q< 742 Kintalls 


lb. 


s. 


d. 




389 


05 


OO 


55 Kintalls at 









1634.] INVOICES AND ACCOUNTS. 43 

ios.6d. More. 40 V 9 C 16 drye Coddfishes 
at 10s. 6d. p' q' 
" 4 V 1 C 1919 dry haddocks q 1 

9s. 6d. p' q tes 26 02 06 

for wast " 3 C 1 q' dry pollocks q' 9 Kintalls at s p' q tes 

" 3S7 fishes of Corr Codd q' 49 q lcs at 4s. p' q' e5 9 16 
for wast " So Corre pollocke worth 

" 4j hhds of trayne at iolb. — p' Tunne is 
330 By Smarte, Wellcome & formerly The whole Retorne is 
2S2 6 4 d. by the Hunter — To be p d Mr. Winter & 

125 4 6 d. by the James — his Comp a 

737 10 10 In all y" Plantation Rests to be made good to the 
46 2 S by the Wellcome Ace" of the Plantation in all 



10 


10 


580 


19 


156 


s 


424 


II 06 



7S3 13 6d. 



Prouisions to be sent Jno. Winter (God willing) the next season, 20 doz 
of strong kniues, a doz pound beeting twinne 1 — Some barke, 2 8 new 
netts. Malt, hoppes, & Meall in steed of bread & beere, 3 V of bisquite 
for trade, 7 hhds of pease. 2 or 3 doz of large shoes, 3 doz of wast coates, 

3 or 4 doz of strong shirtes, 2 doz of irish stockings, 2 doz of Coates, 2 doz 
of Bastab. ruggs.' 2 Butts of Sacke, 2 hhds aquavitas, 1 hhd of vinnagen 
2 hhds of good girtes, 4 5 or 6 pec of strong Northren Mellys Cloth, & some 
strong Canvas, threed, leather, thongs, sparrabills & brads, 6 shott, 6 howes, 

4 axes, 2 good viles for the sawes, a pound of weake yearne. 

Wants of wyne, 

156 8 3 I am to paye Mr. Winter & his Comp^ 1 for of vinnager, 

theire hire & shares, besides what Mr. Winter hath paid " F r . ' 

r 2 p r stoc, 

them there, & my servants here, which is nib. 9s. 6d. 2 shirts. 

[Indorsed :] 

Goods reed at Richmonds Island. 



1 Marline. Vide antea, p. 38, note 2. 4 Vide antea, p. 35, note I. 

2 Vide antea, p. 38, note 4. 5 Northern mixed cloth, from me//, to 

3 Bed covers of a coarse, shaggy fab- mix. French, meter. Vide Halliwell, 
ric, much used at this time, otherwise in loco. 

called Devonshire rugs. c Vide antea, p. 37, notes 3 and 4. 



44 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1634- 

WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 

Richmon Iland, the 7 th of July, 1634. 
Mr. Robert Trelawny. 

Syr: Yt may please you to vnderstand that they Hunter 
Departed hence the third of July. God send her a safe Con- 
duckt. I haue written you by sundry Conveyance how all 
thinges doth go with vs, and by Mr. Pomery at large : herin 
Inclosed I haue sent you the bills of ladinge of such goods & 
money as we haue made this yeare. We had bad fishinge this 
sommer ; we find the wynter fishinge to be best. Mr. Pome- 
roy hath made a poore voyage ; he was heare at reasonable tyme, 
but busines hath not gon well with them ; he arrived heare the 
second of February, but to late for fishinge hear, as the yeares 
do fall out, to make a voyage. He tells me that he hath but 
50 thousand fish, Cor and dry, on and other. Receaved from 
him 254 hodgheds of salt, with som other nessessaryes and 
provisions kept, that will do pleasure for another yeare, and 
haue giuen him a receat for yt of the perticulers. I haue an 
Inten, God willinge, to Com home the next yeare, and so will all 
our Company that Came out with me except 2 of them, which 
I haue agreed with all to stay at the house at the maine, to set 
Corne and looke to our piggs, which I hope hearafter will yeld 
better profite. Yf you purpose to follow your fishinge another 
yeare after this, I do thinke Edward Fishcocke wilbe suffi- 
cyent to gouvern 3 bootes Company, and for the Company that 
shall stay heare, you shall do well to agree with them at home, 
for I thinke you shall gett them better Cheape at home then 
heare, and for the bootes maisters and fishermen the must be 
good plyable men, or els they will do but litle service heare ; 
and you shall do well to haue yt vnder their handes for the 
performance of their promise, otherwise when they Com heare 
they will forgett their promyse and slacke their business. 
This is no Contry for loyterers, 1 and they may be som of the 

' Idlers. 

*' Ever listless loiterers, that attend 
No cause, no trust, no duty, and no friend." — Pope. 



i6 3 4-| WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 45 

shipes Company for the voyage, and after the voyage ended, 
they may stay in the manner we did last yeare. 1 Edward 
Fishcocke & the baker wilbe 2 serviceable men for the shore 
Company, & 4 wilbe Inough for 3 bootes. I haue bin no more 
all this yeare : now for the provisions you send the next, I haue 
writen you by Mr. Pomery ; the particulers ar these ; malt and 
meall instead of bread and beare, for the meall doth proue well 
with our Indian Corne. I pray lett yt be dryed or other wise 
yt will not keepe well. 3 or 4 thousand of bisquit, 6 or 7 hodg- 
heds of pease, 2 dozen of stronge shues & large, 3 dozen of 
wastcootes, 4 dozen of stronge shurtes, 2 dozen of Bastable 
Ruggs, woven without seame, 2 buttes of sacke & 2 hodgheds 
aquavitae, & yf yt [be] a litle more I thinke will pas at Rea- 
sonable Rates yf yt be good, otherwise yt will decay ; 5 or 6 
peces of stronge northerne Cloth & somm stronge Camnas 3 
for Clothes, som threed & leather & thongs & sparrow bills & 
brads, which ar things very needfull for this Country, but I 
pray send no more hatts, nor Coverletts, nor Iron potts, nor 
oyle, nor garters, nor pouder, nor shoote, but a C weight or 2 
of foulinge shote. What we shall not vse wilbe sold. 2 hodg- 
heds of gurtes, a hodghed of veniger, 6 howes for the land, 
3 or 4 goods axes to fill 3 timber, a pound of weeke yarne, 20 
dozen of knyfes, but the price not great, for they will pas but 
at 6s. per dozen. Cattell & gootes ar very deare heare in this 
Country ; a good Cow worth 2olb. starlinge, a good yew goote 
worth 41b. starlinge at present. We had an ill hap of your 

1 This shows that John Winter was 1632, and Winter, being once installed 
not sent out originally to govern Tre- in the chief place, was not a man to 
lawny 's plantation. He had doubtless yield to another readily, even if Tie- 
made voyages for Trelawny to this lawny had favored it. The latter, how- 
coast, and, being capable and trusty, ever, probably did not regret the turn 
took charge of the plantation on ac- affairs had taken, as Winter must have 
count of Cammock's failing to carry been a most valuable man to him, being 
out an arrangement made between him fully capable of exercising the full con- 
and Trelawny before Cammock came trol of the business, 
hither. This arrangement he was pre- = Canvass, 
vented from carrying out by the acci- 3 To fell, 
dent alluded to in his letter of July 23, 



4 6 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



[1634. 



gootes sent ; the dogs killed on yew goote and the ram goote 
was Chased into the woods by our great boore. You wrote 
me yf we wear like to do litle good, that I should sell and 
bringe away all. That Cannot I well do with out great losses, 
for heare is store of salt and a great deall of your goods yet 
vnsold, & som depts to Recover, and we haue provision for 
this Company till the next fishinge season, and I hope we shall 
haue a reasonable Crop of Corne and goods store of piges 
against another yeare, and for to sell all these goods heare 
ther is none that will buy yt & pay for yt. The most parte of 
the dwellers heare ar good buyers but bad payers. I haue 
writen you by sundry Conveyences ; you may please to Con- 
sider of yt & by the next to Advize me. I Receaved your 
letter of the 8th of May tins day, Advisinge me of the Com- 
ninge of the James.' God send her safe and in season ; they 
may do som good heare vpon their fishinge. Heare is a great 
many people arrived heare in the Country,' and the speake of 
many more to Com, but they all sette themselues in the bay 
of Messachusets. So I end and rest, 

Yours to his power, 

JOHN WYNTER. 

To the Right worshipfull 
Robert Trelawny, Mayor 
of Plymoth, this be dd 
in 

Plymoth. 




■ She was subsequently lost. Vide 
fasten, p. 55- She should not be con- 
founded with the James of Bristol, upon 
which Richard Mather, flying from the 
pursuivants and escaping them by a 
change of apparel, found refuge, and, 
with other "loving and godly Chris- 
tians," took passage to this country, 
and which he says in his Journal only 
the next year also touched at Rich- 
mond's Island. 



2 Sir Ferd. Gorges says: "In a short 
time numbers of people of all sorts 
flocked thither [to New England] in 
heaps, that at last it was specially or- 
dered by the King's command that 
none should be suffered to go without 
license." Vide Hubbard's New Eng- 
land, pp. 17S, 179, et passim. 



I6J4-] WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 47 



WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 

Richmon Iland, the io lh of August, 1634. 

Mr. Robert Trelawnye: — 

Syr : Yt may please you to vnderstand of our prosedinges. 
We haue taken at present thre thousand dry fish, & we haue 
made a C Cor fish by the meanes of the hot season, & we haue 
not taken aboue 2 C bas, Cor & dry, but I was in good hoope, 
at my last writinge, we should haue taken more, but I find the 
Cod fishinge better, but our Cod is very small yet, & I haue a 
good hoope yt will proue better heareafter ; we haue gon to 
sea not aboue 12 or 13 dayes since the Hunter departed. I 
had a boote lacke' 14 or 15 dayes to the eastward for to trade 
with the Indians, but did not gett a bevers skin from them ; 
but heareafter wilbe a better tyme for the trade, but I hope 
we shalbe Imployed in better service in our fishinge, for the 
trade with the Indians is but litle worth to vs, beinge yt is in 
tyme of fishinge, and those that do attend the trade doth profitt 
nothinge att all, but Run in dept. Theris a great many of the 
Indyans dead this yeare, both east and west from vs, 2 & a great 
many dyes still to the eastward from vs. The Hunter de- 
parted heare heance the 3 of July. I hope she is saue home 
by this tyme. I haue written by Mr. Pomeroy how all busi- 
ness did go with vs then, & by other Convenyences. I hope 
yt will Com safe to your hand. Yours of the 8"' of May re- 
ceaved, advisinge me of the Commynge of the James ; she is 
not yet arrived, God send her safe & in good season ; they 
may do som good in their fyshinge. I haue writen by sundry 
passages what you shall need to send, which I hoope wilbe Com 

1 Winter uses this word as equiv- erary English. I want is always I lack 

alent to absent or away. The verb is or do lackce." 

to lackec, to be wanting from home. = All the writers of this period notice 

"The word want" says the editor of this. Bradford says: "This spring 

Specimens of English Dialects, Series (1634) also, those Indians that lived 

D, pp. 66 and 13S, treating of the dia- aboute their trading house there, fell 

lect used in the very locality from which sick of the small poxe, and dyed most 

Winter came, "is scarcely ever heard miserably — like rotten sheep." Hist, 

in the sense in which it is used in lit- of Plymouth Plantation, pp. 325, 326. 



48 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1634. 

from- home before this Com to your hand. You may do well 
to send a Couple of good, willinge yong men to worke on the 
land, for 2 men Can do but litle vpon this land worke, & be- 
sides I haue a good hope we shall haue store of pigs to looke 
after, & I hope the James will bringe som gootes from May' 
with her ; yf not, yf shee go for Virginia, I hope she will bringe 
som from thence & som Cattell, 5 which ar sold their at Reason- 
able rates as I heare, and yf we haue any quantyty of the Cat- 
tell, yt wilbe a mans labour to se them ordered well. I do 
not se any seed that we sow heare but proues very well & 
bringes good in Crease, & Cattell, gootes, & hodges proues 
very well in every wheare in the Country. I will In treat you 
that our mens moneyes be paid to their assignes, accordinge 
to the tyme, that the may go on the Cheerfuller in their busi- 
nes, which I hoope the will. I praise God they ar all as well 
now as the weare when they Came from home. Since the 
Hunter departed, we have made a pallasatho 3 about our house 
of 15 foote high, & mounted our ordinance in platt formes 
with in our pallasatho for our defence from those that wish vs 
harme heare. So not hauinge els to write at present, I end 
and .rest, Your to his power, 

JOHN WYNTER. 

To his good frinde, Mr. 

Robert Trelawnay, 

this be dd 

in Plymoth. 
[Indorsed :] 

New Ingland, 1634. 

John Winter, re'd 
the 4 th of December. 

■ Mayo. One of the Cape de Verde by the settlers along the coast instead. 

Islands, lying to the east of Santiago. Vide antea, p. 33, note 3. This impor- 

It is rocky and sterile. Its principal tation of cattle, consisting of a bull and 

product is salt from a natural lagoon, three heifers, was made by Edward 

Vide Lippincott's Gazetteer, in loco. Winslow. Prince's Annals, p. 225. 

2 Neat cattle were first imported into * 3 Palisade. Stakes sharpened and 

New England in March, 1624, but were driven into the ground closely together 

so scarce and high that goats were used for defence. 




1634.] WINTER TO TKELAWNY. 49 

WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 

Richmon Iland, the 18 th of September, 1634. 

Mr. Trelawnay, 

And good frind, syr: Yt may please you to vnderstand that 
the James arryved heare the 29th of August. By Mr. Bowes 
I receaved your order that they shall take in our fish that we 
haue. I thinke we shall hardly lade here to go to the Colony 
and returne sone Inough for the next fishinge season ; but 
what I haue I do purpose to lade abord her & to dispach her 
away about the myddle of the next moneth, and what they 
shall wante of the ladinge, I do purpose to make yt out with 
salt, because they may make the dispach be heare betimes 
for the next fishinge. I haue a store at present, neare about 
16 thousand dry fish, on & other, and about 5 hundred Cor 
fish & bas, & I hope we shall haue 3 or 4 hodgheds of mack- 
rell to put abord her. Our fishinge is but peking' fishinge, a 
C fish in a boote, & som times a C & A, somtimes not so much, 
& the fish but small. Mr. Bowes hath taken about 3 or 4 
thousand fish. His men weare sicke when they Came hither, 
som 3 or 4 of them, but now, I praise God, they ar well re- 
covered ; yt was but a tuch of the scurvay. Need Fishcocke 
doth go with Mr. Bowes for his pilote. I do purpose to giue 
them order to bringe some goods & Cattell from the Colony 
with them yf the Can gett them. Mr. Bowes tooke in his salt 
at Sail, & brought never a goote with him. The goods sent 
by the James Comes safe, only som leakage of the wine & 
stronge waters, 3 or 4 Inches in a Caske, the hodghed of beare 
neare halfe out ; in Rommaginge 2 of yt often their will be somm 
lost. I could wish you had sent vs no more beafe nor porke by 
the James, for I hope we shall haue porke Inough herafter for to 

1 Mean, poor. Still used in some formed from room and age, and signified 
localities in this sense. nautically to stow goods in, or clear 

2 This is one of many words which them from, a ship's hold. Hakluyt calls 
in the thirteenth century had a French the stower a romagcr, and a clearance 
ending added to an English root. It is sale of goods is called a rummage sale. 



jo THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 11634. 

serue our turne for vitlinge : we haue good store of pigs younge 
& old, yf please God the prosper no vvors herafter. We haue 
neare about a 1200 1 marked, but we lose som in the woods for 
want of on to looke after them ; we must haue a man to keepe 
them hearafter. I could wish that you would get on that hath 
vsed to keep pigs, that he might be Carefull of them, for I 
hoope we shall find som profitt of them. We haue aboue 50 
sowes, younge and old, that will be breeders, & please God the 
prosper no wors hear after, they will Increase a pase. This 
weeke we haue began our haruest to take in our Corne, for the 
most parte I hope is Ripe & I hope so will the rest, but the 
frost did begin with vs 4 or 5 dayes since, but yt is but litle 
& I hope hath do vs no hurte as yet. Thereis nothenge that 
we set or sow but cloth proue very well : we haue proved clivers 
sortes, as barley, pease, pumkins, Carrotts, pasnypes, onnyons, 
garlicke, Raddishes, turneups, Cabbage, latyce, parslay, mil- 
lions, 2 and I thinke so will other sortes of hearbes yf the be 
sett or sowen. 1 I haue wrote you by sundry Convenyences 
how all thingcs hath gone with vs hertofore. For the tradinge 
with the Indians I am almost weary of yt, for I sent out a 
boote 3 tymes & hath goot nothinge; the trade with the Indi- 
ans is worth litle except be with them that dwelleth in the 
Rivers 4 amonge them ; the bootes that do Constantly follow 

1 This is a mistake, and should be 200. and preferre it before the Soyle of Eng- 

It was probably meant as a one 200. land (our Native Country), and I neede 

- Melons. All the early writers speak not to produce more than one argument 

of the fertility of the soil. Says Neal, for proffe thereof, because it is so infal- 

Hist. of New England, p. 568 : " The lible." 

Country abounds with all Sorts of Roots 3 The gardens of the early settlers 

for the Table, as Turnips, Parsnips, were most carefully cultivated. Ilig- 

Carrots, Radishes, &c, which are rjoth ginson, in 1629, says that the Indian 

larger and sweeter than in England, beans and pease are " as good as ever I 

tho' their Seeds were originally carried eat in England," and " our turnips, pars- 

thence ; as also those for Pompions, nips, and carrots are both bigger and 

Musmelons, Cucumbers, and Onions, sweeter than is ordinary to be found 

which abound here." And Morton, in in England." Description of New Eng- 

New English Canaan, p. 64, Force's land, p. 44, gt passim. 

Tracts: "As for the Soyle, I may be * Trading-posts had been established 

bould to commend the fertility thereof, on the Kennebec and Penobscot. Brad- 



I634-] 



WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 



5' 



the trade do fall backwards & ar hardly able to pay for any 
goods before they haue goods to get the bever, and we must 
be faine to trust them with goods, yf we meane to put yt away 
& receaue bever for yt ; when the haue goot yt," goods doth 
pas at Reasonable Rates at the English, yf the price of bever 
do hold vpe, or else yt will be bad, for heare with vs theris no 
other payment for goods but bever. I would haue written you 
the price of the goods heare, but that I am not Certaine this 
letter will Com to your hands, for I am to send him in to the 
baye & [it] will pas through divers hands before he Comes to 
the shipe, which is on of Bastable, as I heare, that is bound 
for England. I Cannot safely Convey him my selfe, because 
of tendinge our fishinge and our harvest, and the messenger 
that is now to Carry him doth stay the writinge, & the wind 
fair for him to be gon, other wise I would write you more at 
large, but beinge In hast, I end and rest, 

Your to his power, 

JOHN WINTER. 
I will Intreat you to remember tny loue to my wyfe, & to 
Certyfy her that I and my Company ar all in good health, 
praised be God for yt, for I Cannot now write vnto her the 
messenger beinge so hasty to be gon. 

To his good frinde, Mr. 
Robert Trelawney, merchant, 
this be dell 

in Plymoth. 
Per a frind whom God preserue. 

[Indorsed by R. Trelawny :] 
New Ingland, 1634. 

Mr. Jno. Winter, red the 

6 th of January. 




ford, Allerton, Standish, and others of for trade, — and furnished the same with 

the Plymouth Plantation established a comodities for that end, both winter and 

post as early as 1628, "aboue in the somer." Vide Bradford's History of 

river in the most convenientest place Plymouth Plantation, pp. 232, 292. 

[where the city of Augusta now stands] ' I. e. when they have gotten it 



52 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1634. 

WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 

Richmon Iland, the 9 th of October, 1634. 

Mr. Robert Trelawny, 

And good frind : Syr, yours by Mr. Bowes receaved, & they 
safly arrived the 29th August. We had their bootes to sea as 
fast as the Could be fitted & the men servizeable to go to sea. 
Som of them wear sicke when they Came hither, but [are] 
now all well. They haue taken abord som fish to go for the 
Colony, 1 3 C i of Cor fish, Cod & basse, & the haue abord 7 
thousand 2 C of dry fish, and I hoope yf this fair weather 
Contynue with vs, they shalbe ready to depart 6 dayes hence. 
With this fish we haue betwixt vs, I do make account we shall 
haue 22 thousand dry fish on & other, for our partes ; but I 
thinke their wilbe 4 or 5 thousand of yt bas, pollocke, hake, 
& haddocke, & our Cod very small, for we haue all sortes of 
fish that we gett, which I hoope will sell well at the Colony, 
though not for Spaine or France. By this prosedings I hoope 
we shall haue advize what to do hear after, and I hope the 
ship will returne in good tyme for the next fishinge. The last 
yeare we did but litle good in fishinge after this tyme tyll the 
10th of January, & I hope in this tyme this ship may very 
well performe this voyage, & when shee doth returne, heare 
will be her bootes & place ready for them to go to sea as sone 
as the Com. We haue heare yet a C fish in a boote, but very 
small, but most Cod. Mr. Bowes hath taken [aboard] betwixt 
6 or 7 thousand fish for his Company. Edward fnshcocke is 
to go his pylot for the Colony. This day I receaved your 
letter of the 1 ith of August giuinge me notyce of the Hunters 
safe arrivall home. God be praised for yt, and I perceaue you 
purpose to send her heare againe. God send her heare be- 
tymes, to make the best of the next fishinge, which I hope 
they may do well yf they haue good plyable men for fishinge. 
You write me to send you an exact draft of your patten." I 

' The Virginia Colony. ' Vide postea, pp. 63-65. 



1634.] WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 53 

will, God willinge, vse my best endevour to send you yt by the 
next, but at present yt Cannot be don, for I haue not the tyme 
to do yt to send by this Conveyence. I haue a good hope you 
will haue a good plantation heare yf yt be well followed. I do 
not sett nor sow any seed but doth prosper very well, & hodges 
doth prosper well, and I thinke so will Cattell also, yf they 
weare heare. You haue a very good marshy land for Cattell 
in the River Spurwinke. Our harvest of Indyan Corne is not 
all in yet, but yf faire weather, yt wilbe in about 5 or 6 dayes 
hence. I thinke we shall haue about 20 hodgheds of Corne, 
good & bad : the frost hath taken somm of our Corne that 
was not fully Ripe, but not much the wors for yt. For the trad- 
inge heare with the Indians is not worth nothinge to vs heare 
at the plantation, nor but litle to them that hues by them ; 
their be so many traders that one spoyleth the other. 1 They 
put away their goods at so low Rates to the Indians that they 
gett but litle by yt. Heare, I put away goods to the English 
now & then, bread at 61b. of bever, pease at 7lb., Cootes, somm 
at 2lb., somm 2lb. i, stockins 2lb. per dozen, shues at 6 ounces 
& som at 7 ounces, but I sell but few ; sacke & aquavite 2 
gallons per lb. of bever, & som tymes but 6 or 7 quartes per 
lb., as the tymes do serue of plenty or scanty 2 ; veniger 4 gal- 
lons per lb., but sell no great quantity ; I haue not sold a 



1 The various trading-stations east per pound for skins, the coat beaver 

were quite as badly off as Winter, being bringing 20s. and 24s. per pound, 

constantly interfered with by interlopers Vinegar cost on the same basis 7Ad. 

from the Dutch and Virginia colonies per gallon, and four gallons about 2s. 

westward, and menaced on the east by 6d., for which Winter received a pound 

the French. of beaver and still complained. This 

- Reckoning the hogshead at 63 gal- confirms what Josselyn says : " If they 
Ions, aqua-vita? would cost about 2s. do not gain cent per cent they cry out 
3d. per gallon, and two gallons 4s. 6d. that they are losers." Two Voyages, 
Winter charged Hatch 13s. 4d. per p. 15S. In 1640, when the first Court 
pound for beaver, as will be seen at was organized, Winter was presented 
note 1, p. 41. This sold in England, for extortion, and his large profits ex- 
according to Bradford's account of sales posed. Vide Maine Hist. Coll., Vol. I. 
given in the History of Plymouth Planta- p. 7. Folsom's Saco, p. 39. 
tion, p. 346, at 15s. and sometimes 16s. 



54 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1634. 

hodghed since I Came hither. The Coverletts do not sell 
well, not aboue \ dozen sold of the best at 1 lb. & J per pece ; 
the hodghed of oyle none of yt sold, but I do purpose to send 
yt to the Colony in the James. The shurtes sent by the 
Hunter most sold, but at litle profitt, som for Jib. of bever, 
som at 6s. bever in 10s. per pound ; the hatts yet all vnsold ; 
somm 6 of the Cittells' sold at is. 6d. per lb. of bever in 6s. 
per lb. At this tyme goods do pas at these Rates, but when 
the ships ar heare we must sell as they do, or els we shall sell 
none, for every on doth striue to put away his goods, & on 
spoyleth the other. I haue but 2 hodgheds of aquavite left & 
on of sacke. I do not receave any Coote bever, 3 but all new 
skins, & somm of yt thicke hides ; but I must take such as 
they gett yf I purpose to put away your goods & by many 
small parcells. The wastcootes all sold, som at 3 quarters of 
bever per pece & som at 6s. a pece amonge the Company. I 
haue store of the shues & stockins yett vnsold. So not havinge 
els at present to write you, I end & rest, 

Your to his power, 

JOHN WYNTER. 

To his good ffrind, Mr. 
Robert Trelawny, 
merchante, this be dd. 
in 
Plymoth. 
Per a frind whom God preserue. 

[Indorsed by R. Trelawny :] 
New Ingland, Oct. 1634, 
John Winter, red the 
6th of January. 

' Kettles. Cf. Citil.Cytel, Bosworth's closest.were especially prized by the na- 

Anglo-Saxon Dictionary, p. 5S. tives for robes or coats for their women, 

2 I. e. coat-beaver, which brought the and were equally prized by the English, 

highest price. The skins of beavers who literally bought them off the backs 

taken in the winter, when the fur was of the Tndian belles. 




1635] WINTER TO TRELAWNV. 55 

WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 

Richmon Iland, the n" 1 of June, 1635. 

Worthy Frind : — 

Syr: Yt may please you to vnderstand that the Speedwell 
arrived hear the 26th April. By her I receaved your order 
for the dispachinge away for her for Bilbow": the later fish- 
inge hath proved but yle with vs, which is Case of her longer 
stayinge. At present we haue abord of her 5 C 40 Cintalls 
of dry fish, Cod, & I thinke we haue not aboue 30 Cintalls 
more, a store of dry Cod, & I thinke we haue about 40 
Cintalls of dry hake & haddocke, & theris abord 38 Cintalls 
Cor Cod, 2.\ hoddgheds of traine. I thinke we shall fill out 
3 hodgheds, that wilbe all. We made very litle traine in the 
winter ; this is for the account of our 3 bootes fishinge. We 
haue abord for Mr. Haukins Company, 64 Cintalls Cor fysh, 
but yet no dry fish ; this day, yf yt proue fair, we shall put 
abord som of their dry fish yf yt proue fair weather. I thinke 
the haue betwixt 5 or 6 thousand dry fish, but a great deale of 
yt hake, haddocke, & pollocke. I make account the ship wilbe 
ready about 6 or 7 dayes hence. I Con Ceave you haue notice 
of the yll suckses of the James, 2 which yf yt had pleased God 
of his mercy that had Com safe to their porte, they had Com 
to great Rates with their fish and goods which was sent in 
her, which I sent you the account of yt, & the might haue bin 
heare againe by Christide, 3 or before, as the maister saies yf 
they had gon safe. I Cannot vnderstand by the maisters talke 
but that the ship was lost Carelesly. The ship was a shore 

' Bilbao in Spain. The merchantable it retains its mellowness, and will bear 

fish was shipped to ports in Spain and land carriage to Madrid," says Douglas, 

France, and exchanged for wines, salt, Hist. North America, ed. 1755, Vol. I. 

and other commodities ; the refuse fish, p. 300. 

we are told, going to Barbadoes and - She was lost on her voyage to Vir- 

other slave-holding countries to feed ginia. 

the slaves. "Large winter cod, dry 3 "At the tide of Christ his birth." 

fish, is the best for the Bilboa market ; Fuller. 



56 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1635. 

before they did looke out for the land. Mr. Bowes is Com- 
inge for England in a ship of Bristow from this Country, but 
Edward ffishcocke tooke his passage by the way of the Duch 
plantation, & with them he hath made Covenant to stay & 
plant tobakko for them : & hath no Intent to returne heare at 
the plantation, as by a letter that I haue receaved from him 
doth Certyfye me : but shewes me no reason why or where 
fore he Comes not heare. I shall be forced to leaue the whole 
busines heare vnto Mr. Haukin, hopinge your brother wilbe 
assistance vnto him, for I haue nother Intent as yt but to Com 
away in the Speedwell,' for I thinke the Company will not 
Com home in her otherwise : the tell me so plainely, the ship 
an old leake vessel still, that our men ar very vnwillinge to 
Com home in her. You made Choyce of a bad ship to Com 
this way, but I do assure my selfe, that God of his mercy Can 
bringe vs as safly home in this weake ship as he Can in a 
stronger, yf yt please him. I do by this Convenyence send by 
the White Angell of Bristow, 2 Mr. Christofer Burket maister, 
all the bever that I haue receaved & [as well] the account of 
the goods sold, debts & disburstments, and haue directed yt 
[unto WJilliam Can of Bristow to receaue yt for your account. 
Heare is no other Conv[enyen]ce to send yt home for London 
or any partes of England, or Bordeze, 3 except I sh[ould] send 
in a Bastable ship by the way of Bilbow. Heare is 2 ships of 
Bastable that wilbe ready to departe about 6 or 7 dayes hence, 
which ar bound for Bilbow or Sensabastyans 4 with their fish, 
& they haue reasonable good voyages, by the reason they 

1 She brought a full list of immigrants 3 Bordeaux. The chief port in the 

to the Bay. Vide Hotten's Lists, p. 82. south of France, on the left bank of the 

= The White Angel was purchased Garonne, sixty miles from its mouth, not- 

by Allerton on account of the Plymouth ed for its wines since the fourth century. 

Company, of which he was a member; Vide Lippincott's Gazetteer, in loco. 

but the purchase being repudiated by ■» St. Sebastian. A fortified city and 

his associates, much trouble ensued, seaport on a small peninsula in the Bay 

Bradford says it " caused continual con- of Biscay, with which the early colo- 

tention betweene them." She was in- nists had a considerable trade in dried 

tended for fishing and trade. Vide Hist, fish, which, says Josselyn, with " dryed 

Plymouth Plantation, el passim. Goat," was " the general dyet of Spain." 



1635-I WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 57 

weare heare betimes ; but for the other shipes that ar heare a 
fishinge, haue very poore voyages, by reason the Came so late, 
& will not be ready to Com away this 30 or 40 dayes, yf they 
Can do any good vpon their fishinge. The bootes do take 
now for 2 dayes & a nights fishinge, som a C I, somm 2 C in 
a boate ; they go to sea & Com home now but 3 times in a 
weeke, & the fish now doth not saue well. 

The fishing this last winter In January, February, & March, 
was Indifferent good fishinge. The 10th of February last we 
had a lost of 3 mens Hues In their boote to sea : havinge a 
treat' of Cold frosty weather, the bearinge a saile to recover 
home filled their boot that they Could not free herr againe 
that they dyed with the Cold ; for the next day after we found 
the boote ridinge to an anker full of water, & the bootes mais- 
ter & mydshipman dead in her, but what became of the fore- 
shipman we did never yet know. Then I put 3 youthes to 
sea againe, but did me but litle good, for the best of them was 
but a foreshipman ; the weare but bad fishermen for the Car- 
riage 3 of a boote. 

Now for our land busines, I haue a good hope of yt, yf yt 
weare furnished with Cattell & gootes. We had a great lost 
of our gootes that Came in the Speedwell ; the lost 3 ewe 
gootes & 3 kides overwards, & the brought but the Ram goote 
& the most of the ewe gootes heare a lyfe, & never a kid. I 
prayse God we haue a good stocke of swine, old & younge ; 
but the last winter was hard winter for swyne, that was many 
lost in divers places. I thinke we lost the last winter betwixt 
50 or 60 pigs, younge & old, & we had 90 or ther about that 
did Hue all the winter, though somwhat Chargable, 3 but yet 

1 Frctan, Anglo-Saxon, to gnaw, rub, - Management. Shakespeare uses 

chafe, and hence from this word our the word in this sense : — 

English fret, which is quite as forcible .,_, , , , . , ,, . 

& J ' n " The passage and whole carriage of this ac- 

as our present familiar expression, " a tion ,, 

snap of frosty weather," and embodies 

a similar idea. Cf. Wright's Provincial 3 Costly. Formerly used in this 

Diet., p. 4S2. Bosworth's Anglo-Saxon sense. Vide Webster. 

Diet., p. 98. 



58 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1635. 

of them you shall find good profitt herafter. I hope we shall 
kill 50 at lest this winter, & good swine I hope they wilbe ; 
they ar now Runinge in the woods fatt, worth killinge. We 
[have] about 7 akers of Indian Corne sett, & for the greatest 
parte of yt is good Corne this far forth. So not havinge els 
to Enlarge at present, I end & rest, 

Your to his power, 

JOHN WYNTER. 
To the worshipf[ull Robert] 
Trelawney, merchant, [this] 
be dd. 

in 
Plymoth. 

Per the White Angcll of Bristow, 
whom God preserue. 

[Indorsed by R. Trelawny:] 

New Ingland, 1635. 

Mr. John Winter, Rd. 
the 28th of July. 




NARIAS HAWKINS TO TRELAWNY. 

Richmond Iland, this 26 of June, 1635. 
TO YE WORSHIPFULL ROBART TRELAWNY : 

Sir : May it please yow, by the convayance of Mr. Short,' of 
Bristow, my last was the 19th of this Instant, wherin I wrote 

' Abraham Shuvt, or Short, first ap- quid, *' of this first deed of conveyance 

pears in New England history on July of American soil, written at Pemaquid, 

24, 1626, when he took as magistrate and the neat and compact formula of 

the acknowledgment of the Sagamores acknowledgment, drawn up by Abra- 

of Pemaquid to a deed of their ancient ham Shurt. and still adhered to in New 

domain. "The precision and concise- England, word for word, are interesting 

ness," says the author of Ancient Pema- to the jurist. There was no precedent 



1635-1 HAWKINS TO TRELAWNY. 59 

of our safe arivall hcer, our ship provinge better then expec- 
tation ; but at the day within 30 houres of Mr. Winters de- 
termininge to sett sayle the ship was verye leake, so yt we did 
all the helpe heer for to do the best for her dispatch, and faine 
to land the one halfe of her loadinge before the leake could be 
stopt, which was a cause of great hindrance in proceedings. 
I haue receaued the goods hy Inventorie of Mr. Winter, for 
which the greatest care that I can I will do to the utmost. We 
haue not fore ship men accordinge to promise, the which may 
be a great hinderance to our Voyage. Mr. Winter hired one, 
but I thinke hee will not be with vs. We did agree but for 
13 shares, and by no meanes the companie will not agree 
therto that we should make 14, and ther is not any reason 
yt we should make a share for him that baketh and brew- 
eth, and your servant is not a sufficient fisherman, and the 
Baker will by no meanes stay. I haue deliuered Mr. Winter 
abord the Speedwell 50 kintalls of marchantable dry Cod fish, 
13 kintalls of Hake and haddocke, 64 kintalls of Cor fish, 
for which I haue bills of Mr. Winter for itt. What lyeth in 
me to do for your ben[efitt] with our owne yow shall find 
me Industrious. Yf my wife haue occassion for monie I hope 
yow will supply her with. I will write yow att large by Mr. 

for the acknowledgment or the formula, and it is said that in his various deal 
and Mr. Shurt is well entitled to be ings along the coast there is nothing on 
remembered as the Father of Ameri- record to impugn his character for fair- 
can Conveyancing " ; and Mr. Nathan- ness and prudence. He was on friendly 
iel I. Bowditch, dedicating his " Suffolk terms with Winter and with the author- 
Surnames " to him, adopts the title, ities in Massachusetts Bay, and indeed 
As agent for the proprietors, he pur- managed to keep on good terms with 
chased the island of Monhegan, and the French, his dangerous neighbors 
in 1630 we find his authority extending on the east, whose commander, La 
to Pemaquid, where at this time there Tour, at one time released Richard 
were between five and six hundred col- Vines and his companion, Wannerton, 
onists. Indeed, Pemaquid is said to "for Mr. Short's sake." Vide Maine 
have been a more important settlement Hist. Coll., V. 195 ct scq. Williamson's 
than the capital of Canada, and, though Maine, I. 242. Winthrop's Journal, II. 
society there was in a crude and lawless 217. Mass. Hist. Coll., 4th Series, VI. 
condition, Shurt, by judicious manage- no, 570 et scq. Johnston's History of 
ment, maintained a fair degree of order, Pemaquid, p. 59. 



60 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1635. 

Raddon and Mr. Geffry of our proceedings heer. For pres- 
ent I Rest, 

Yours to the vtmost of my power, 

NARIAS HAWKINS. 

To the worshipfull Robart 
Trelawny, merchant, 
in Plymouth. I 

Per Mr. John Winter, whome 
God Conduct. 



WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 

Richmon Iland, the 26"' of June, 1635. 

Worthy Syr: — 

Yt may please you to take notice that I haue laden abord 
the Whyte Angell of Bristow, Christofer Burkett maister, for 
the account of the plantation heare at Richmon Iland. The full 
weight of 4 C. 261b. & -J of merchantable bever skins, dry and 
well Conditioned, & is in 3 hodgheds & a litle fardell," markedd 
as in the margent, to be deliuered to Mr. William Cann, of 
; Bristow, merchant, for your account, payinge fraight 2d. per 
lb. as per bill of ladinge will appeare. With all I haue sent an 
Invoys of the goods sold & depts to Recover, with a true re- 
lation of your pattern heare at Richmon Iland & the Maine, 
how every place doth beare on from the other, & the distance, 
which may very well be sett in a mapp distintly" : and I do 
leaue a Coppy heare to send by sundry Convenyence. Now 
for the Speedwell, I hope they shall be ready to morrow or 
next day to sett saile. I haue laden abord of her for the fish 
which my Company haue taken, 576 Cintalls of dry merchant- 

■ A little bundle. The word signifies also a burden. 

" Thanne goth he fardeles for to bere, 
With as good chere as lie dide ere." — Rtmuamt of t lie Rose. 

2 Vide postal, pp. 63-65. 



1635] WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 6r 

able Cod, & 26 Cintalls of hake & haddocke, & 38 Cintalls of 
Cor fish, 3 hodgheds of traine, 10 Cintalls of pollocke, & 5 
Cintalls of refuse fish ; and theris abord for the account of 
Mr. Haukins Company 50 Cintalls of merchantable Cod, 13 
Cintalls of hake & haddocke, 64 Cintalls of Cor fish, & 4 Cin- 
talls of refuse fish : this is all the fish we haue to lade abord. 
Mr. Haukin hath a shore neare about 3 thousand fish, but 
greene, & the on halfe pollocke, hake, & haddocke. I haue left 
order with Mr. Haukin yf their be any Conveyance for Eng- 
land to send all the bever he Cann Recover in. I haue taken 
an Imeltory of all the goods heare, & do purpose to haue yt 
sent by the first Conveyence. I haue treated with Captaine 
Cammocke about his patten, but he will not giue no answere 
before he doth heare out of England. He tells me that he is 
in the election to haue a place in England worth I hundred & 
forty pound a yeare ; yf he recover 1 that place he will sell his 
patten, otherwise he will keepe yt to dwell in yt. I Cannot 
find him the man that he doth promise to be for the 3Tb. that 
he had of you. He tells me that he gaue order by a frind of 
his in London to pay yt to Mr. Herringe, & hath promised me 
to write vnto you of yt. To Ccrtyfye you of the estate of this 
Country, I know no alteration but as yt hath formerly bin : 
heare lackes good goverment in the land, for a great many 
men deall very yll heare for want of goverment. I haue for- 
merly written you of Edward Fishcockes stayinge at the 
Duch plantation," & hath no Intent to returne hither: his 

1 In the sense of to obtain. Vide business of the Dutch colony, and a 
Webster. competition very annoying to the New 

2 The Hudson River was discovered England colonists was the result. " The 
in 1609 by Henry Hudson, while in the English" says the author of "A New 
employ of the Dutch East India Com- Description of Virginia," Force's Tracts, 
pany, and settlements were begun at p. 9, are " nosed in all places, and out- 
Albany and New York four years later ; traded by the Dutch. They would not 
but it was not until fourteen years after suffer the English to use them so. But 
Hudson's discovery that a colony was they have vigilant statesmen, and ad- 
established, and the name New Nether- vance all they can for a common good, 
lands given to the territory. A new and will not spare any incouragements 
company, called the Dutch West India for their people to discover." 
Company, was formed to manage the 



62 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1635. 

vnwillingnes of his servize heare would profyt you nothinge. 
I hope Mr. Haukin wilbe Carefull for this season, till farther 
Course may be taken for the mannaginge of the plantation ; 
yt will need a very Carefull man to loke over all this busines 
heare for the fishinge & the land busines & buildinge. This 
letters not beinge sealed before, an 111 happ befell vs of a great 
leake which brooke open vpon vs the night before we weare 
ready to Com to sea ; that our men did pompe betwixt 8 or 9 
hundred strokes a glass, 1 that we weare forced to take out 
most of our fish againe, & hale the shipe ashore for stop the 
leake, which I praise God now we haue found yt as we thinke, 
& was a very dangerous leake, the next strake to the garbord,-' 
in a seame, & knot of the planke broken out in the edge of 
the seame ; but at present the ship is of from the ground & 
tight, and all our fish in that we tooke out of her. We haue 
taken abord of Mr. Haukins fish that is dryed whiles we 
haue bin fittinge of our ship againe 12 Cintalls of Cod, & 
4 Cintalls of hake & hacklocke, & 12 Cintalls of pollocke, & 
now at present we ar ready to sett saile, yf please God the 
wind proue fair. So not having els to write at present, I end 
& rest, 

Your to his power, 

JOHN WYNTER. 

To the Worshipfull Robert 
Trelawny, merchant, this be 
dd. 

in Plymoth. 

[Indorsed by R. Trelawny :] 

Nezv Ingland 

John Winter, Rd 

the 25th of August. 
Letters & papers concerning Pla. 

' An hour. Referring to the hour- = The next streak to the garboard. 
glass. It is the same as saying each The garboard streak is the line of 
glass. I have never found the word planks next to the keel, 
used in this sense, but the meaning 
seems apparent. 




'635-. 



BOUNDS OF THE TRELAWNY TATENT. 



63 



BOUNDS OF THE TRELAWNY PATENT. 



Written by Edward Trelawny," 1635. 

A Remembrance how the Pointes of 
Land lye on from thother of the 
Worshipfull Robert Trelawny his 
pattent att Richmon Island and 
the Maine ouer against. 

The River Spurrwinke partts the 
Patent of Richmon Isle & Blacke- 
Pointe as per the bands which Capt. 
Neele hath banded out appeares ; 
but I Cannot Conceaue Black-Pointe 
pattent can extend soe farre to the 
Eastwards as the Riuer Spurrwinke, 
which to Capt. Neeles banding is to 
come to Spurrwinke Riuer & to goe 
vpp a Mile by the Westerside of the 
Riuer, & so to goe ouer to the near- 
est place of Black-Pointe Riuer 
which lyes awaye to the Eastward 
from the mouth of the Riuer Black 
Pointe. 



The wester pointe of Richmon Isl- 
and beares from Spurrwinke Island 

1 Edward Trelawny was the brother 
of Robert. Not long after this he dis- 
appeared from view, and search has 
failed to elicit anything respecting his 
subsequent career, except that he re- 
turned to England, where he appears to 
have been in 1637, from the petition of 
Eleanor Eabb of Wapping, who prays to 
be protected against a verdict for ,£200 
obtained by him against her husband, 
Thomas Babb, mariner, then "absent 
on a voyage to the Streights." Vide 
Sainsbury's Colonial Papers, Vol. IX. 
p. 261. 



Written by John Winter, 1635. 

A remembrance how the pointes of 
land do ly on from the other of 
Mr. Robert Trelawnyes patten at 
Richmon Hand & the Maine over 
against yt. 

Imprymis: the River Spurwinke 
cloth part Mr. Robert Trelawnyes 
patten & Captaine Thomas Cam- 
mokes, as by the bandes that Cap- 
taine Neall hath banded yt out; 
but I Cannot Conceaue that Cap- 
taine Cammockes patten Can 
Reach so far to the eastward as 
the River Spurwinke, but by Cap- 
taine Neales bandinge out he is 
Com to the River Spurwinke & to 
go vp a myle by the westerside of 
the River, & so to go over to the 
nearest place of the River of 
Blacke-Pointe, which lyeth away 
to the eastward from the mouth 
of the River of Blacke Pointe. 

Ite: the wester pointe of the Hand 
Called Richmon Hand doth bcare 

2 This plain description of the north- 
ern limit of Cammock's patent, as laid 
out by the attorney of the grantor, and 
accepted by the grantee in strict compli- 
ance with the terms of the patent, should 
have settled definitively the northern 
boundary of the Trelawny patent, which 
was " To bee extended Northwards into 
the Maine land soe farr as the limitts 
and bounds of the land graunted to 
the said Captaine Thomas Cammock 
do or ought to extend towards the 
North, viz. one mile up the River 
Spurwink." 



6 4 



THE TRELAWNY TAPERS. 



[1635. 



S: E- & N°: W: on from th 'other a 
Mile distant, & Spurrwinke Island 
beares from the Westermost pointe 
of the Maine, going into the Riuer 
Spurrwinke j of a Mile distant; 
then the Riuer going vpp ouer the 
Barre lyes awaye N. before you as- 
cend vpp to a pointe in the River 
that turnes to the Eastwards distant 
£ a Mile, then the Riuer lyes vpp N°: 
E: B: N°: to another pointe 3 of 1 
Mile, after which the Riuer lyes vpp 
to the very vttmost part N°: E: B: E 
about Mile & i. 



The Seamost pointe of Richmon 
Isle & Cape Ellizabeth bears N": E: 
&B:E:&S:W:&B:W: about 
2 Mile distant on from th'other. 

The Riuer Spurrwinke after you are 
I Mile within the Barre lyes vpp N: 
E: B: E: & Cutts ouer to a great 
Coue yt lyes into the Northward of 
C. Ellizabeth betweene yt & Caskoe, 
& is distant from the Head of the 
Riuer ouer to yt Coue neare a Mile. 

There is a Creeke after you are 1 
Mile & £ within the Barre of the 
Riuer Spurrwinke which lyes awaye 
nearest N°: W: & B: N°: yt a little 
Boate att highe Water maygoe into 
itt -\ a Mile, & extends neare about a 
Mile to the first Arme of the Baye of 
Caskoe yt lyes awaye to the West- 
ward, which Arme lyes awaye W: S: 
W: & as neare as (I Can iudge). 

Richmon Island Pattern extends so 
farre to the N°: as yt Arme of the 
Baye of Caskoe yt a man may naui- 



from the Hand Spunvinke S. E. & 
N. \V., on from the other distant a 
myle, &the Island S pur winke doth 
beare from the westermost pointe 
of the maine goinge Into the River 
Spurwinke S. E. & N. W. distant 
^ of a myle, the River goinge in 
over the bar doth ly vp north be- 
fore you Com vp to a pointe in the 
River that turneth to the eastward 
Dystant ^ a mile, then the River 
doth ly vp N. E. b. N. to another 
pointe 3 of a mile after the River 
doth lye vp alonge to the head of 
him N. E. b. E. about a myle 
&§. 

Ite : the seamost pointe of Richmon 
Island & Cape Elsebeth do beare 
N. E b. E. & S. W. & b. W. on 
from the other distant neare about 
2 miles. 

Ite : the River Spurwinke, after you 
are J a myle within the bar, doth 
ly vp N. E. b. E., & Cut over to 
a great Coue that lyeth into the 
northward of Cape Elsebeth be- 
twixt Cape Elsebeth & Casko, & is 
distant from the head of the River 
over to that Coue neare a mile. 

Ite: ther is a Crike after you ar a 
myle & i within the bar of the River 
Spurwinke, that lyeth away near- 
est N. W. & b. N., that a litle boote 
may go into yt at high water £ of 
a myle, & doth Com neare aboute 
a myle to the first arme of the Bay 
of Casko, that lyeth away to the 
westward, & that arme of the Bay 
of Casko doth ly away W. S. W., 
& as neare as I Cann Judge, Mr. 
Robert Trelawnyes patten will 
Reach so far into the north as 
that arme of the Bay of Casko that 



1L.J5-J 



BOUNDS Of THE TRELAWNY TATENT. 



gate with a Boate within a Mile 5 
Round about the Pattent. 1 
The wester pointe of the pattent 
going into Spurrwinke Riuer to Cutt 
ouer vppon a directt Line to the Sea, 
going vpp towards Caskoe from 
Cape Ellizabeth, is nott passing 2 
Miles & f . 

The wester & Seamost pointe going 
into Spurrwinke Riuer, & a pointe of 
Land yt lyeth into Sea before you 
Come to Cape Ellizabeth, lyes E: 
S: E: & \V: N' : W: distant a Mile 
§ on from th' other. 

The Easter pointe of Richmon Isle 
& the Wester pointe going into 
Spurrwinke Riuer beare betwixt the 
E: S: E: & W: N : W: & N°: VV: B: 
W: one from th' other a Mile and f 
distant. 

[Indorsed by R. Trelawny : — ] 
'•The bounds of my Pattent in 
New Ineland." 



he may go Round about his patten 
with a boote within a myle 3. 1 

Ite: the wester pointe of the patten 
goinge into the River Spurwinke 
to Cut over vpon a straight line to 
the sea, goinge vp towards Casko 
from Cape Elsebeth, is not aboue 
2 myle £. 

Ite: the wester & seamost pointe 
goinge into the River Spurwinke, 
& a pointe of land that lyeth into 
the sea before you Com to Cape 
Elsebeth. doth ly on from the 
other E. S. E. & W. N. W. on 
from other dystant a mile § . 

Ite: the easter pointe of Richmon 
Hand & the wester pointe goinge 
into the River Spurwinke do beare 
on from the other betwixt the E. 
S. E. & S. E. by E. & W. N. W. & 
N. W. b. W. distant a myle J. 

This may be set out in a mapp yf 
you please, beinge sett downe how 
on parte of the land doth beare 
from the other & the distance. 

[Indorsed by R. Trelawny : — ] 
"A particular Relation of the 
bounds & distances & lying of my 
land assignd me by Pattent in New 
Ingland. Rd from Jno. Winter, the 
28th of July, 1635." 



' This shows clearly that the claim made later to the territory covered by 
Cleeve's patent was an afterthought. 



66 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1635. 

INVENTORY OF GOODS. 

[Handwriting of Edward Trelawny.] 

Inuentorye of Goodes taken att Richmon Island and Spurwinke, 
and Left in Custodie with Narias Hawkines for the Account of 
the Worshipfull Rob. Trelawny, of Plymouth, Merchant, viz. : — 

Imprimis 7 hogsheads & one 3 partts full of Malt. 

13 barrels and one 3 quarters full of pease of 5 buz: to the barrel. 

2 Bar: of Oatemcale. 4 hogs Meale, 1 hogs flower. 

3 Newe Roades.' 1 hogs pickell Porke. 
A Maine sayle that belonged to the James. 
3 hogs vinager, one lacking 12 Inches. 

1 hogs Aquauite. 1 Crowe of Iron. 
841b. of Hoppes. 9 shallopes Oares. 

3 paire boats hallyers, the Coasting Boats Maine staye. 

4 hogs Judian Come. 3 Iron wedges. 
6 hogs 1 Butt of Dreade. 2 howes. 

3 higher & 3 Lower pompe boxes, 3 Irons for the same, & a 
pompe bolt. 

2 Steele Milles. 1 Jron picke for salt. 

17 Saker shott, 2 Chambers, and a fidd for a Murderer. 2 
37 peecs of porke. 3 Coyle of small Rope of ic. iqr. i61b. 
4151b. nett of speekes. 3 

2 hogs pickell pilchards 1 puncheon barke. 4 
1 barrell tarre, & another barrell with some tarre Remayning in 
him. 

1 hogs old Mackrell. 1 hogs Beafe. 

2 Saynes, 9 Newe Netts, 8 old in Caske, & 10 old Netls in 2 

drifts, & 4 old Netts more almost woren. 
9 sides of porke. 
4(1)^ 1 c J of 2d. nayles. 

2 (1) 1 c of id. nayles. 1 (1) 4 c £ of 6d. nayles. 

567 nayles of 3s. 4d. per Co. 1 c 85 nayles of 2s. 6d. per Co. 

' Hawsers for anchors. fid being a pin running through a loop 

2 A Saker was a small cannon having underneath for support. Shakespeare 

a bore of 3i inches, and carrying shot calls it "a murdering piece." 

of 5^1b. weight. A Chamber was also 3 Spikes. 

a small gun without a carriage, fired 4 I. e. a puncheon of cork floats for 

standing on its breech, and used prin- the nets. 

cipally for salutes ; and a Murderer was 5 This character stands for cio, the 

a gun usually carried on shipboard, the old method of representing a thousand. 



1635] INVENTORY OF GOODS. 6j 

7 shortt pintells,' & 2 Erases for Rudders. 

1 Iron &. 3 brasse Kettells for trade. 

2 barrells powder, one of 1071b., the other n61b. 
I Chest with 10 bottells. I Chettell to brewe in. 
6 paire hooks and twists for doores. 

In the Carpenters toole Chest: 2 linn spinde, 2 2 old square 
Addes, 1 old hollowe Adds, a newe square Adds, 1 newe 
drawing knife, 1 newe Borrier, 2 old borriers, 5 1 hand sawe, 

2 old hatchetts, 2 old Axes and 2 newe Axes, 1 bonny,'" a 
staple & an Iron worke, old, for a boate, 1 old drawing knife, 
1 Chissell, 1 gouge, 1 wrest for a Sawe, 1 Calking Ironn, 

3 planes, 1 Iron wimble stocke s and a Bitt, and one pun- 
cheon Iron. 6 

1 brasse kettle. 3 Whipp Sawes, 3 tharte Sawes.? 

3 Musketts. 

4 fouling peecs, 2 French pistolls with their keyes, 1 other pistoll. 
[ Saker Ladle, 3 1 Spunge, 1 Worme, 2 peecs Ordnance with 

their Carridge. 1 Murdrer, 2 Chambers.' 

1 big Iron pott, and 1 small pott. 

2 paire pott Crookes, 1 gridiron, 2 paire pott Crookes, 2 pott 
hangers & an Iron Chaine to hang the kettle, 1 frying pan. 

2 Bucketts, 1 Coule,™ 1 pair bellowes. 

2 Rangers" for Meale, 2 seeues for Corne, 4 seeues for Salt. 

2 hogs beare, 2 tapp Borders. 5 

3lb. f Leather, 50 thongs, 31b. thrumbes. 12 

1 Hooks to support the rudder. 8 An instrument which is used where 

= Linchpins, probably for the wheels a cannon is loaded with loose powder to 

of one of the gun-carriages. convey the powder to the butt-end of 

3 Augers. the barrel. Vide Iconographic Ency- 

■> A short piece of sail for lengthening clopa;dia, Vol. III. p. 65. 

the jib of a boat. 9 Vide antea, p. 66, note 2. 

s A wimble is a small auger or bit ; IO A large wooden tub was called a 

hence a wimble-stock is a bit-stock. cowl, and this was a name once applied 

"3is 3isseydthewymbylle, to a cup or vessel of any kind which 

I ame als rounde as a thymbyll, was used for holding liquids. 

My maysters werke I wylle remerabyre, n A large sieve. Wheat bread of 

I schall crepe fast into the tymbyre, s£cond ,; t wag cal]ed range .bread. 

And help my mayster within a stounde, rr . , TT .,. „ . , 

„ .. . ... . „ Vide Halhwell, in loco. 

To store his cofere with XX. potinde. 

MS. Ashmole 6; . 5 th cent., quoted by Halliwell. I2 This was linen-weavers' waste, used 

* "Puncheon Iron." French, pom- b y economical housewives for darning 

(on. A steel tool of various shapes for anc * sewin g- 

punching; an awl or punch. " O Fates, come, come, 

^ Thwart saws. Vide antea, p. 35, Cut thread and ««<«." 

Midsummer Night's Dream, V. I. 391. 

note $. 



68 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1635. 

3 swords, & 5 paire bandeleers, 1 iSlb. shott. 

1 Wodden saker Cartridge, 1 Lanthrone. 

1 bigge Romane beame, 3 1 paire scalles with 61b. waight, 1 paire 

scalles and a great Iron beame @ £ c. waight. 
31 Jib. Match,* 89 pair shooes in a hogs. 
1 great Chest, in him 2 sutes frizes 6 sutes Canuas drawers, 

2 ydds spilting 6 Cloth, 5 ydtts J Cape Cloth, 7 dossen 7 newe 

Lines, Virginia, 1 dossen: 10 newe Newland lines. 
In another great Cheste, 16 Couerletts, 21 White hatts, 67 paire 

Irish stockings, 1 trading Coate, 20 trading Shirtts att Jib. 

Beauer per peece, 12 strong Shirtts att 6s. per peece, 6 fine 

Callicoe shirtts at lib. Beauer per peece or f, 9 Munmouth? 

Capps, 171b. J of sayle twine, 131b. beeting twine. 8 
3 Irish Ruggs at lib. £ per peece, & one white Irish Rugg at 

lib. i. 
In a Boxe, 150ZS. ginger, 2lb. 140Z. pepper, 90Z. nuttmeggs, 

6oz. Mace, 5J0Z. Cloues, lib. Sinnamon, 4 painted Capps, 

4 skaines thredd. 
1 Quire papper Riall.' 

Att Spnmvinke House. 

1 great kettle and a Crooke to hang him. 

1 Iron pott, 1 pair pott Crookes, 1 harqubus, 10 1 Muskett, both 
with fire Lockes. 

3 Iron pickes, 1 newe & 3 old hooes. 

2 Axes, 1 old hatchett, 1 thawrt sawe, 1 Crowe Iron," 2 grasse 

1 Bandoleers. Vide antea, p. 35, caps." Shakespeare. They were flat 
note 8. caps, much worn by the common people. 

2 A wooden case used for charging a Fuller says : " The best caps were for- 
gun. merly made at Monmouth, where the 

3 Resembling the modern steelyard. Cappers Chapei 'doth still remain." 
< To fire their guns with. It was s Vide antea, p. 38,_note 2. 

probably but small cotton rope. 9 Royal paper. A large paper, 20 by 

5 Frieze was a coarse woollen cloth, 25 inches or more. 

with a nap on one side, formerly brought IO A fire-arm which, on account of its 

from Friesland. weight, was supported by a staff with a 

6 This was probably a coarse cloth fork on the end in which to rest it. It 
used on the ranges to bolt their meal was formerly touched off with a match 
or strain their milk. From spillan, to rope, but this had a lock, — probably 
spoil, to deprive of. J'ide Bosworth's without a cover to the pan, — which was 
Anglo-Saxon Dictionary, p. 207. a great improvement on the older kind. 

7 " Wearing leeks in their Monmouth " An iron crowbar. 



1635] INVENTORY OF GOODS. 69 

hooks, 1 bill hooke, 1 border, 1 addes, 1 drawing knife, 1 
shouell, 2 bucketts, I Line for Basse, 1 hand sawe, 1 sith for 
grasse, 1 old thart sawe, 1 wrest, 2 newe viles & an old vile, 
1 platter, 1 quarter Canne, 1 Iron Lanipe, 1 grindstone with 
an Iron spill.' 

6 boats Maine sayles, 6 boats foresayles. 
2 old boats sayles, woren out. 

8 Boats Roades, woren. 2 

12 flacketts, 5 12 bread boxes. 

9 Boats bucketts, 3 Boats Boules. 
One Mustard boule. 

1 traine buckett, 1 trayne funnell. 

2 stage sayles, & 1 old fore toppe sayle of the James. 

1 barr: Lime vnquenched, & } bar: vnquenched. 4 

2 Wheele Barrowes. 

7 Boatts Compasses. 1 pair Wheeles. 

21 dossen hookes strapped, 20 dossen newe hookes vnstrapped, 5 
dossen hookes 2s. 6d. per dossen, 8 dossen of quarter hookes. 
34 fishing Leads. 

25 fishing Lines that may serue againe sometimes. 
9 fishing Lines that are woren out. 
2ilb. Candells whoole, & 1 lib. broken. 
3olb. Corke for Netts. 

8 fishing shallopes with 6 Rudders. 
A Coasting boate with a Rudder. 

A skiffe to Richmon Island, another att Spitrrwinfce. 

2 trayne fatts,s one att each stage, r Washing vatet 

3 Boate Moorings. 

1 Tarre Cloth, 1 sayle for the little howse att the Hunters stage 
end. 

1 Jarre oyle ; the brewing vessells. 

745 foote of Inch £ & Inch J Oken planke att Spurrwinke. 

2 old hogs Mackrell in the James Salt howse. Neare about 140 
hogs salt in the Salt house within the pales ; Neere 60 hojs 
of the Salt left by Mr. Bowes; 100 hogs salt in the salt howse 
by the stage and in the stage. All which salt is by estimacbn 
but not measured. 

' With an iron spindle. his pint of "kill devil" to the honor 

2 Worn hawsers. of Josselyn, when the latter departed 

3 These were liquor-flasks, probably from our shores, 
of green glass, made flat for the pocket. * I. e. unslacked. 

It was doubtless from such a " flackett " s Fait and vale signify the same 
that Wannerton drank at one draught thing, viz. a vat or tub. 



7o 



THE TKELAWNV PAPERS. 



[1635. 



A frape for the skiffe. 1 

9 paire garters att 6d. per paire. 

5 paire garters att iod. per paire. 

7 paire garters att yd. per paire. 

3 stocke lockes vppon the doores, 1 small stocke locke,- 1 spring 

locke vppon the Little house doore att the higher howse. 
1 dossen spilters, 3 8 gutters. 

1 boxe trading beades vallued in iolb., whereof 3 Chaines taken 
from them. 

2 Candell stickes, 3 Iron lampes. 
1 quart pott, and 1 i pinte pott. 

104 kniues at 6s. per dozen, and 24 kniues at S per dossen, 14 

ounces of weeke yarne. 
371b. I 2 ounces of bever. 

I lib. coate bever, 71b. j of Auter. 

3 old goates and a kidd. 

The Coppie of ye pattent, 4 and the acco. of detts and bills. 

II bords, 9 Liquer hogsheads. 
16 dry Caske. 

10 dossen hookes. 
All these goods I say receaved. 

Naryas Hawkins. 
Edward Trelawny. 
Andrew p Alger. 

[Indorsed by Robert Trelawny :] 

The Invoyce of all my goods in] 

New Ingland, left by Mr. Winter I 

with Nanus Hawkins. Rd. the ,' 

26th of Aug. 1635. J 



1 A frape was a rope with the ends 
spliced together, forming a thimble or 
loop. It was put around a boat having 
the loop at the bow, into which a haw- 
ser was hooked to draw the boat through 
the surf to the shore. 

2 A lock fixed in a wooden case or 
frame. 

3 Knives used to split fish. The 
word, however, is not a corruption of 
splitting, as at first sight it might appear 
to be ; but is legitimately derived from 



the Saxon spillaii, and was doubtless 
applied to knives used for slaughtering 
purposes, — in this case to knives used 
by the fishermen to open and dress 
their fish. 

* This is the copy of Trelawny's pa- 
tent which Willis says Robert Jordan's 
daughter-in-law took from a chest and 
used to keep her pastry from burning, 
thereby destroying it. Willis supposed 
it to be the original. Vide History of 
Portland, Vol. I. p. 19, ed. 1S31. 



1635] EDWARD TRELAWNY TO ROBERT TRELAWNY. 71 



EDWARD TRELAWNY TO ROBERT TRELAWNY. 

Most euer Respected Brother : — 

After the presentment of ray euer due Respects, you may 
please to take noatice how my Laste vnto you was per waye 
of Darthmouth, therein aduertising you of all our proceedinge 
here, and diuers other occurrents needfull (in my apprehen- 
sion) for future bennifitt, as the sending ouer some experienct 
Men in the making & ordering of Clappbord & pipe statics, 1 the 
which if you haue no Occassion to make vse of yourselfe, yet 
noe feare of venting of them att good Rates to the Straiglitcs 
men. They sell here Clappbord for 28^. starling per (1) & 
great Inquissition made after them, and if other Men (as I 
well perceaue) with weake Meanes make such aduantage to 
themselues, why should not wee, who Canne Compasse it 
more easier & Reddyer euery Manner of waye, you may please 
to take it into your Considderacon. Also a skillful Man in the 
Mannuring 2 of hoppes would also bee very bennificiall. I Re- 
quested you to send ouer some Saffron Roots of the beste, 
and Apple & peare & plume pyps and stones, or any other 
thinke that you may Conceaue may conduce to the further- 
ance & future bennifit of the plantation, for I would lett no 
probable thing slippe, but without the tryall ; which is the 
true setling & furthering of a Plantation to future posteritye. 
I likewise aduizd you of Win. Ganyes abillitye in Virginia for 

1 Quite a trade in these sprang up in ruption of clime-boards, which passed 

New England. Josselyn says that the into do, daw, and finally clap-boards. 

merchant sends to the Canaries " claw- Wood speaks of oaks " more fit for 

board and pipe-staves, which is there dappboard, others for sawne board." 

and at the Charibs a prime Commodity." N. E. Prospect, p. iS. 

Two Voyages, p. 161. Also Young's - Used here in its original sense of 

Chronicles, p. 353. hand-working (manoeuvre), that is, culti- 

Since neither Webster nor Worcester vating. This was its sole signification 

tells us that the term c lapboard was at originally. "Had they duly manured 

this time applied to all small boards [cultivated] those first practical notions 

which were not sawed, it seems proper and dictates of right reason." South, 
to state the fact. The word is a cor- 



■J2 THE TKELAWNV PAPERS. [1635. 

Sattisfacon of the bond hee soe long owed mee, & there vppon 
desired you to send Geo: Mennefie the Coppye of the Bond, 
with Geo: Littleton nes Certificate touching the same, vnder a 
Notarycs hand, that it may bee the more Authenticke with 
them there when it Comes to pleading. Touching the Man- 
ner of our proceedings here, I prayse the Lord wee goe on 
Contentedly, but should doe more Comfortably if wee enioyd 
those sweete Meanes which drawes a blessing on all things, 
euen those Holly Ordinances & Heaitenly Manna of our soules, 
which in other parts of this Land flowes abundantly, euen to 
the great Reioycing and Comforting of the people of God' ; 
for certainly if euer were a happy people these are they, for 
otherwise God would not so goe along with them & make 
things so prosperous vnto them as hee cloth, that you would 
admire to see how all things haue succeeded in so short a 
time as it hath, and dayly doth. Lett all idle Reportts, touch- 
ing the Conuersacon of Gods people here, bee vtterly abol- 
lished and find no Credence with any who wishe well vnto 
Sion ; for I Assure you, they deserue it not ; if I may speake 
my Conscience that tells mee they are a people truly fearing 
God, and followe the patlies that Leade to Jerusalem, for they 
Mannifest the same apparantly in the whoole Course of their 
Conuersatioir; for my part I haue iuste Cause euer to blesse 

1 T lis brother soon sent the Rev. skill, faculty, spirit, and courage to work 
Richard Gibson to minister spiritually alike. It is thy glory and credit that 
to the settlers on and about the island. canst do so well, and his shame and re- 

2 Testimony conflicts on this point, proach that can do no better." Hence 
as we might expect from men observing we quote from those who bear testimony 
from different standpoints and seeing concurrent with that of Edward Tre- 
through the variously colored glasses lawny : " Profane swearing, druuken- 
of prejudice. Yet, as the character of nesse, and begars are but rare in the 
those bearing testimony to the good compasse of this Patent." Lechford, 
character of the early settlers so evi- Plain Dealing, p. 68. "I thank God I 
dently outweighs that of those bearing have lived in a Colony of many thou- 
opposite testimony, we are fain to fol- sand English almost these twelve yeares; 
low the advice which Cushman gives in am held a very sociable man ; yet I 
his discourse upon the times. He says : may considerately say I never heard but 
"Be not too hasty to say men are idle one Oath sworne, nor never saw one 
and slothful. All men have not strength, man drunk in all this time." Ward's 



1635.J EDWARD TRELAWNY To ROBERT TRELAWNY. 73 

the Lord for so highe a fauor in bringing mee hither ; and 
shall Account it the greatest happynesse that euer befell mee, 
and though I must Confesse, at your- first motioning of it, it 
was somewhat auerse and distastfull to my vntamed and vn- 
bridled Nature, yet since the (Heauenly) Conuersacons and 
sweet Life of the people here hath so farre wrought vppon 
and vindicated my Conscience, that I would not (I professe 
seriously from my very Soule) bee in my former Base, abom- 
inable, odious Condicon, no, not for the whoole Riches of the 
world. Dcare BrotJicr, I now find what it is to bee a Chris- 
tian ; a most difficult hard thing it is to bring that heart into 
frame & subjecon that hath formerly euen drunke in Iniquity 
like Water, and Runne the Race of all Licentiousnesse, euen 
with greedinesse. A Crucifycd Christian, what a Most hon- 
norable Title is it. And yet, after many a temptacon, many a 
hard Conflict and buffeting with Sathan, many a heauy sighe, 
deep growne, salt and sorrowfull teare, / tliankc God through 
Jesus Christ our Lord, who hath brought mee out of darknesse 
into his glorious light. Oh Newe England, Newe England, 
how much am I bound to the Lord for granting mee so great 
Mercy as to tread on thy grounds, and to enioye and partake 
of these many sweet Examples & holly practises as thou hast 
afforded mee. Oh that Old England could but speake in thy 
Language, then would not the holly and heauenly and sacred 
Name of the great and glorious God of Heaucn & Earth bee 
so erreuerently tost and tumbled, so prophanely tome in peeces 
in Mens mouthes ; then would not thy streets bee euery where 
so garnished (nay, rather disfugered) with so many Beastly, 

Simple Cobbler of Agawam,p.67. "The be remembered that he is describing the 

people [are] very thrifty, industrious, condition of the settlers along the coast 

and temperate." Evelyn, A Descrip- ofMaine. From various accounts we are 

tion of New Albion, p. 73. "One may led to suppose that the state of morals 

live there from year to year and not see among the Maine colonists was not as 

a drunkard, hear an oath, or meet a high as among those of Massachusetts ; 

beggar." New England's First Fruits, yet we should not be too hasty in forming 

Although Josselyn says, "There be none opinions derogatory to the former, since 

that beg in the Countrey," he describes the testimony we have is likely to have 

the state of morals as bad ; but it should been greatly influenced by prejudice. 



74 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1635. 

Barbarous, Belching drunkards as now they are ; then would 
not there bee so many abominations and wickednesse, Com- 
mitted in the hearth and howses of thy people, as to this daye 
is seene ; but thou shouldst then bee blest and beloued of the 
Lord as New England is. And what is the Reason of all 
this ; surely one ys (as I Conceaue) that as Gods people are 
come into a newe Countrye, where they freely enioye the lib- 
erty of his holly Ordinance without any trouble or Mollestacon 
at all, either of Bishoppe, Archbishoppe, 1 or any other inferior 
Carping Minister or gaping Officer, so they come vnto the 
Land & to the Lord with newe hearts & newe Liues, & enter 
into a new Couenant so to Continue euen to theire end. And 
who would not bee Among such a people & in such a Land. 

The Lord surely intends a blessing on this Land, in bless- 
ing it as bee doth ; in stirring vpp the hearts euen of the noble 
ones, 2 as also others of good Ouallitie, to come into these partts, 
for no other end nor by respectt, but merely for the pure wor- 
shippe of God, and I trust will proue good instruments of good 
to Gods Church & Children here. Of late is Arriud the Sonne 
& heire 3 of the Controler of the Kinges howse, a very sollid, 
able, discreet, pious Gentleman. I hope you will not drawe 
mee from hence, but rather further mee (as formerly you haue 
euer donne) in the establishing & settling mee in a Course 
that may tend to my future good, that I may not bee a Spec- 
tator only, but also an Actor, which I leaue to your Consid- 
deracon. 

To giue you now a taste of other passags, you may please to 
bee Aduertised how that att present our Boats haue Reason- 
able good fishing (I beseech the Lord to Continue it to his 
only glory). A late and suddaine, violent, & moste fierce 
storme wrought many evill and wofull effectts, gennerally the 

1 This would seem to imply that Ed- croft's History of the United States, 

ward Trelavvny was in fellowship with Vol. I. p. 3S3. 

the nonconformists of Massachusetts 3 Sir Henry Vane. For a brief hut 

Bay, and differed with his brother, who excellent biographical sketch, vide 

was an Episcopalian. American Cyclopaedia, in loco. Also 

3 See Hubbard, pp. 17S et seq. Ban- Bancroft's History, Vol. I. pp. 383 ct so/. 



i6j5| EDWARD TRELAWNY TO ROBERT TRELAWNY. 



75 



Land ouer, 1 to the losse of many vessells and Mens Hues ; that 
of any great Noate was of the Angell Gabricll of Bristol/,' who 
was Caste away as shee ridd att Anchor in Pemaquidd ; others 
quite loste in other placs in the Land, no place free ; wee also 
tasted of it, though not in that Measure with others, yet to the 
losse of one of our Boats, which proud some hinderance vnto 
vs. In my last I aduised you of the ffrcnches Rooting out of 
the Englisli att Penobscott; 1 since which the Inglisli (being not 
willing to putt vpp so great a wrong) haue Armed forth hence 
a shippe of 400 tons, and of good defence, againe to displant 
them, with other exploite they haue performd since their de- 
parture, wee as yet heare not of. 4 Here hath binne a designe 
begun & vndertaken by the Englishe on the Isle of Sabcll for 
Sea horse, on which they haue donne good, and are returnd 
with very great voyags. 5 I haue not els to inlarge, therefore 



1 "Saturday, the 15th of August, an 
Hurrican, or mighty storm of wind and 
rain, which did much hurt in New Eng- 
land." Josselyn, Two Voyages, p. 193. 
In this storm Anthony Thatcher was 
wrecked, losing his four children. He 
describes it as " so mighty a storm as 
the like was never known in New Eng- 
land since the English came, nor in the 
memory of any of the Indians." I 'ide 
Narrative of his Shipwreck, Young's 
Chronicles, p. 4S6. Morton says: "It 
blew down many hundred thousands of 
trees, turning up the stronger by the 
roots, and breaking the high pine trees 
in the midst." New England's Memo- 
rial, p. 1S0. All writers concur in their 
descriptions of the great violence of 
this storm. 

2 She sailed from King's Road with 
the James, which brought Mather. 
Says Thornton: "This shipwreck has 
ever been remembered as one of the 
most disastrous events in the local an- 
nals of Pemaquid. More than one hun- 
dred and thirty years afterward, the seal 



of the ' Pemaquid Proprietors ' bore 
a device of the ship, and the legend 
was, 'The Angel Gabriel, A. E. 
Pemaquid: 1O31.'" Vide Maine Hist. 
Coll., Vol. V. p. 218. A curious ballad 
tells us how the Angel Gabriel fought 
three French ships for the honor of 
Bristol. 

3 The French, who had so long threat- 
ened the trading stations east, sent a 
man-of-war to the Penobscot and took 
the place, holding it for nineteen years. 

■< The Hope of Ipswich, Captain 
Girling, undertook to displace the 
French, but failed. Vide Hutchinson's 
History of Massachusetts, p. 46 ct set]. 

s "About one hundred and fifty 
leagues from Boston Eastward, is the 
Isle of Sables, whither one John Webb, 
alias Evered, an active man, with his 
company, are gone with commission 
from the Bay, to get Sea-horse teeth 
and Oyle" Vide Newes from New 
England, p. 107. Winthrop records, 
some years later, that the merchants 
of Boston sent a vessel to the Isle of 



■j6 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1635. 

with my kind Sallutacons to my good Sisters, My much reuer- 
enced frind Mr. Bedford, Cossen Moorehouse, with all yours, 
to Israelis gracious giudance I Recommend you and your Af- 
faires, Remayning 

Your obserat. Brother in all Respect, 

EDWARD TRELAWNY. 
Boston in Messachuset Baye, 
10th Sber, 1635. 

I shall stand in great need of necessaryes for my perticuler 
vse, of which haue formerly aduizd you of, & shall desire you 
to bee mindfull of in sending mee, togeather with a Bible. 

To his Much Respected kind 
Brother, Mr. Robert Trelawny, 
Merchantt, 
In Plymouth. 

[Indorsed by Robert Trelawny :] 

New Ingland, 1635. 

My Bro. Edw. Trelawny, Rd 
the 15th of January. 




MRS. AMIAS MAVERICK TO TRELAWNY. 

NOTTELLS ILAND' IN MASSACHUSETTS BAY, 

the 20th of Nouember, 1635. 

Good Sir: — 

I kindly salute you in the Lord. I am giuen to vnderstand 
by diners that my ffather is verie much incensed against me, 

Sable with twelve men, which returned ■ Noddle's Island, now East Boston, 

in three weeks, and " brought home It is first designated as Noddle's Island 

400 pair of sea-horse teeth, which in the Wonder-Working Providence, in 

were esteemed worth £300, and left 1629. It was confirmed to Samuel 

12 ton of oil and many skins which Maverick in 1633, for the yearly consid- 

they could not bring away, being put eration of " a fat wether, a fat hog, or 

from the island in a storm." Vide 40s. in money." Samuel Maverick was 

Winthrop's Journal, p. 34. oneof RobertGorges'sCompanyin 1623, 



1635] MRS. AMIAS MAVERICK TO TRELAWNY. JJ 

but by what meanes I know not, and that he hath offerd 
to make sale of his land, notwithstanding he conveyed it 
to me by his deed (which I doubt not but will proue suffi- 
cient), and had of me fifty pounds in consideracion of it, that 
so the land might remaine to me & my children after my 
ffathers decease. And now I am enformed that my ffathcr 
would fayne dispose of the land & repay this jQ$o. Now my 
humble request vnto your worshipp is, that as you loued my 
first husband, so you would be pleased to doe that favour for 
me and my ffatherles children, as to speake to my father con- 
cerninge this thing, for I am persvvaded your good word to 
him in our behalfe will much prevaile, and whereas my father 
(as I am told) would dispose of the land and haue mee to take 
the ^50 againe, I shall desire you to intreate him that it may 
remaine with him, for my children, & that he would not goe 
about to putt the land from vs contrary to his deeds & prom- 
ises. As for the house which I liued in, my father gaue it me 
presently in marriage, and I haue left it wholy to his dispose- 
ing since I came thence, without haueing any benefitt of it, 
only to giue my father content. And thus craueing pardon 
for my greate boldncs, not doubting but that you wilbe pleased 

and was then in his twenty-second year, cise date of his death is unknown. 

He built a small fort, and fortified it It was from this island, the scene of 

with four murderers. He gave gener- many hospitable festivities, and home 

ous entertainment to all comers, which of the genial Maverick, a man " of a 

made him many friends. "The Tenth very loving and courteous behavior," 

day" (July, 1638), says Josselyn, "I yet "strong in the prelatical power," 

went a shore upon A r oddles Island, to that his wife, Mrs. Amias Maverick, 

Mr. Samuel Maverick, the only hospi- penned this letter to Robert Trelawny, 

table man in all the Countrey, giving doubtless an old friend before her com- 

entertainment to all Comers gratis." ing hither, referring to property of hers 

Two Voyages, p. 13. On his way back in England, where her father resided, 

to England Josselyn paid him a second By it we are informed for the first time 

visit, and says : " When I was come to that she was a widow and mother be- 

Mr. Mavericks, he would not let me go . fore marrying the genial Maverick- 

aboard no more until the Ship was ready Vide Winthrop's Journal ; Maine Hist. 

to set sail." Maverick was associated Coll., Vol. I. p. 46; Sumner's History 

with Edward Godfrey in 1634 in his of East Boston, p. 154; New England's 

Agamenticus grant He was living in Vindication, p. 9, et passim. 
1669 in New York City, but the pre- 



78 THE TRELAWNV PAPERS. [1636. 

to doe me this favour, wherein both I and mine shall euer rest 

obliged vnto you, and thus with my best respects to your selfe 

& your loueing wife, I humbly take my leaue, and remaine, 

your ffriend, 

AMIAS MAVERICKE. 

I shall intreate you to remember me kindly to Mr. Clemett. 

To the worshipfull and my much 

respected ffriend, Mr. Robert / ~r? \ 

Trelawny, merchant, giue these, •, _jP .' 

in Plymouth. V >' 

Per the way of Bristoll. 
[Indorsed by R. Trelawny :] 

New England 1636. 

Mrs. Amias Mauericke. 
Rd the 4th of July. 



EDWARD TRELAWNY TO ROBERT TRELAWNY. 

« 
My very Good Brother : — 

I presennt my selfe & kind Affecons vnto you, & you may 
please to take noatice how my Laste was per waye of Bristoll, 
vnder couer of Mr. Wm. Camo, aduizing you how necessary it 
was in petitioning the Lords for some seasonable Course to 
bee taken with the ffrcnch 1 here, otherwise there will bee butt 
small hopes in Continuing our plantations so neere them who 
daylye drawe towards vs, whose neighbourhood (I much feare) 
will proue very preiudiciall vnto vs. I now againe Request 
you to bee Mindfull of itt ; for either wee muste better fortifye, 
or els expose our selues to the Losse of all, which may bee 
preuented by a speedy preparation against all Assaultes. I 
Also intimated vnto you what a proffitable waye it would bee 
to send ouer 3 or 4 Men experienctt in the making of Clapp- 

' Vide Hubbard's New England, p. 161 ct scq. Mass. Hist. Coll., 4 Ser., VI. 573. 



1636.] EDWARD TRELAWNY TO ROBERT TRELAWNY. 79 

bord & pipe staues togeather with a Man or 2 about manuring 
of Hoppcs ; things conducing to our Aduantage many wayes. 
But aboue All I earnestly Requested you for a Relligious, able 
Minnister, for its a moste pittifull to behold what a Most Hea- 
then life wee Hue ; its without God in the World. To feede the 
Boddye & starue the soule is aboue all things most vnwarrant- 
able & detestable ; and that for which the Lord hath threat- 
ned the powring downe of his iudgments vppon vs. Hee hath 
allreddy giuen vs no small taste of his displeasure by Losses, 1 
since the plantation hath binne settled; the nextt I feare will 
bee greater, if not preuented. Surely something God sees 
Amisse in vs, that hee goes not along with vs in prospering 
our designes ; and I am perswaded that in Liuing without the 
Meanes is not the Leaste. God grant wee may laye it thor- 
oughly to heartt. For my part, my Conscience tells mee I dare 
nott hue without itt. What a Moste Heaucnly & Comfortable 
sight is itt to see with what power & puritye the Ordinances 
are administered, so that no one place in the world Comes 
neere itt ; I meane in the Baye, where there is such a holly 
walking, such a sweet Communion & fellowshippe on all sides, 
that I am perswaded vnlesse a man were paste all grace, it 
would Conuince the weryest Reprobate aliue. Oh that Old 
England were Ncive, then would the Lord certainly bee better 
pleased with itt. But I haue written you largly touching the 
perticuler in all my former, & therefor cease to Mention itt att 
presentt, though I Could largely discourse of itt. Only this on 
word : I shall Request you to Retaine Respectfull thoughtes 
of the place, and doe it all the good you Canne, for the Lord 
hath a pretious Care of his Holly ones, And Jjftur Reward shall 
bee with him. Verte folia 

1 This was a common way of speak- tended as ought to be." Early History 

ing at this time. Says Mather: "There of New England, p. 244. And Pierce 

are Evills prevailing amongst us, which, says, " It is time to looke aboute us, be- 

if they be not reformed, the Lords Con- fore the wrath of the Lord breake forth 

troversy will not be ended, — the blessed to utter destruction." Bradford's His- 

Design of our Fathers in coming into this tory of Plymouth Plantation, p. 305. 
Wilderness not being minded and at- 



80 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. (1636 

I must needs acknowledge the Lords vnspeakable free mercy 
& goodnesse (I speake with Comfort to my poore Soule) in 
Casting mee vppon this place, where I haue Received more 
bennifitt then in all my Life time before ; I desire you to bee 
sensible of itt. God grant I may expresse my thankfullnesse 
to him by a holly & blamelesse walking in feare and Reuer- 
ence before him, not Returning with the Dogg to his vomitt, 
nor with the soive to her wallowing in the Mire. The Country 
att presentt is sicke in a gennerall want of prouissions, by 
Reason of the Multiplicitye of people that Came this yeare & 
rellying whooly on itt. I trust the Lord will prouide for them. 
I could wishe you to send the Hunter, or some other shippe, 
with all sortts of prouissions & Cattle, & it will come (with 
Gods blessing) well to passe, if seasonable. Our Hoggs proue 
not so well this yeare as Laste by many degrees, in Respectt 
(as I Conceaue) the plantation is ouer stocktt. Wee haue made 
since the fishermens departure some 18 (1) fishe; if I Canne 
obtayne a price Reasonable I will here sell itt, in Respect you, 
write it will not keepe so well for a markett. Wee haue also 
saud about 40 hogs of Corne, which would sell att good Rates, 
but that I feare wee shall want before a supply come, which 
you intend not till towards March. I haue, togeather with 
Mr. Babb 1 of London, per whome this goes, Contracted for a 
shippes Lading of Clappebord, which are to bee delliuered on 
the first of June. Wee haue thoughts of a hopefull and ben- 
nificiall designe, for a voyage with a shippe into Ireland, to 
come hither with prouissions and Cattle, where they are 
Cheape ; and so to take in the Clappebord, either for the 
Islands, Spaync, or England, which Mr. Hill* will aduize you, 

' Thomas Babb of Wapping. A law- some of forten lis and one shilling for 
suit was the result. Vide Sainsbury's the use of Mr. Edward Trelawny," an 
Colonial Papers, Vol. IX. p. 261. An- order was issued to " attatch any man- 
other suit also grew out of these trans- ner of goodes and chattells belonging 
actions of Edward Trelawny ; for, as the said Robert Sanchy, for the full 
will be seen in the York Court Rec- satisfacon of the said debt, the 7 th of 
ords, leaf 1, Robert Sanchy, not having 9 bre , 1636." 
"paide unto Mr. Narias Hawkins the = This is without doubt the Mr. Hill 



1636.] EDWARD TRELAWNY TO ROBERT TRELAWNY. Si 

for that muste there bee determine! on. And what the \ or 
I th will Amountt vnto, praye giue order vnto Mr. Hill to sat- 
tisfye vnto Mr. Babb, who (if hee chance to stoppe in Ply- 
mouth) I praye you entertaine him, as a friend that hath 
deserud much from mee. The designe cannot but proue 
moste aduantagious (with Gods blessing) ; therefor praye speed 
itt onward, for therein Consists the cheife profntt. I haue 
not els att present to inlarge, only my kind Sallutations to 
my good Sisters, brother Martine, Mr. Beddford, with the reste 
of our nearest & dearest frinds. I recommend you to the 
Keeper of all Men, and Remayne as euer, 

Your vnfained Lov: Brother, 

EDWARD TRELAWNY. 
Boston, 10th January, 1635 [6]. 

Since the finishing of this Letter, Mr. Babb and my selfe 
haue bargaynd for some Commodityes to the vallewe of £132, 
and [I] haue giuen him a bill on you for .£115 att 20 dayes 
t sight, which praye see sattisfyed att the time, out of the £95 
formerly sentt you per Bill of Exchange on Mr. Matthewe 
Craddocke, merchant, of London. 1 I sent itt you per the 

referred to by Winthrop, whose adven- He had a plantation near Winthrop's 

ture in the West Indies with Captain farm at Ten Hills, in the present town 

Gibbons was magnified by Mather into of Medford, the house which stood 

a " wonderful story." Vide Winthrop's upon it being in existence a few years 

Journal, Vol. I. p. 270. Mather's Mag- ago, and also a plantation at Marble- 

nalia, ed. 1S20, Vol. II. p. 297. head, and another at Ipswich, and he 

1 Mathew Cradock's name long stood had an agent and servants here to 

above Winthrop's as the first Governor look after them. At these places a 

of the Massachusetts Colony, having fishing business was carried on similar 

been the Governor of the Massachu- to that conducted at Richmond's Island 

setts Bay Company in London before by Trelawny. He never came to this 

the government was transferred to country, but died in London, in 1644. 

New England. He it was who first Vide Memorial History of Boston, 

proposed transferring the government Vol. I. pp. 99, 102. Winthrop's Jour- 

from the company in London to the nal, I. 2, II. 480. Young's Chronicles, 

people here, a momentous act, the re- pp. 137 et sea. Mass. Hist. Coll., 

suit of which may be traced through- 4th Series, Vol. VI. pp"f 13, 11S, 122, 

out our history. Mathew Cradock et passim. Hutchinson's History of 

may well be styled a merchant prince. Massachusetts, Vol. I. p. 18. 

6 



82 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



[1036. 



James of London," about a Monneth since, hoping itts erre 

this come saufe to your hands. This Bill will bee ^20 aboue 

that, which you may please and I much desire you to disburse 

for mee. I hadd but 2 bills giuen me ; the second I would' 

now haue sent, but that I keepe it by mee for my sattisfacon 

vntill I heare of itts Acceptance. The bargain was good, 

which made mee the more willinger to aduenture on itt ; I 

Cannot gett lesse than .£50 proffitt. I shall not haue them 

long on my hands, but shall be able to Returne you, per the 

next month, may bee within these 20 dayes, a Bill of Beauer 

to the vallewe of .£140 starling, in which I will not, God 

willing, faile ; therefor you may absolutely expect itt. I praye 

doe mee this fauor, as you haue donne many others, and I will 

studdy to deserue itt. 

Your Respetiue Brother, 

EDWARD TRELAWNY. 



To my endeared Lov: Brother, Mr. 
Robert Trelawny, merchantt, 
In 

Plymouth. 




1 A vessel of this name it will be re- 
membered, was lost on her way to the 
Virginia Colony. Vide antca, p. 55. 
This was the James, on which Richard 
Mather, fleeing from the Pursuivants, 
took refuge a few weeks later, with 
other " loving and godly Christians," 
and which left the King's Road with the 
Angel Gabriel ; Sir Ferdinando Gorges 
coming on board the latter before her 
departure, to profess " his good will to 
the people of the Bay," promising 
that, " if he ever came there, he would 
be a true friend unto them." Vide 
Young's Chronicles of Massachusetts, 
p. 451. 

2 When I wrote the note on Ed- 
ward Trelawny, posted, page 255, who 



seems to have been lost sight of by 
his family, who have in vain made in- 
quiries concerning him in America, I 
had not seen the report of the Histori- 
cal Manuscripts Commission. On the 
Calendar of the House of Lords noted 
therein, under date of December 23, 
1643, >' appears that he was then living 
in England, with a wife anil children, 
in destitute circumstances. This was 
about seven years after his return to 
England, and there can be little doubt 
that he died there. A manuscript in- 
voice which I have before me shows 
him to have been a careful and elegant 
penman, and a man of culture. His 
mercantile enterprises appear to have 
been failures. 



i6j6.] WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 83 

WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 

Richmon Iland, the 23 th of June, 1636. 
Worshipfull Syr: — 

Yt may please you to vnderstand of our prosedings. The 
24th of May we weare safiy arrived heare at Richmon Iland, 
heare findinge our men all in good health ; but heare we shall 
not finde the quantyty of fish which I did hope I should find. 
Heare hath bin Controversy amonge our people that did stay 
heare, & som thinge troubled them because their supply Came 
not soner ; but, as I Conceaue, the wanted nothinge, though yt 
weare bought deare, as by Mr. Haukins account will appeare, 
which you shall haue by the Lyon, of Bastable, Maister John 
Cad, who is bound heare hence for Barnestable, & I haue an In- 
tent to send what bever I haue heare receaved by her for Barne- 
stable, which I thinke wilbe readye to go forth of this harbor 
about 6 dayes hence. The fishinge this yeare hath proved very 
yle by our mens report, & by the other ship of Barnestable 
which is heare, hath not byn good since they Came in heare. 
They haue not aboue 5 thousand fish for a boote since February. 
I praise God we brought our Cattell' heare safe with vs, & I 
haue goot a bull to go with them, & the proue very well heare 
upon the Iland. Since my Comming heare I haue receaved 8 
Younge [y]earlings more, which your brother bought in the 
Bay, and, as he writes me, they ar of the Duch bread, & is to 
pay £11 5s. per head, which I thinke he hath Charged a bill vpon 
you for payment, but he hath not wrote me so as yet, neyther 
hath he sent heare vnto me for payment ; the Cost the bringinge 
them at Salco, ,£5 4s., which I haue paid. Your brother is still 
in the Bay, & I haue not spoken with him since I Came hither. 
We haue had a great lost vpon our pigs since my goinge away, 
which they say som the Indians haue killed, & the say the 
woolues haue killed som other, but how yt is [I know not: but] 
the lost is great, as by their ovvne report is no les then 200 
.young & old. The do report [that] they had the last yeare at 

1 These were the first neat cattle brought to Black Point. 



84 THE TRELAWNY TATERS. [1636. 

Myhelmas 1 neare 3 C, & they haue killed the last winter 40, 
& now the thinke that we haue betwixt 50 or 60, but I Could 
never se yet aboue 40 since I Came hither ; therfore you may 
not expect for but litle vitlinge vpon flesh heare the next yeare, 
before the stocke be better Increased againe, which I hope yt 
will [be]. I thinke we shall not haue vittells heare that we 
Can kill not to serue for aboue 7 or 8 moneths for the people 
that ar heare at the most. Provision this yeare hath bin deare, 
bread at 61b. of bever per hodgh., & pease at 7lb. bever per 
hodghed, & vittells heare very deare all this yeare, but now 
better Cheape by reason of so many ships Cominge to the 
Country this year. I hope Mr. Bowes = wilbe ready to depart 
hence within this 3 or 4 dayes at farthest ; on fair day will 
take abord all the fish which is heare, except a thousand & I 
of fish which is greane, that will not be servizeable to go abord. 
Ther will not be aboue 6 C. Cintalls good & bad, besides pol- 
locke & Cor fish. Theris abord at present 550 Cintalls of dry 
fish, 54 Cintalls Cor fish, 8 hodgheds -J- of pease, & 4 hodgheds 
of traine. I should haue Inlarged more, but the maisters of 
the shipes that ar bound for Biskay stay the writinge herof ; 
but by Mr. Bowes & the ship of Barnestable J that goeth for 
England, I shall write you more at large. Our provision that 
I haue heare will not last aboue 8 moneths for the men that 
ar heare, by reason I haue paid away som that Mr. Haukin 
hath borrowed this yeare ; therefore you may please to Con- 
sider by our quantyty of men what we shall spend another 
yeare, wherefore I pray lett yt not be short, for yt will Cost 
deare heare, & we do not saue by spendinge Indian graine ; 
yt is better to be sold yf we Cann spare. We haue no more 
ground planted this yeare then their was the last. The say 
they had neare about 25 or 26 hodgheds. So I end & rest, 

Your to his power, 

JOHN WINTER. 

' Michaelmas. 2 The former captain of the James, 

" September, when by custom, right divine, which was lost. 

Geese are ordained to bleed at Michael's 3 TU e 1 von 

shrine." — Churchill. 
It is the 29th day. 




1636.] WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 85 

To the Worshipfull Robert 
Trelavvny, merchant, this be d. 
in 
Ply moth. 

Per a frincl, Mr. John Baple, 
whom God send in safty. Amen. 

[Indorsed by R. Trelawny :] 

Richmond Hand, 1636. 

John Winter, Rd. the 
4th of Oct. 

[Thus far is in duplicate, and what follows is a continuation of 
preceding letter, and forwarded by Mr. William Garland.] 

I do purpose to build our barke' about 25 or 30 tonnes ; 
therefore you may please to send Cables, & Camnas for sailes 
& ropes for Rigginge.of her, accordinge for a vessell of that 
burden, & pich & tarr, spukes 2 & nailes & Chaine boltes, Rud- 
der Workesf & som boultes drawen out for knees, & other 
busines which wilbe nedefull, which I know the Carpenters at 
home Can direct you best what wilbe nedefull for a barke of 
that burden : heare is none to be gotten. I desire that you 
send away our supply betimes, that they may be heare aboat 
Chrismas or short vpon, or els I doubt yt will not be well. 
We shall need the next yeare to haue tenn new netts for the 
plantation, for our netts ar all most spent. I doubt our hookes, 
lines, & leads will but hardly hold out for this next fishinge sea- 
son, for heare was none left when I Came hither, neather is 
ther any heare to be bought, & for bootes Roods 3 & sailes & 
mourings, halliers, sheats, & boulings, & all these things will 
last but for next fishinge season ; so that our supply must 
bringe for the yeare after. I pray send me som good garden 
seeds, for our men this yeare haue kept a Cleane garden ; we 

1 Which he named the Richmond. Anglo-Saxon, rad, raed, ready, prepara- 

2 Spikes. tory. It is a small rope used in mooring 

3 Boats roads. The word roads, which aboat. Vide Bosworth's Anglo-Saxon 
has before been noted, is not found in the Diet., p. 1S4. 

dictionaries, but is doubtless from the 



86 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1636. 

haue not any thinge In him : which [deficiency] I know will 
spend vs this winter at lest 3 hodgheds of pease the more, for 
I depended so much vpon our garden, that I brought fewer 
pease for yt, which I doubt we shall want before our supply 
Corns. All provision of vittlinge and fishinge Craft was spent, 
& somm borrowed, which I make good againe, & all the goods 
that was to be sold was sold before I Came hither, except the 
Coverletts & hatts & beads & som shues left, & 6 fine Calcue' 
shurtes, & about 4 dozen of knyfes, which is no matter wher 
you giue a supply of these things againe, for theris no need of 
them : but for other goods which we haue formerly had, will 
pas away againe [in trade]. Theris no Indians Comes neare 
vs that we know, since the killed our pigs. The stand in feare 
that we will take hold of them for yt, & so I would yf I Cann 
mett with them that did yt. The French haue made them 
selues stronge at the place the tooke last yeare heare from 
the English,' & do report they will haue more of the planta- 
tions heare about vs, & this for on : therfore we shall need 
to strengthen this plantation, for yt lyes very open as yet for 
the enymye. I will Intreat you to helpe my wyfe to somm 
money yf she need. I haue a desire to haue her to Com in 
our supply that Cometh next, for she may be a great helpe to 
me heare in the house, as well as her Company, in lokinge 
over the hosehold provisions. I do lacke a good Carefull hus- 
bandman to overlooke our husbandry, very much to governe 
the rest, for I Cannot be in every place, & servants will do but 
litle worke heare yf therbe not an eye over them. Our myn- 
ister 3 is a very fair Condition man, & on that doth keep him- 

1 Calico. Plain white cotton cloth, so inspiring congratulations of his friends, 
called from Calicut, a seaport of the In- to take the little ship of John Winter, 
dian Ocean, whence it was first brought, which was to bear him through perils 

2 The Penobscot trading station. then considered appalling, to the strange 

3 Rev. Richard Gibson. Willis says New World, which Hakluyt had painted 
the precise time of his arrival can- to the imaginations of youthful soldiers 
not be ascertained ; but he evidently in the Christian army as the overshad- 
came with Winter, reaching here May owing stronghold of Satan, which it was 
24, 1636. He must have left the con- their privilege to aid in conquering. His 
genial shades of Magdalen College upon ministry was not without its troubles, 
taking his degree of A.B. amidst the Winter soon became cold towards him, 



1636.] 



WINTER TO TRELAWNY, 



87 



selfe in very good order, & Instructs our people well, yf please 
God to giue vs the grace to follow his Instruction. So not 
havinge els to advize you at present, I leaue you to the pro- 
tection of the Almighty God. I end & rest, 

Your to his power, 

JOHN WINTER. 

To the Worshipfull Robert 
Trelawny, merchant, this be dd. 
in 
Plymoth. 

Per a frind, Mr. William Garland, 
whom I pray God send in salty. 

[Indorsed by R. Trelawny:] 
New England, 1636. 

Jno. Winter, Rd. the 
20th of Oct. 




because, it is said, he did not yield to 
the charms of his fair daughter Sarah ; 
and he went to Portsmouth, where in 
1640 he was chosen pastor of the Epis- 
copal Church there. John Bonython 
called him " a base priest, a base knave, 
a base fellow," and moreover slandered 
his wife, for which he was fined six 
pounds six and eightpence, and twelve 
and sixpence " for the use of the Court," 
doubtless a just verdict. It is remark- 
able that neither Folsom nor Willis 
mention his marriage to the daughter 
of Thomas Lewis of Saco. The former 
gives an account of Lewis and his fam- 
ily, and of the disposition of his estate, 
yet omits mention of Mary Lewis, to 
whom Richard Gibson was married, as 
we learn from a letter of his dated at 
Richmond's Island, the 14th of Janu- 
ary, i638[9], to Governor Winthrop, in 
which he states that he had recently 
married " as a fitt meanes for closing of 
differences and setting in order both for 



religion and government in these Plan- 
tations," but without effect, as "some 
troublous spirits" had made serious 
charges against his wife's virtue befoie 
marriage, which he asks Governor Win- 
throp to investigate. Though Winthrop 
called him a scholar, he did not like his 
zeal in behalf of the Episcopacy, and he 
was summoned to Massachusetts on the 
charge of marrying and baptizing at the 
Isles of Shoals, a practice the Colony for- 
bade to the clergy of the English Church. 
For this, and alleged disrespectful com- 
ments upon the Massachusetts govern- 
ment, he was held in custody in Boston 
for several days ; but, says Winthrop, 
as " he was a stranger, and was to de- 
part the country in a few days, he was 
discharged without any fine or other 
punishment." Winthrop, II. 66. Fol- 
som, p. 78. Maine Hist. Coll., Vol I. 
p. 58. Mass. Hist. Coll., 5th Series, 
Vol. I. p. 267 et st-i/. 



88 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1636. 

WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 

Richmon Iland, the 28 th d. of June, 1636. 
Worshipfull Syr: — 

I haue formerly written you by 2 sundry ships bound for 
Biskay"; now this goeth by the Lyon of Barnestable, wherof 
master John Cadd, & abord of him I haue laden 1 C. lb. of 
bever, wherof 401b. Coote bever & 71b. \ of Auters skins for 
the account of the plantation, & haue assigned yt to Mr. Gil- 
bert Paige of Barnestable to receaue yt for your account, & 
haue taken bills of ladinge for yt, & is to pay fraight for yt to 
the maister, twenty shillings. Also you may please to take 
notice of our prosedings. We arrived heare the 24th of May, 
heare findinge all our men In health, but they haue made but 
a poore Voyage ; the say that their hath bin bad fishinge this 
Yeare, as partly doth appeare by the ship that did fish heare 
this yeare, in which I send this bever aboue mensioned. I 
praise God we brought our Cattell heare strong & lusty, & I 
haue borrowed a bull to go with them, & the proue very well 
heare vpon the Iland. Since my Comminge hither your 
brother hath bought 8 young heffers more in the Bay, which 
ar of the Duch breed, & he writes me the Cost, n£ 5s. per 
head. They weare brought as far as Salko by a ship that 
Came their to lade Clawbord, 2 & is bound for Malaga with yt. 
You may please to Inquire how they proue for sale, to know 
yf their be any good to be donn by them. I paid £5 4s. for 
bringinge these Cattell to Salko. I thinke your brother hath 
Charged you with a bill for payment for them, for he hath not 
sent hither for payment for them as yett, nor writes me noth- 

' Biscay, one of the three Basque setting forward this enterprise of clap- 
provinces of Northern Spain, the capi- board making," and were shipped on 
tal of which is Bilboa. account of Governor Cradock after the 

" These "clawbord" were made by death of Williams, as may be seen in 

Richard Williams, "the clapboard York County Court Records, under 

cleaver," who, at " Saco, 27"' die Jan- date of June 15, 1635, and on pages 

uary, 1635," formed a copartnership following. 
with Peyton Cooke, Gent., for " the 



1636 J WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 89 

inge of yt. He is in the Bay, & I haue not spoken with him 
since I Came hither : but I haue the Cattell hear safe at the 
Hand, but I thinke they ar not so good as the Cattell that I 
brought with me. We haue had a great lost vpon our pigs 
since I went away, which our men saies Indians killd many, 
& the say the woulues haue killd other, & somm died the 
winter : as yet I Can heare no other waye how they Came to 
an end, but how soever yt was, the lost is great. The do ac- 
knowledge the had the last Mychaellmas 3 C, & the say the 
killed but 40, & the thinke they haue now a lyfe betwixt 50 or 
Co, but I Could not se aboue 40 since I came hither : therfore 
you may not expect to trust vpon vittellinge heare vpon flesh 
the next yeare, for all the vittells that we haue heare & that 
we shall kill this yeare will not last aboue 8 moneths for the 
Company that we haue heare ; but I hope they will Increase 
againe. Provision of vittlinge hath proved deare heare this 
yeare ; bread at 61b. bever per hodghed, & pease at 71b. bever 
per hodghed, & Corne & other vittells very deare. We had 
the last year growen 5 or 6 & 20 hodgheds of Corne, & the say 
the spent the on J of yt vpon the swine. We haue no more 
ground planted this yeare then their was the last yeare. Our 
provision that I haue heare will not last vs aboue 8 moneths 
for the Company that ar heare, by reason I haue paid away 
som malt & meall & beare that Narias Haukin borrowed. 

I do purpose to build our barke about 25 or 30 tonnes ; 
therefore you may please to send Cables, & Camnas for sailes, 
& ropes for rigging of her, accordinge for a vessell of that bur- 
den, & pich & tar & spukes & nailes, Chaine boults & Chaines, 
Ruddur workes, & som bolt stafes' drawen out for knees, & 
other busines which wilbe be need for a barke of that burden : 
heare is none to be gotten. I desire that you send away our 
supply betimes, that the may be heare about Chrismas or 
short vpon. or els I doubt yt will not do well, because the best 
fishinge is heare in January. You shall do well to haue the 
Carpenter that Commeth in the ship to be a shore man, & to 

1 Stay-bolts. 



go THE TRELAWNY TAPERS. [1636. 

order- yt so with him that he may worke with our Carpenter 
the tyme the ar heare in the Country. We shall nead the 
next yeare to have 10 new netts for the plantation, for our 
netts ar almost spent. I doubt our hookes, lines. & leads Will 
hardly hold out for the next fishinge season, for their was none 
left heare when I Came hither, neather is their any heare to 
be bought, & for bootes Roods, sailes, mourings, halliers, sheats 
& tacke & boulings will last but for the next fishinge season, 
so that our supply must bringe for the next yeare after. I 
pray send vs somm good garden seeds, for our men this yeare 
haue kept a Cleane garden. We haue not any thing growes 
in him, which I know this winter will spend vs at lest 3 hodg- 
heds of pease the more : for I depended so much vpon our 
garden that I brought the fewer pease with me for yt, which 
I doubt we shall want before our supply Commes. All our 
provision of vitteling & fishinge Craft was spent before I Came 
hither, & somm borrowed, which I make good againe : & all 
the goods that was to be sold was sold before I Came hyther, 
except the Coverletts, hatts, beads, & somm shues, & 6 fine 
Calikue shurtes, and about 4 dozen of knyfes, which you shall 
not do well to send any of these thinges againe ; but you may 
please to send 3 or 4 dozen of stronge shues for the house, 
& all other goods which we formerly haue had which will 
pas away againe; the shues must be of the 11, 12, & 13th. 
Theris no Indians Comes neare vs that we know since the 
killed our pigs : the stand in fear we will take hold of them 
for yt, & so I will yf I Cann meete with them that did yt. 
The French haue made themselues stronge at the place the 
tooke from the English the last yeare, & do report they will 
haue more heare abouts these partes, & theris likely hood of 
yt that the will do much hurt heare yf their be not som Course 
taken for yt. I pray send that pece of ordinance which you 
did purpose to send with me, or another, & 2 or 3 murderers 1 
for our barke, with a good foulinge pece, 2 musketts & ban- 
deleres, 2 & 3 or 4 swords, & \ dozen pickes heads. 3 I will 

1 Vidcantea, p. 66, note 2. = Vide anka, p. 35, note S. ^ Heads for pikes. 



1636] WINTER TO TRELAWNY. gi 

Intreat you to helpe my wyfe to som money yf she need. I 
haue a desire to haue her to Comm hither in our next supply, 
for she may do me a great dealle of helpe to se over these 
thinges that ar in the house as well as her Company; for 
havinge many people, the ar not all saving, but rather the 
most part spoylinge, yf they Can do yt Closely.' I do lacke 
a good Carefull man to governe our husbandry very much, & 
such a on that will keep the rest to worke, for men heare vvilbe 
Idle yf they haue not on to sett them forward. Our mynister 
is a very fair Conditioned man, & on that keepes himselfe in 
very good order, & Instructs vs very well, yf please God to 
giue vs the grace to follow his Instruction : God grant we may. 
Our men that stayed heare the last yeare have bin at differ- 
ence with the maister. Here is 3 or 4 stubberne fellows, & I 
thinke Lander- hath bin the greatest Case of all, but I Cannot 
well put him away for want of Another man, for theris 4 or 5 
of our men that goeth away this yeare, & for this other 8 which 
ar bound in Covenant will not stay any longer then after the 
next fishinge season, for now they haue bought salt this yeare 

6 do purpose to sett vp fishinge them selues the next yeare, & 
I haue much ado with your man Vivion : he saies yf he go not 
home he will run away heare in the Country, which I thinke 
is somm of our mens doings that wear heare. Harry the 
baker went away the last yeare after I Came away, & liues of 
himselfe, but I think not worth a groat : yf you haue laid out 
any money to his wyfe since I Came away, I know not how 
you will gett yt againe, for he hath don no servize to the plan- 
tation since I Came for England. He hath owed me £3 this 

7 or 8 yeare, & I know not how to gett yt from him. I haue 
loden abord the Agnes 3 for your account, 32 M. 9 C. 54 fishes 
qt. 570 Cintalls of merchantable Cod ; more 2 M. 7 C. 6 fishes 
qt. 35 Cintalls of merchantable hake & haddocke ; more 2 M. 
5 C. 34 fishes qt. 30 Cintalls of dry Cod, hake, & haddocke 

■ I. e. secretly. suit against Winter for breach of con- 

* "John Lander," afterwards "of Pas- tract. Vide postea, p. 93, note 1. 
cataway." lie subsequently brought a 3 Vide Maine Hist. Coll., Vol. I. p. 56 



92 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



[1636. 



refuse ; more 6 C. qt. 17 Cintalls of dry pollocke ; more 3 C. 
62 fishes qt. 54 Cintalls of Cor Cod ; more 4 hodgheds & a 
barrell of traine ; more 8 hodgheds \ of fish pease ; more 
50 Cripple of banke 1 Cor Cod. I haue bought 50 hodgheds 
of salt of the Barnestable men, & haue paid them a pound of 
bever per hodghed. I pray send vs a hodghed of barke° & a 
hodghed of quenched lyme. I do purpose to send the fish 
that we saue now in the hott weather into the Bay. The last 
yeare the sold som pollocke & bas & bad fish, & sold yt at 
very good rates ; but for the fish that doth safe well I will not 
sell except a good price. I had thought to haue sent Narias 
Haukins account by this ship, but he is not perfected. 3 Cap- 
taine Bonython 4 desires to be remembered vnto you, & will 
Intreat you to remember him about those thinges which John 
Lander stole away of his out of the Speedwell before the Came 
to sea. More you may please to take notice, this present I 
firmed to bills to the Company for this yeares servize. The 
Company fell into a mutany with me because I would not giue 
them bills for the last yeares for the money which they weare 
to haue aboue their shares, which I know not wher yt be paid 



1 I. e. 50 small casks bank (of New- 
foundland) corned cod. Douglass says 
that New England dry cod is more 
"salt-burnt 'i than Newfoundland cod, 
as in the latter place they use milder 
salt, and " work them belly down," 
while "in New England they work 
them belly up." Hist, of North Amer- 
ica, Vol. I. p. 302. 

3 Bark to float the nets. 

3 I. e. completed. 

* Captain Richard Bonython, a scion 
of the ancient house of Bonython, West 
Cornwall. The etymology of the word 
is " the dwelling in the furze, or gorse." 
He was baptized on the 3d of April, 
15S0, at St. Columb Major, and was 
therefore about fifty years of age when 
he came here, bringing a son and two 
daughters. He was joint proprietor 



with Thomas Lewis of the territory 
embracing the present town of Saco, 
the original deed of which is in the 
possession of the Maine Historical So- 
ciety, and was a member of the first 
Court, in 1640, and served as Coun- 
cillor in 1645. He is said to have been 
a man of great gravity of deportment, 
and much respected by his associates, 
sustaining well his character of a magis- 
trate. His son John was a reprobate, 
but such was the unflinching rectitude 
of the father that he entered a com- 
plaint against him for threatening vio- 
lence to Richard Vines. He died about 
1650. Vide Carew's Survey of Corn- 
wall, 1602. Gilbert's Hist, of Cornwall, 
1 Si 7. Maine Hist. Coll., Vol. I. p. 44. 
Folsom's Saco, pp. 26, 113. 



1636.I 



WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 



93 



or no ; but they takinge such distaste at yt, som of them fell 
into such a mutany, & they ar gon away from the plantation, 
& do purpose to fish for them selues. The went to the west- 
ward by land, & wheare they ar gon I know not, & haue Con- 
veyed their Clothes away to a house heare vppon the Hand ; 
but I do purpose to sease vpon their Clothes againe, & will 
gett them to our house againe. The partyes which ar gon is 
Lander, which I doubt is the leader of them all, & William 
Ham, Oliver Clarke, John Bellin, William Freythey, & John 
Simmons,' 6 in all, & whear they will Com againe or no I know 
not. I will not send for them, but will giue order along the 
Cost that no man shall entertaine them. By Chanse I haue yt 
their bills in my keepinge for this yeare. I haue much trouble 
with them since I Came hither. They haue taken their sway 
so much this yeare that It wilbe a hard thinge to bringe them 



1 It will perhaps be interesting to fol- 
low these men after leaving the service 
of Winter. They probably all went to 
IMscataqua (Portsmouth) with John Sy- 
monds, who was one of John Mason's 
servants, and after the latter's death, in 
1635, had found employment with Win- 
ter. Lander, who is called the " leader 
of them all," appears as one of the pa- 
rishioners who in 1640 "founded and 
built " the " parsonage house, chappell, 
with the appurtenances, at their own 
proper costs and charges," and "made 
choyse of Mr. Richard Gibson to be the 
first parson of the said parsonage." He 
brought suit against Winter for wages 
he claimed to be due him, and recovered 
one pound damage, October 2 1. 1645, ar| d 
died soon after this date. William Ham 
became a land-owner in Portsmouth, 
his name being in the list of persons to 
whom lands were granted in 1660. The 
name of Oliver Clark does not appear, 
but in the list above mentioned appears 
the name of Edward Clark, who may 
have been his son. The vote granting 



these lands provided " that all sons as 
are of the age of 21 years and upwards 
have right to land in this distribution." 
John Pilling became a citizen of good 
repute. His name also appears in the 
"Grant of the Glebe" as one of Gib- 
son's parishioners, and in 1660 as one 
of the freemen. William Frethy, who 
it will be seen returned with Symonds 
and again entered Winter's employ, 
continued in the vicinity, and was pre- 
sented at Court, September 15, 1640, 
with Henry Watts, " for prophaneing 
the Sabbath in carrying of bords con- 
trary to his Majesties lawes," and fined 
twenty shillings, one half of which was 
remitted, "the rest paid the Worshipful 
R. Vines." He afterwards removed to 
York, where, in 1652, he became a free- 
man of Massachusetts. Vide Adams's 
Annals of Portsmouth, p. 395. Pro- 
vincial Papers of New Hampshire, 
Vol. I. pp. in, 114. Brewster's Ports- 
mouth, p. 26 et seq. York Court Rec- 
ords, leaf 31, d passim. Maine Hist. 
Coll., Vol. HI. p. 21. 



94 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1636. 

in good order againe yf the returne. Yf you purpose to keep 
any more men the next yeare then these three bootes Company 
that Came with me, I will Intreat you to send honester men 
& them that wilbe better governed ; for their is no expectinge 
to haue any of these men which weare heare before I Came to 
stay after the next fishing season. So I haue not els to Ad- 
vize you at present, being the ships as ready to depart, but 
leaue you to my next. I end & rest, 

Your to his power, 

JOHN WINTER. 

To the worshipfull Robert 
Trelavvny, merchant, this be dd. 
in 
Ply moth. 

Per Captaine John Cadd of 
Barnestable, whom God preserue. 

[Indorsed by Robert Trelawny :] 

Richmond Hand, 1636. 

Jno. Winter, Rd the 
15 th of August. 




NAR1AS HAWKINS TO TRELAWNY. 
To THE WORSHIPFULL ROBERT TRELAWNY : — 

Sir: I haue Receiued your lettei.Vand accordinge to your 
order I haue deliuered vpp my account to Mr. Winter, & haue 
Endeuoured as Much lay on me to make a voyage : but 2 of 
the Cheifest Months, which in former were wont to be best 
fishinge, we could nott gett fish to suffice the house to eate in 
Februarie & March, which for Experience the shipp which 
fisht heer found to their discomfort and ours ; yet I hope be 
that tyme our Refusd fish is sold, I thinke we shall make little 
lesse then £11 share for the last yeares worke, which was £6 



1636.] NARIAS HAWKINS TO TRELAWNY. 95 

portledge,' & £1 3s. 3d. for the fish deliuered Mr. Winter, and 
£$ you promised me for my Charge in Bringinge ouer the 
shippe. I hope you wilbe pleased to pay my wife, together 
with my bills for this yeare ; & if you do me that fauour as to 
stop from John Lannder 40s., & from William Ham 40s., & 
pay it to my wife, I shall giue you great thanks. Mr. Winter 
knows of their debt verie well. Some debts their are owinge 
I thinke to the valeu of thirtie pound, which I will striue to 
gett in this winter ; for in June next my tyme wilbe Expired 
accordinge to promise, which, if the covenants Run otherwise, 
you May please to Remember it was excepted against and 
agreed vppon to be 3 fishinge seasons, & the Last yeare to 
be one of them. Whether it were blotted out or nott, I am 
confident Mr. Glubb had his pen once to blott it, and we were 
to stay in like manner as Mr. Winter did heerto fore. Ther- 
fore, to certifie you, I do entend to stay no longer then the 
goinge avvaye of the next fishinge ships ; for Plantinge their 
is more done then euer was yett Planted, but I had Much to 
do for fish to dresse 1 it at that tyme. More Might haue been 

1 I. e. for wages. The word signifies fish." Mourt also alludes to the same 
the amount of a sailor's wages for a method of fertilizing with fish. He says: 
voyage. This is a dialectical form of the "We set the last Spring some twen- 
French portage, and is nearly equivalent tie Acres of Indian Corne, and sowed 
to support. Vide "Port," in Skeat's some six Acres of Early & Pease, and 
Etymological Diet., p. 457. according to the manner of the Indi- 

2 This was the Indian method of fer- ans, we manured our ground with Her- 
tilizing their corn, and was adopted by ings, or rather Shadds, which we haue 
the English, as well as their method of in great abundance, and take with great 
planting this cereal. Morton says: ease at our doores." The fish called 
"There is a Fish (by some called by both Morton and Mourt "Shadds" 
shadds, by some allizes) that at the is the Menhaden (Alosa menhaden), 
spring of the yeare passe up the rivers and belongs to the herring family. It 
to spaune in the ponds, and are taken is still taken on the coast of New Eng- 
in such multitudes in every river that land in large numbers, and is said to be 
hath a pond at the end, that the Inhab- so rich that a single fish of common 
itants doung their ground with them, size is equal in fertilizing value to a 
You may see in one towneship a hun- shovelful of barnyard manure. Its oil 
dred acres together, set with these Fish, is, however, too valuable to allow it to 
every acre taking 1000 of them ; and be used in its natural state, and the 
an acre thus dressed will produce and New England husbandman can only 
yeald so much corne as 3 acres without obtain it now after the oil has been 



96 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1636. 

done, but I neuer heard of ships Cominge nor anye thinge, & 
2 of our land men their tyme was Expired, so that yf the ship 
had nott come when shee did, we should not haue been able 
to manure" that which was Planted. We haue sustaynd losse 
of a great Manie hoggs ; 30 fatte hogges gate away when the 
tyme was come that they should be kild, some the Indians & 
some the woules, & harsh winter hath brought 150 to noth- 
inge ; all these to my knowledge, & part the losse of some was 
the ydieones 2 of them that had the Charge to looke to them 3 
tymes a weeke. I did vsually goe thither to see what they did, 
& I haue told Mr. Winter they that were Most Negligent in 
it ; I could nott do more yf they hadd been myne owne. 
What debts haue been by me trusted I will, by Gods grace ( 
striue to gett them in ; he that had but the heart of a Chris- 
tian could do no lesse but spare something : for the Most Part 
they were J starvd. 

I would that it had been my chance for to haue mett with 
a more honester Crue of then I did for some of them. Laun- 
der wilbe the Ringeleader to all villanye, & hath brought the 
Rest to be almost as badd as himselfe. Captain Bonithon 
doth desire that you would Remember him conserninge Laun- 
der. But I thinke Mr. Winter will Breake them by little & 
little, for they haue done me a great of wronge, & I could not 
Right my selfe, because they were all of one head & consert 
together, nott else. I take my Leaue & Rest, 

Yours to my Power, 

NARIAS HAWKINS. 
Richmond Iland, this 2S th June, 1636. 

To the worshipfull Robart Trelawny, 
Marchant, these dd. 

in Plymouth. 
Per our frind, Captain Cadd, 

whome God direct. 

pressed from it, and it has become a ■ The word manure is here used in 

commercial article of unpleasant odor the sense to cultivate. Vide autea,p.yi, 

by the name of C/ium. Mourt's Rela- note 2. 

tion, p. 132. New English Canaan, " Idleness. 
Force's Tracts, II. 60. 



i6j6.J NARIAS HAWKINS TO TKELAWNY. 97 

[Indorsed by Robert Trelawny:] 
Richmonds Hand, 1636, 

Narias Hawkings, Rd. 
the 5th of August. 



NARIAS HAWKINS TO TRELAWNY. 

Sir : May it please you, since the Receipt of My Bills there 
are 6 of them men which came with me, Lannder, Ham, Bil- 
lin, & Clarke, William Frethye, & Symons, haue Excepted 
against the Bills, & would nott take them vnlesse Mr. Winter 
would giue them bills for the last yeares Portledge, which hee 
would nott do in Regard the Couenants bind the payment of 
itt, & are dep'ted ; likewise they affirme that the bill which I 
sent you last yeare, My wife should Receaue the Monie for 
mine account : the which I would Entreate you by the next 
to send the truth of it, that they may suffer for that aswell as 
for the Rest, & that the truth may be knowne. It greeues me 
that it was my chance to betake my selfe in the Companie of 
such villaines, and now to Breake of in such Base Manner ; I 
praye God that they May suffer for their wronge doinge. For 
mine owne part, so soone as Mr. Winter came I did not dis- 
obey his commande in anye thinge, but followed My couenant 
as Neer as I could ; which yf he please he may advise you. 
They affirme that I haue done them a great deale of wronge 
in the fish, and say I haue Cheated them betwixt Mr. Winter 
& I, which the Lord knowes I haue 'nott done them a Pennye 
worth of wronge, nor neuer Meant anye to them, nott in that 
kind to deceaue them. I would Entreate you that you would 
advise my frinds that these thinge came nott through Myne 
occasion, for it wilbe a great Greef to them ; and Likewise 
that you will be pleased to pay that which shall be cominge 
to me, for I haue dearly desered it, no monie in my life so 

7 



gS THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1636. 

hardly gotten, Especially through these Roges yll Carriage, 
nott else. I take leaue & Rest, 

Yours to my Power, 

NARIAS HAWKINS. 
Richmond Hand, this 29 th June, 1636. 

[In Margin.] 

Since there are 2 which haue Recanted & Retorned againe, 
William Frethye & Symons ; what the Rest Meane to do I 
know nott. Yf you please you May add a little to my Poore 
hire, for I haue deservd it. 

To the worshipfull Robert 
Trelawny, these 
d 
in Plymouth. 

[Indorsed by Robert Trelawny:] 
Richmond Hand, '636. 

Narias Hawkings Rd. 
the 15 th of August. 



SIR FERDINANDO GORGES TO WILLIAM GORGES.' 

Good Nephewe : — 

I vnderstand there is some difference betweene Mr. Tre- 
lawney and Captaine Camocke about the boundinge of theire 
Landes. For the better setling and satisfaccon of both parties, 
I haue thought it fitt hereby to praye & authorize you, with 

1 He had recently been sent out by Captain Thomas Cammock and Henry 

his uncle to govern his province, to Josselyn of Black Point, Thomas Pur- 

which had been given the name of New chase of Pejepscot, Edward Godfrey of 

Somersetshire. Shortly after his ar- Agamenticus, and Thomas Lewis of 

rival, he convened the first court held Winter Harbor. He did not remain 

within the limits of Maine, at Saco, long in the country, but returned to 

March 21, 1636. This was called the England. Vide Folsom's Saco, pp. 

Court of Commissioners, and consisted 49 ei scq. Maine Hist. Coll., Vol. I. 

of Captain Richard Bonython of Saco, p. 84. 




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1636.] SIR FERDINANDO GORGES TO WILLIAM GORGES. 99 

Vines and the rest of the officers belonging vnto mee for those 
affaires, indifferently to determine of the setlinge of theire said 
seuall boundes, soe as the Controversies maie receave a peace- 
able end betweene them. And for that I perceave that Mr. 
Trelawney is shorte of what may reasonably giue him satisfac- 
con and incouragement to prosecute the busines hee hath soe 
Long travelled in, and hath already laid a faire foundation to 
his greate Charge, & is still resolued to bee a fartherer of the 
publique seruice of those Partes, that you enlarge him towardes 
the River of Casco some two thowsand Acers more,' & cause a 
perfect plott 2 thereof to bee made, and annexed to your returne 
of your proceedinge, that soe I may passe vnto him such fur- 
ther Graunt thereof as shall serv to his liking. And farther, 
that you giue vnto the Governour of Mr. Trelawnies People, 
Mr. John Winter, such authority as hath the rest of the Jus- 
tices in those my Lymitts, that thereby hee may bee the better 
inabled to second and farther the peaceable happines of what 
belonges vnto me. For all which this shalbee your warrant. 
And that you deliuer a Certificatt of the same to Mr. Winter, 
to bee sent vnto mee. Even soe I Comitt you to Gods holy 
protection and rest. 

Your uncle & asured Friend, 

FERD: GORGES. 

Ashton, 11 th August, 1636. 

To my beloued Nephew, Capt. William 
Gorges, Gouvernor of New 
Somersett in New Ingland, or 
in his absence to Mr. Richard Vynes, 
or Mr. Thomas Bradbury, 3 or any of 
them, giue these. 

1 For the limits of this grant, vide the Province of Maine in New England, 
accompanying map. and all other Patents, writings, muni- 

2 It is to be regretted that no " plott " ments, together with all my Maps and 
of this region has been preserved. In Pictures." Diligent search for these 
the will-office, London, Doctors Com- has been made, but up to this time with- 
mons, under date of March 5, 1656, out success. It is, however, to be 
proved June 1, 1657, John Gorges el- hoped that they are yet in existence, 
dest son of Sir Ferdinando, bequeathed -* Thomas Bradbury came to this 
to " Ferdinando, my son, my Patent of country young, as the parish register of 



IOO THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1636. 



EDWARD TRELAWNY TO ROBERT TRELAWNY. 

Deare Brother: — 

My Choysest affections attend you, & I haue formerly writ- 
ten you of the Receate of yours by waye of London, & then 
charged you with a Bill of Exchange of £200, payable vnto 
Mr. Allexander Shapleigh? togeather with one of .£50, & an- 
other ol £10, all for Cattell & other necessaryes for the Plan- 
tation. Part of the Cattell I haue alreddy sent to Rich: Isle, 
the rest shall bee when Conuenient passage presents. For 
Mr. Babbs Bill I will here satisfye. I haue a shipps lading 
of 250 tunnes of Clappbord Reddy, & expect daylye for the 
shippe to take them in, and so to proceed with itt for the 
Islands.' I Cannot informe you how the Certaine state of 
the Plantation stands, hauing binne some while wanting from 
thence, & now am there bound. I question not but Mr. Win- 
ter hath aduizd you touching all occurrents by this Conuey- 
ance ; when I haue taken noatice of itt, I shall Certifye you 
att the full touching all perticulers by the next. I Cannot att 
present further inlarge, in regard of the suddaine departure of 
this shippe, therefor intreate excuse. So with my Continued 
prayers to the throne of Grace for your wellfaire, with my 
kind Sallutation to my good Sisters & all other our good frinds, 
I Recommend you to Israelis guidance, Resting, 

Your Affectionat Loving Brother, 

EDWARD TRELAWNY. 
Pascattaquay, 12 th August, 1636. 

Wicken Bonant, in Essex, shows that Provincial Papers of New Hampshire, 
he was baptized on the last day of Vol. I. pp. 137, 194, ct passim. New 
February, 1610-1 1. In 1634, he resided England Gen. and Ant. Reg., Vol. 
at Agamenticus (York, Maine). He XXIII. pp. 262 et seq. 
married Mary Perkins, of Ipswich, in » Alexander Shapleigh, the father of 
1636, and became one of the earliest Nicholas Shapleigh, who was prominent 
proprietors of Salisbury, Massachusetts, in the affairs of the Province, and father- 
where he filled important offices till the in-law of James Treworgy. He did not 
time of his death. He is mentioned in remain long in the country, but returned 
Lewis's History of Lynn, p. 211, as to England, where he died about 1650. 
deputy to the General Court in 1651, Vide Savage's Gen. Diet., Vol. IV. 
and in 1679 appears as County Recorder, p. 59. 
Vide John Wheelwright, p. 233. Also - The Canaries. 



1637.] TRELAWNY TO SIR FERDINANDO GORGES. IOI 

To my Much Respected 
kind Brother, Mr. Robert 
Trelawny, merchant, 
In 

Plymouth. 

By the Hope of Dartmouth. 

[Indorsed by Robert Trelawny :] 
New Ingland, 1636. 

Edw: Trelawny, Rd. 
the 17th of Septemb. 



ROBERT TRELAWNY TO SIR FERDINANDO GORGES. 

Noble Sir : — 

I haue yours of the 30th of March, which 3 dayes since I 
Receaued. In itt I see Mr. Cleeues Complainte, & your good- 
nes. What you [haue] Vnder taken for me I shall readily 
performe, for I know your honor & iustice to be such that an 
aduersary Cannot su[ffer] wronge by itt ; but for my part I 
haue tasted largely of your fau[or], & therefor Cannot but with 
Confidence refer [my cause to] you, assuming on you the Care 
& trouble to heare & determine [itt]. And now, Sir, I beseech 
you giue me leaue to relate you the truth. Mr. Cleeues, like 
Salomon's whoore, makes the first & greatest Clammor,' though 
he hath donne & still continues the wronge. Please to remem- 
ber that itt is almost 7 yeares since I had my pattent seall, 2 

1 "A foolish woman is clamorous; seall." Doubtless in what follows he 

she is simple and knoweth nothing," wishes to be understood as saying that 

etc. Prov. ix. 13. almost two years before the grant was 

- " Almost 7 yeares " is a slip of the legally executed Cleeve knew that he — 

memory. This letter was written early Trelawny — was to haveit, and yet built 

in April, 1637, and the date of his pa- on his lands. It would seem probable 

tent was December 1, 1631, which was that the two crops which Cleeve enjoyed 

five years and four months, instead of were those of 1631 and 1632. 
" almost 7 yeares since I had my pattent 



102 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1637. 

[and] "almost 2 yeares befor that you were pleased to giue us 
the grant [it] was not unknowne to Mr. Cleeues, & he might 
haue made choyse [of] some other place to haue settled (but 
they that only looke to pr[esent] advantages respect not right 
nor wronge). He had newly [set down] when my people gaue 
him knowlidge of our Right, & he mig[ht without] any consid- 
erable losse haue remoude, but since he would not [they gave] 
him leaue to injoye a first & second Crop, & that [to save] any 
disturbance, & then hauing vse of my owne wild him to re- 
m[ove], which he did grudgingly, & then willfully sate downe 
in another place, & that the middle & best place of my pattent,' 
& there has [donn] me & my people diuers wrongs, destroying 
of my hoggs, [molesting] my plantation & people, terrifying 
the [Indians, saying if they] Came neare any of my people they 
would hange them, & [he has] soe inraged them against them 
(partly out of revenge & par[tly to] gett away the trade) that 
neuer any of them since his re[moval] haue euer Come neare 
my people, though before this itt [was one] of theire greatest 
randevous ; & the last winter before this I [lost] aboue 200 
hoggs, & some goates, most kild by the Indians, & what mis- 
chiefe donne this last winter [I] yett know not, but I feare 
[some], for those Indians that were befor friends & peaceable 
he hath now made Ennemys to vs, & we to them, soe that I 
feare itt will end in bloude ; besids he goes about Vnder a dead 
& outworne title to Out raee of the best parte of my pattent, 
being that on which he is seated & a great part there about, 
saying it was formerly granted to one Leuite,- & by him to one 

1 This statement was without founda- voyage hither the same year. He ob- 
tion. The writer, however, was prob- tained of the wife of the Sagamore of 
ably misled as to the situation of the Casco a grant of territory probably cov- 
place where Cleeve had settled. ering the present site of Portland, the 

2 Christopher Levett, to whom was islands at the entrance of the harbor, 
granted in 1623 a commission in con- and perhaps a part of Cape Elizabeth, 
junction with Captain Robert, son of and returned to England to get his fam- 
Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Captain Fran- ily in 1624 having first built in Casco 
cis West, and the Governor of New Bay a house and " fortified it in rea- 
Plymouth, for the ordering and govern- sonable good fashion," leaving therein 
ing of New England, and who made a ten men, four of whom were of Weston's 



1637] TRELAWNY TO SIR FERDINANDO GORGES. 1 03 

Wright, & not without Some contemptuouse words of you & 
[mee] as I am informed. Whereas in deed Leiute neuer tooke 
that as parte of his pattent, but an Hand in that [baye of] Cas- 
coe, and besids his pattent was Vnder a Condition to plant & 
inhabite within 7 yeares, which he neuer did, soe that if itt 
were parte, itt is forfaited longe since, & nowe by Pattent 
granted to mee & others ; on which I haue issued out ,£3900, 
& haue binne these 7 yeares almost on itt, which Monny & 
tyme might haue begotten mee a good fortune here at home. 
Besids, you best know howe longe my father and I haue binne 
adventurers for that Contry, 1 & how Chargeable the discouery 
& plantation there, to make itt a Contry as now itt is, hath 
binne to vs, soe that I hope you will not now suffer me to be 
soe grossely abusd by such a petty Companion as Cleues (I 
pray pardon this passage, for his Carriage deserues not other). 
And indeed I write the truth, I was fully resolud to Cause my 
people to apprehend him & send him a prisoner to answeare 
before the lords those abuses donne bouth to the publicke'& to 
mee, & had resolud now in June at my going to London to 

Company of 1622, which settled at I. 100. Levett's Voyage, Maine His- 
Wessagusset. Reaching England in torical Collections, Vol. II. pp. 88 et 
1624, he found the differences between seq. Mass. Hist. Soe Proceedings, 
his sovereign and the kings of France Vol. XX. pp. 339-341. 
and Spain relative to their possessions ' His father was also Robert, and 
in the New World to be such that he died in 1627. He must, it would seem 
was " deterred and discouraged " from from this, have been engaged in adven- 
proceeding with what he had begun tures to New England at an early date. 
without royal assistance. It was not Nothing, however, is said of this by the 
until 1627 that he succeeded in engaging Rev. C. T. Collins Trelawny in his Me- 
the attention of King Charles, who at moir of Robert, and he probably knew 
last issued a proclamation for a con- nothing of these early voyages. Gov- 
tribution to be taken in the churches to ernor Dudley, in his letter to the Count- 
aid him in his intention "to build a city ess of Lincoln (Force's Tracts, p. 17), 
and call it by the name of York." He says, writing in 163 1: "Diverse mer- 
was evidently an earnest pioneer in the chants of Bristow . . . have yearly for 
cause of colonization, but after 162S is* theis S years or thereabouts sent shipps 
lost sight of. It is possible that he hether at the fishing times to trade for 
died in 1632, — Winthrop mentioning a Beaver." In these adventures it is 
Captain Levett who died on his way to probable that the elder Trelawny was 
England in that year. Vide Winthrop, interested. 



104 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1637. 

have preferd [a complaint so as to haue authoritie] to doe itt, 
having first obtained your leaue for itt. And I haue also or- 
dered my [people] peaceably to demand the possession of the 
lands he is now planted on, being myne by pattent. But with 
all I wrote my Chiefe officer & Minister to deale gentilly with 
him, to offer him what quantity & what tyme he should rea- 
sonably desire, soe hee would acknowlidge me vnder you the 
Commissioners to be the Lord in chiefe & hold from mee, els 
to giue him what should be reasonable for his charges ex- 
pended & to dismisse him thence. But since you are now 
ple[ased] to moue in itt, I hope all things will be accorded with 
pe[ace] according to Equity & Justice, & that noe pretence 
shall at last Out mee of any parte of that which you & the [rest] 
of the Commissioners haue pleasd to grant mee, which [haue] 
since Cost mee soe deare. I shall in all June & J[uly] haue 
leasure to attend you, if you soe please to or[der], that you may 
the better settle this business. And I [desire] Mr. Cleues, if 
he be now in the kingdome, may be order[ed] also present, ore 
if he goe over befor, that he may le[ave] mee the lands he 
holds there from mee, which extend abo[ute] 2 miles vp in the 
riuer of Cascoe beyond his dwelling ; ' & what you shall [please] 

1 This claim was baseless, and it of his who "should transport himself 

would hardly seem that Trelawny could over into this country, upon his own 

have carefully read the paper then in charge, for himself, and for every person 

his possession, setting forth the bounds that he should so transport," and the 

of his patent, which one might "go one here said to be claimed as com- 

Round about with a boote within a myle ing from Christopher Levett through 

J." To have included Portland Neck Wright. Cleeve was becoming a for- 

within his limits, and "aboute 2 miles midable rival to Winter in trade, having 

vp in the river of Cascoe," — which a place more convenient for the Indians 

name in order to make such a claim it to come to, and Trelawny had learned, 

would be necessary to apply to the Pre- when he wrote this letter, that Cleeve 

sumpscot, — would have given him had procured, or was about to procure, 

over 20,000 acres. Cleeve had occu- a grant which might conflict with him. 

pied Portland Neck probably for over His alarm prompted him to place be- 

three years, without any title other fore Gorges this strong indictment, in 

than one implied in a proclamation order, if possible, to frustrate Clceve's 

of King Tames, granting one hundred plans ; but he was too late, for Cleeve 

and fifty acres of land to every subject was then on his way homeward bearing 




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1637] DEED FROM VINES TO WINTER. 



IO5 



to Order I shall then obserue, as well in this as in aug[ht] els. 
For I honnor your parson, & wish all honnor & hap[piness] to 
you, & to your noble lady, & Desire Euer to Rest 

Your Assured servant in a[ll] Obseruance, 

ROBERT TRELAWNY. 
[Indorsed by R. Trelawny :] 

Coppie of my letter to Sir 

Fard Gorges, in answeare 

of his Concerneing Cleeues 

& my Plantation in 

New Ingland, 1637. 

With his to mee & Cleeues. 



DEED FROM VINES TO WINTER. 
[In the Handwriting of the Rev. Richard Gibson.] 

I Richard Vines of Sacoe in Newe-England, haue giuen 
vnto Mr. Jno. Winter, for & in the behalfe of Mr. Robert 
Trelawny of Plymouth, merchant, his heires & Associats, 
Lawfull possession & seizen of two thousand Akcres of Land, 
next adioyning to a former Pattent granted vnto the said Rob- 
ert Trelawny by the President & Conned of Ncwe-England, 
according to an order sent and directed vnto Capt. William 
Gorges & myselfe, from the Right worshipfull [Sir] Fferdi- 
nando Gorges, Knight, Governor of the Prouince of Newc [Som- 
ersetshire. Witnesse my hand this laste daye of June, 1637. 
These two thousand Akcres to extend in Length from the 
Riuer of Blacke-pointe to the Riuer of Cascoc, & in bredth into 
the land according to proporcon not entrenching vppon any 
former grant.' 

RICH: VINES. 

in triumph his patent, and a commis- commission February 25. He reached 

sion which would set him high above home in May of the same year, 

his rival, Winter. Cleeve's patent ' The extent of this grant may be seen 

bore date January 27, 1637, and his by consulting the accompanying map. 



io6 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



[1637. 



This Possession was delliuered in the presence of vs. 

Thomas Purches. 1 

Edward Trelawny. 

William Chappell. 

Thomas Abby. 

Geo: Newman. 

Arthur Browne. 

Arthur Mackworth. 
[Indorsed by Mr. Trelawny.:] 
The possession of 200CJ Ack. 
of land granted to mee, & 
added to my former Pattent 
in New Ingland. 1637. 

[Indorsed by Mr. Winter:] 
The writeinge given me 
for the possession of the 
2000 Akres of land 
which I am put in pos- 
session of. 



1 History preserves a few brief me- 
morials of some of the men who wit- 
nessed this delivery to Winter. Thomas 
Purchas was the first settler in Bruns- 
wick, and probably came to this country 
as early as 1626, though testimony con- 
flicts on this point. He was a kinsman 
of the Rev. Robert Jordan, and occupied 
many offices of trust and responsibility. 
He lived to the extreme age of a hun- 
dred and one years. For an interesting 
biography of him, vide Wheeler's His- 
tory of Brunswick, p. 788. Edward Tre- 
lawny has been mentioned in a former 
note. William Chappell, Thomas Abby, 
and George Newman were probably 
traders along the coast, who had dropped 
anchor temporarily at Richmond's Is- 
land, which was then an important place 
for traffic. Abby and Newman proba- 
bly belonged to Wenham, and this is 



probably the William Chappell who 
subsequently settled at New London, 
Conn. Arthur Browne, according to 
his own statement, made in court in 
1640, was "bred a merchant from his 
youth up," and had lived in the country 
since 1633, or, in his own words, " these 
seven years or thereabout, in good rep- 
utation and credit." The title of Mr. 
Arthur Browne, sometimes given him, 
suggests that he was a man of some 
importance, and the few glimpses which 
we get of him in the uncertain light of 
the past strengthen the suggestion He 
occupied about the same social posi- 
tion as that enjoyed by Arthur Mack- 
worth, with whom he was associated by 
the Court in 1637 to compel John Cou- 
sins to make reparation to an Indian for 
wrongs which he had committed against 
him. He seems to have been in favor 




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1637.] WINTER TO TRELAWNY. IO7 

WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 

Richmon Iland, the 8"' of July, 1637. 

Worshipfull Syr : — 

You may please to take notize of our prosedings. I haue 
formerly advized you by the way of Bristow & Barnestable. 
Now this is by Mr. Adam Horden of Barnestable, bound for 
England, & at present the Herculus 1 hath takin in all our fish 
& traine which God hath sent vs. We haue put abord of the 
fish that our 6 bootes did make at the plantation for yoar ac- 
count 69 M 5 C 15 fishes, which did waigh 1179 Cintalls 
merchantable fish ; more put abord 4 M 5 C 1 qr. 20 fishes of 
hake & haddocke, which did waigh 62 Cintalls ; more of refuse 
fish 2 M 1 C 1 qr. 2 fishes, which did waigh 32 Cintalls; more 
of Cor fish 1 C 13 fishes qt. 17 Cintalls A ; more 16 hodgheds 
of traine, & 10 hodgheds \ of pease. Of the fish which the 2 
bootes Company made that Came in the Herculus of mer- 
chantable dry fish, 4 M 7 C 1 qr. 20 fishes, which did waigh 
100 Cintalls ; more of hake & haddocke 1 M 4 C 1 qr. 10 fishes, 
which did waigh 19 Cintalls ; more of refuse fish 2 C 3 qr. 14 
fishes, which did waigh 4 Cintalls; more of Cor fish 82 fishes, 
which did waigh 10 Cintalls \ ; more 1 hodghed of traine, & 1 
hodghed i of pease. I thinke we shall fill a hodghed of traine 
more amonge the 8 bootes Company, which by your bill of 
ladinge will appeare. 

The fishing since the myddell of February hath proved very 
yll, & I desire (except you Cann provide a ship to Com in such 
season as shee may be heare by Chrismas) to forbeare send- 
inge a ship to make a voyage, for they will hardly quite Cost, 5 
& thereis but litle hope of doinge good heare vpon fishinge 

with the Winter party, and at the first of Cleeve. Of Mackworth, notice will 

session of Gorges's Court, in 1640, gave be taken hereafter. Vide Maine Hist. 

testimony adverse to Cleeve and in Coll., Vol. I. pp. 73, S4. York Court 

favor of Winter, but was appointed one Records, leaf 21, ct passim. Folsom's 

of the arbitrators to settle the differences Saco, pp. 51, 56. 

between the contending parties, and ' Vide Winthrop, I. 134. 

made a liberal but just award in favor 2 I. e. hardly requite or repay cost. 



IOS THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1637. 

except we haue good plyable men, & such I lacke heare. I 
haue a Company of as trouble-som people as ever man had to 
do with all, both for land & sea. Our ordinary vitlinge which 
we haue had here-to-fore will not Content those men, for, as I 
Conceaue, the Company that Came with Narias Haukin hath 
brought all the rest to their lure, & I make a doubt wheare 
I shalbe in such a way for followinge our busines as we did 
before all these be Cleare. Then heare I haue no assist- 
ance from any that is heare with me ; for Narias Haukin I 
haue ba[d] helpe of him for all this yeare for assistinge of me, 
but doth his worke which I sett him to do ; but yf I am Im- 
ployed about any other busines the Company will do what the 
list for him, for he is vpon going away, & will say nothinge 
vnto them. Narias & the Company that Came with him will 
all go away now from the plantation, & will not serue out the 
tyme of their promise vpon their Covenant, which, yf they be 
not Called in question for yt, all the rest that shall Com after 
will take example by them & go away when the list. As far 
as I Can Conceaue these that ar desirous to be gonn would 
faine make a stryfe to make me take occasion to fall out with 
them, that they may worke them selues away by that meanes, 
or thinke to vrge me so far to turne them away, for now they 
ar heare the waigh not your Charge for bringinge them hyther. 
They think they Cann do them selues more benyfitt to be 
[masters] of them selues for fishinge or any thinge els which 
is heare to be donn in the Country, & for selling their fish at 
a greater prize. And for any that you send heare after, I de- 
sire that you will be pleased to vnderstand of their behavior, 
& binde them in a sumsion ' of money to performe their prom- 
yse that they make with you. I thinke there be so many that 
goeth away from the plantation, that I shall not haue aboue 
5 bootes Company left heare after they ar gonn. Som I haue 
hired heare for this last yeare, & their tymes wilbe out. The 
old Bickford, I send him home, for he is not a fytt man for a 
fisherman in this Country : all the winter when he should do 

1 An assumpsit ; a form of agreement implying a forfeiture for non-fulfilment. 



I637-] WINTER TO TRELAWNY. IO9 

most good he is sickly & Cann do vs no servize. Our best 
plyer 1 that I had of a bootes maister, yt pleased God to take 
him from vs before Chrismas. His name [was] Peter Gullett. 
These two bootes Company that Came last haue made but a 
poore sommers worke, as you will perceaue by their fish they 
haue made. They ar all gathered in a head togeather heare, 
& I haue no Assistance. The thinke to do what the list, 
for heare is neather law nor goverment with vs about these 
partes to right such wrongs, & I am but on man. Our new 
barke 2 was lanched the 10th of June, but as yett no masts or 
yards made for her, nor her deck Calked ; for since she was 
lancht our Carpenter hath wrought vpon the ship for the dis- 
patchinge of her away. Shee will not be les then 30 tonnes. 
I do proportion her to be about that burden. Our Cattell 
prbues very well ; we haue 2 Calues of 2 of our English hcffers 
that I brought out with me, & they ar heffer Calues, & I thinke 
we shall haue on more a moneth hence, & no more this som- 
mer. Our gootes that I had out of the Bay proues very well, 
& so do them that ar aliue that Came in the Herculus. Ther 
was 1 1 landed, & within 7 or 8 dayes but 6 left aliue of them ; 
those ar livinge styll. Our piggs do begin to Increase againe 
apace. We haue breed since November last about 120, & I 
praise God they proue very well as yett, but the breedinge of 
them in winter weare very Chargable 3 to vs. The first of 
July I was put in possession of 2000 akers of land more to 
Joyne to your patten. The extents therof is from the River 
Casko to the River Blacke Pointe; 4 but Mr. Vynes tells me 
that Mr. Joselin is to haue 1500 Akers aboue Captaine Cam- 
mecks patten, in the manner & forme as Captaine Cammecks 
is, which will Cause your land to be far vp in the River. You 
may please to Inquire yf yt be so granted vnto him or no. 
Herin Inclosed I haue sent on of your bills of ladinge, for 

1 Worker. Applied nautically to one, some. Cf. French charger, to load, to 
it indicates a good navigator. burden. 

2 The Richmond. « This grant may be seen on the 

3 Costly, or, more literally, burden- accompanying map. 



HO THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1637. 

the fish laden abord the Herculus, & by the Herculus I shall 
send you account what goods I haue sold, & account of dis- 
bursments for the plantation : by yt you will know what goods 
I haue heare vnsold. You may please not to send any goods 
but for the vse of the plantation house : as for strong shues, 
stockins, shurtes, & somm Cape Cloth & sutes of Cloth for 
servants, or for the men that Hue heare, & som other nesces- 
saries, as threed, leather, & thongs, sparrow bills 1 & bradds, & 
a dozen -J- of good houes; the last we had [are sold]. What 
goods I haue to sell heare to the planters is hard gettinge of 
payment for yt, for the beaver trade doth faile with them, & 
money heare is none to be gott, & very scant in the Bay. For 
the fish that is sold their I Cann Recover no money for any 
of yt, but the gootes & som broad Cloth that they tooke in 
trucke 2 for som fish sold, & heare that is still. Yf you Cann 
send som good sacke you may : that will sell ; yf possible they 
Cann gett money or bever they will haue yt. Mr. Cleues hath 
gotten a patten from Syr Fardinando Georg for 1500 Akers 
of land from his house to the fales of the River of Casko, & is 
put in possession of yt by on Arthur Mackworth, which is by 
Syr Fardinando Georges order, as he saies, which as my selfe 
& other men that sees your patten Judge yt in the right of 
your old patten. 3 You may please to Advize Syr Fardinandy 

1 The meaning of sparables was time before carefully surveyed the ter- 

given in a former note (supra, p. 37, ritory as described in the " old patten," 

note 4), but they were not described, and sent home to Trelawny a -descrip- 

They were small headless nails of brass tion which does not include any portion 

or iron, and Randle Holme says were of the promontory on the north side of 

" nails to clout shoes withal." Fore River, where Cleeve had made his 

" Skeat says that the origin of this home. The house he mentions as hav- 

word is unknown, but cites the French ing been built a little above Cleeve 

troquer and Spanish trocar, to swap or must have been upon the Neck, and 

barter, which is the meaning here. within the limits of Cleeve's grant, 

3 This looks as though Winter was and the owner thereof would properly 

misleading his principal. How he could have been a tenant of Cleeve by virtue 

say to Trelawny that the land Cleeve of his ownership of the land, and not 

was settled upon was "in the right of on account of the governorship which 

your old patten," is inexplicable upon any Winter speaks of. The claim made 

other supposition, as he had but a sho: 1 by Winter to the territory upon which 



i6j7] 



WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 



I 1 I 



George of yt, to know yf yt be so or no. Theris on that hath 
built a house a litle aboue Cleues' within your old patten, as 
I Conceaue, & Mr. Cleues tells him that he must be tennant 
vnto him, so that you ar like to be put out: for Syr Fardi- 
nando Georg hath made Cleues governor 2 of his province, as 
he reports : now he thinkes to wind all men to his will. He 
is now in the Bay, & hath bin this 10 dayes. When I was 
put in possession of the 2000 Akers he was not at home, I 
could not speake with him. Hereafter I shall Advize you 
more at large, when I heare of his prosedings. I shall send 
home no bever this yeare, for heare is litle or none to be gotten. 
I shall lay out much money heare this yeare for the vse of the 
plantation, as by your accounts will appeare. As for the goods 
that Came in the Herculus I haue receaved for the most part ; 



Cleeve had planted was wholly unjust, 
but was persisted in through Winter's 
life and that of his successor, Robert 
Jordan, his son-in-law. 

1 The first land known to have been 
granted by Cleeve was to George Lewis, 
in Back Cove. 

- Cleeve's patent was dated January 
2 7> 1637. In consideration of one hun- 
dred pounds and an annual quitrent, it 
gave him a tract of land "beginning at 
the furthermost point of a neck of land 
called by the Indians Machegonne, and 
so along the same westerly as it tendeth 
to the first falls of a little river issuing 
out of a very small pond, and from 
thence over land to the falls of Pesum- 
sca, being the first falls in that river 
upon a strait line, containing by esti- 
mation from fall to fall as aforesaid 
near about an English mile, which, to- 
gether with the said neck of land that 
the said George Cleeves and the said 
Richard Tucker have planted for di- 
vers years already expired, is estimated 
in the whole to be one thousand five 
hundred acres or thereabouts, as also 
one island adjacent to said premises, 



and now in the tenor and occupation 
of said George Cleeves and Richard 
Tucker, commonly called or known by 
the name of Hogg Island." On the 
25th of February, 1637, Gorges also 
gave him a commission "for the letting 
and settling all or any part of his lands 
or islands lying between the Cape Eliz- 
abeth and the entrance of Sagadahock 
River, and to go into the main land 
sixty miles." Besides this important 
commission, he " brought a protection 
under the privy signet for searching out 
the great lake of Iracoyce, and for the 
sole trade of beaver, and the planting 
of Long Island by articles of agree- 
ment between the Earl of Sterling, 
Viscount Canada, and him." It is not 
surprising that Winter was alarmed at 
this sudden and unexpected elevation 
of his enemy, and should try by all the 
means at his command to procure an 
abbreviation of his power Vide Maine 
Hist. Coll., I. 65. Winthrop's Journal, 
I. 231. Williamson's Maine, I. 668. 
Sir William Alexander and American 
Colonization, Prince Society, ed. 1S73, 
pp. 85, S6. 



I i 2 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1637. 

but som things weare not deliuered accordinge to the Invoyse, 
which fell short as by the particulers may appeare, & som 
thinges I haue more then was vppon the Invoyse ; for those 
thinges that I haue receaved out of the Herculus I haue given 
the maister a receat for yt & for those. 

These 

To the worshipfull Robert 

Trelawny, merchant, this be 

dd. 

in Plymoth. 

Per Mr. Adam Horden of 

Barnestable, whom God preserue. 

Richmon Iland, the 10 th of July, 1637. 
I referr you the former For those thinges that I haue re- 
ceaved more then was vppon the Invoyze ; som of the sider I 
haue sold, & do purpose to sell the most parte of yt. Theris 
great leaking ; 2 hodgheds will hardly fill one ; of somm of yt 
most I out, & so likwise the buttes. I haue not profitted the 
account of yt, but by the next, God willinge, I shall, and returne 
what money or bever I Cann gett. The particulers of those 
goods which fell shorte ar these : 4 C. 3 qr. of pitch, 4 pair of 
shues, on barvell ; ' the barrells of wyne, on wanted 7 Inches 
& the other wanted 3 Inches a pece ; halfe an old hauser, a 
new pitch pott, 1 Jarr of oyle wanting, & on Jar of oyle not 
aboue a pottell in him. Trustrum Alger would pray you to 
pay vnto his wyfe the money that is due vnto him for his ser- 
vize at this tyme : he is a quiett man, & to quiett to be 
amonge those rude fellowes that you sent to worke on the 
land. Steven Lapthorne 2 Complaines that he is a poore man, 

1 An apron of leather or oiled cloth, complaint of Cammock against Winter. 
It is still used by fishermen on the coast While Lapthorne was building upon the 
of Maine, and still retains its old name land he had obtained from Cammock, 
among them, viz. a barvel. Winter went to the place and warned 

2 Stephen Lapthorne subsequently left him off, telling him that he would pull 
the service of Winter and built a house his house down if he built it, although 
on Cammock's grant, as appears in a he had no shadow of a title to the land, 



1637. 1 WINTER TO TRELAWNY. II3 

& would desire you to helpe his wyfe with somm money to 
mainetaine his Charge of Children : he hath promised me to 
be a pliable man in his business, but he is a very stubborne 
fellow heare. I am out for those men that Came in the Her- 
culus both money and Clothes, for all the had so much money 
of you before the Came from home: the Came very badly 
Clothed. Georg Dearinge, the house Carpenter, takes the 
tyme of the beginninge of his 3 yeares servize to begin the 
first day he Came to yoar house, & will stay no longer to make 
out his 3 yeares servize ; he proues but a stubborne lasy fellow. 
Peter Gullott died with vs the second of October, & what is 
Cominge to him for his tyme of servize I Cannot giue you 
[the] Just account, but by the next, God willinge, I hope I shall. 
For his portage 1 money from the 27th of May to the 2 of Oc- 
tober, which is his tyme that he served with vs, you may please 
to giue to his wyfe, or to whom yt doth belonge. I haue given 
notyce of the sale of his Clothes, & I haue sent you the In- 
veltory of [them], & those that ar Crossed haue allowed yt out 
of their wages, as by the booke of accounts which I haue sent 
you by the Herculus will appeare. Mr. Chappies men desire to 
giue Mr. Gibson, our mynister, som money, & they haue yt not ; 
but I do promise to pay it to him, & the promise to pay yt 
againe to you out of their wages, & in my letters by Mr. Chap- 
pie I haue sent you their names given me by Mr. Chappie, 
which ar those that giue yt. Andrew Hoffer hath receaued 
& allowed all his yeares wages, with the 50 shillings that I 
heare you haue paid his wyfe. I will Intreat you to take vp 
29 shillings of Samson Jope, which he did owe vnto wyfe, & 
heare hath promised to allow yt vnto you, which her desire 
is to giue to my daughter Mary. More, I shall Intreat you to 
pay vnto my daughter Mary ^10, which I will allow yt you 
vppon account. I haue sent home the bruer Thomas Samson, 

as it was on the west side of the Spur- 2 This is the same word spelt by 
wink, and clearly within the bounds of Winter (supra, p. 95) por Hedge, mcan- 
Cammock's patent. In the summer of ing the amount of a sailor's wages for a 
1640 Lapthorne returned to England, voyage, 
and we hear of him no more. 

S 



114 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1637. 

which is very vnwillinge to do vs any servize ; he is alwaies to 
hard labored & doth but litle worke. I had a doubt he would 
poyson som of men on tyme or other yf he had stayed heare 
with vs, for in his anger Cares not what spoile he makes, and 
will not be Commanded but when he list. He hath from me 
.£5 us. 7cL, & £2 10s. before he Came to sea. With the 
adventure, & what his wyfe hath since I Came away, I know 
not. He is such a talkinge fellow that makes our Company 
worse then the would be ; I had better be without him then 
with him, & I thinke I shall do so by more of them yf the 
be not quyetter then they haue bin. Mr. Chappie" Cann 
Advize you at full of all their Carriage in the house, & what 
trouble I haue with them. I haue sent you the accounts of 
our mens wages by the Herculus ; herin you shall receaue the 
account of disbursments, & the wrytinge given me for the 
possession of the 2000 Akers of land added more vnto your 
patten. Edward Fishcocke is hear with vs, & I do receave 
him vppon the termes that he was heare before, to seme out 
his tyme of his absence from the plantation. Narias Haukin 
& the Company that Came with him ar gon from the planta- 
tion, so that I shall now lacke on to go maister in our new 
barke, & I doubt she will ly still for want of a maister to go in 
her. Edward Fishcocke is no fitt man to go in her, I thinke, 
therfor I shall desire you to send an honest man by our sup- 
ply to go in her to keepe her doinge, & he neade be a good 
plyer 2 for this cost, 3 or for els where you will giue order to 
send her. Ther be so many of our men gon that I thinke we 
shall hardly make so many fishermen to keepe 6 bootes to sea. 
I thinke we shall be 40 men at lest heare in all the planta- 
tion : you may please to order our supply accordingly ; for pro- 
vision, hookes, lines, & leads will spend a pace with vs. The 
shorkes 4 doth trouble vs much. You shall nead to send 5 new 
netts ; our netts the last yeare did prouve very bad, & but few 
of them will seme another yeare, nor our Roodes. 5 [There] is 

1 William Chappell. Vide antea, 3 Coast, 
p. 106, note I. * Sharks. 

■ I. e. navigator. 5 Anchor ropes. 



•637-] 



WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 



U5 



nothinge gotten by sendinge Roodes of old stufe ; [those we] 
haue vsed a whole yeare ar better then the Roods we had this 
yeare ; our men hardly trust to ride by them. We shall want 
pitch & nailes & bootes Iron works & [bootes] mourings for 
another yeare. You know most of our provisions will but last 
out for a yeare for our fishing trade. I haue heare neare about 
4 C. hodgheds of salt in all, 294 Receaved out of the Herculus, 
& I haue Charged bills vpon you for the Companys third at 
10s. per hodghed. Salt is sold heare from the ships now that 
haue left salt at 18s. per hodghed. I shall Intreat you to send 
me 40 yards of good doulis' of 3 quarters i quarter broad for 
myne owne vse. You may please to send a draught of your 
patten vnto Sir Fardinando George, such as you sent vnto me, 
which I thinke will agree with yt Indefferently. I will Intreat 
you to pay vnto Thomas Woods, the sergant, 20 shillings, 
which is for our salues" that I brought out with me, & place 
it to account, & I pray send me as much more by the next 
yeare as will Come to 20s. more. So not having els to Ad- 
vize you with at present, but leaue you to God's protection, I 
end & rest, 

Your to his power, 

JOHN WINTER. 

My wyfe 3 desires to be remembbred to your selfe & your 
wyfe. 

To his frind, Mr. Robert 
Trelawny, merchant, 
this be dd. 

in Plymoth. 

[Indorsed by Robert Trelawny :] 
Richmonds Hand, 1637. 

Jno Winter, rd the 
1 8th of August. 




■ The coarse linen of Brittany. 

- These salves, purchased of Thomas 
Woods, the surgeon, were particularly 
needed by the fishermen for their 
chapped hands, bruises, etc. 



3 This is the first time John Winter 
mentions his wife, yet she probably 
came out with him the year before, 
arriving May 24, 1636. 



n6 



THE TRELAWNY TATERS. 



[•637. 



WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 



Richmon Iland, the ii ,h of July, 1637. 
Worshipfull Syr: — ■ 

I haue formerly written of all busines by this same Con- 
venience, directed vnder of Covert 1 of Mr. Gilbert Paige of 
Barnestable, which I hope will Com safly to your hands. In 
my letter I forgett to remember 2 you of som small things 
which my wyfe hath occasion to make vse of ; that is, a firkine 
of gray sope,' 3 or 4 Runinges 4 for to make Chese, & six brasen 
panns, for our earthen pannes weare halfe broken, & heare I 
Cann gett none, and a good woman servant that Cann mylke 
& bake & do such houshold busines ; for this maid that is heare 
Cann do her no servize at all in this busines ; she is faine to 
do yt all her selfe. So not els to trouble you with at present, 
beinge in hast, I end & rest, 

Your to his power, 

JOHN WINTER. 
To the Worshipfull 
Robert Trelawny, 
merchant, this be dd. 
in Plymoth. 

Per Mr. Adam Horden of 
Barnestable, whom God 
preserue in safty. 

[Indorsed by Robert Trelawny :] 
Richmonds Iland, 1637. 

Jno. Winter, Rd the 
16th of August. 




1 Under cover. Used in the sense 
of under protection of. 

- To remind. 
* * I * 11 speak of her no more, nor of your children ; 
I '11 not remember you of my own lord, 
Who is lost too." 

Winter's Tale, III. 2. 



3 Gray soap was one of the famous 
productions of Bristol, its manufacture 
dating from a very early period. The au- 
thor of " English Worthies " says that it 
"was anciently made only in this city." 

* Devonshire for rennet. 




^ a a s 



s 



Fold-out 
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I637-] WINTER TO TRELAWNY. I 1 7 

[Memorandum by R. Trelawny on 150^ barke. 

the back of this letter :] 100 Victells. 

100 Wages. 
280 loading. 
630 



WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 

Richmon Iland, the 29"' July, 1637. 

Worshipfull Syr: — 

My last was by Mr. Adam Hordcn of Barnestable, wherin I 
Advised you of how all busines did go with vs at that tyme. 
Now this goeth into the Bay, but by what ship yt will pass as 
yet I know not. Mr. Gibson is now going into the Bay to se 
somm of his Country folkes. Since my last I haue spoken 
with Mr. Cleues, which was the 26th of July. Then he Came to 
our house to se our patten, which he did : but yet he will not 
acknowledge that you haue any right to the land wheare now 
he dwelleth. Neyther will Syr Fardinando Gorge, yt should 
seme by his grant that he hath given him. He shewed me 
[his] patten that Sir Fardinando Gorge hath granted him, & 
is for 1500 Akers of land from his house & so vp the bay & 
River of Casko aboue the falles about h a mile or more as he 
pretends. 1 I haue given him warninge to departe betwixt this 
& Myhellmas, for his answere is to me he will not be your ten- 
nant. I haue deliuered him your letter, [to] which he doth 
promise to returne you an answere by the first ; & he tells me 
he is desirous to haue an answere from Sir Fardinando George 
& your selfe by the first, to know the right of the pattens to 
whom it doth belong, & is desirous to haue all things stande as 
yt is before he haue an answere. This 26th day of present he 
served me with a warrant to appeare before the Kinge the 
nth of October next, to answere for the wronges that he doth 
alleadge for puttinge him away from the house at Spurwinke : 

1 Vide map opposite page 63. 



Il8 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1637. 

therefore I will Intreat you to examyne this to know how yt 
standeth. I shall be very sorry to bringe my selfe into any 
danger of the Kings lawes, for at present I know not how to 
gett passage for England, the tyme beinge so far past, and yf 
I should Com away from the plantation all your busines heare 
will be Overthrowne, for I haue not any heare with me to 
order the busines that is heare to be donn, not 3 dayes yf 
that I am lacke 1 ; therefore I am in a streat 2 & in a trouble- 
som busines heare. Mr. Cleues tells me that Sir Fardinando 
Gorge dothe take yt vpon him to take somme Course heare 
for the endinge of this Controversy by 3 Indeferent 3 men, & 
he saies that Sir Fardinando Gorge hath written you a letter 
to that effect, wherof he shewed me the Coppye of yt, as he 
saies, for yt was first sent to him open to se how he liked yt. 
I do desire to know how I shall be freed from Cleues for his 
first house before I enter vpon his second ; & though I haue 
given him warning to departe, I am desirous to Hue quiett 
heare amonge the neyghbores heare about, yf I may, Consid- 
eringe we liue heare amonge the heathens. 

Now for our prosedings heare at the plantation, I haue not 
much to Advize you with at present, but refer you to my 
former sent by severall Convenience. I praise God our 
Cattell, gootes, & hodges proves very well with vs, & in good 
likinsre ; but the wolues 4 do trouble vs much at our house at 
the maine amonge our swine, & kills vs many, yet we haue 
alvvaies a man to attend them. I Could wish that you Could 
procure me one of those doggs that they haue in Ireland for 
killinar the woulues. 



■ Absent. Literally, wanting from the spring time. The Deare are also 

home. their pray, and aj summer, when they 

2 Strait, difficulty. have whelpes, the bitch will fetch a 

3 Impartial P u PPy dogg from our dores to feede 
■» " The Wolfes are of divers coloures : their whelpes with. The skinnes are 

some sandy coloured, some griselled, used by the Salvages, especially the 

and some black. Their foode is fish, skinne of the black wolfe, which is es- 

which they catch when they passe up teemed a present for a prince there." 

the rivers into the ponds to spawne at Vide New English Canaan, Force, p. 54. 



1637] 



WINTER TO TRELAWNV. 



119 



For fishinge we haue but litle since the Herculus departed, 
which was the 8th of this moneth. The bas ar very scant this 
yeare ; we take very few more then we eate. I haue provided 
six bootes to goe to sea Indefferent well mand, yf our bootes 
maisters do proue Careful], which I much doubte. Your man 
Vyvion is Run away from the plantation, & I do beleue he 
will gett to the westward in the Bay, & will gett into som of 
the ships of London that ar bound for the Straites. I haue 
written by Mr. Gibson into the Btiy to learne yf he be their. 
George Dearinge,' the house Carpenter, is gonn from vs, & 
saies his tyme is out : he went from the plantation the 10th 
of this moneth. I haue not his Covenant to shew what tyme 
he is to serue. Yf his tyme be not out, I shall Intreat you to 
advize me of yt that he may be questioned, for that others 
may take example by yt, or els every on herafter will go at 
his pleasure. Our Corne in our old ground is in very good 
likinge, but that which is in our new ground very poore Corne, 
& so it hath bin alwaies heretofore in all the new ground which 
we haue broken vp. We sowed an aker of pease, & most of 
the seed did proue ill ; but those pease which did grow will 
yeld good Increase : therefore we shall want pease for all our 
next yeares provision. We are now at the plantation 47 per- 
sons in all, & 16 ar gon away with your brother ; we weare in- 
all before the ship departed 63, besides the 2 men that ar dead. 



1 Of George Deering little is known. 
Southgate says that he can find no ac- 
count of him whatever. We learn from 
this letter that he was one of Winter's 
men, as so many of the early settlers in 
Scarborough and vicinity prove to have 
been, and a house carpenter by trade. 
He subsequently removed to Blue 
Point, and settled near Foxwell and 
Watts, where he doubtless died, as we 
find his widow Elizabeth was married 
to Jonas Bayley, who lived in the vicin- 
ity, and who was so attached to her that, 
in his will many years after, although he 



had a second wife living, he directed that 
he should be buried by her side, " In the 
Oarchard by my house." George Deer- 
ing left a son, Roger. The Deerings in 
this vicinity are probably descendants 
through Roger, a grandson, who, upon 
the breaking out of the Indian war, fled 
to Kittery, but subsequently returned 
and settled in the place where his an- 
cestors lived and labored. Vide Maine 
Hist. Coll., I. 3S4; Ibid. III. 24. Sav- 
age's Genealogical Dictionary, I. 143; 
II. 33. Early Records of Maine, State 
copy, II. 375. 



120 



THE TRELAWNV PAPERS. 



I '637. 



Narias Haukin is short of account with me £\J for the vse of 

the plantation, & .£20 he hath receaved in the Bay for the 

owners & Company for fish that was sold, & saies yt is out all 

in depts, but I doubt yt : heare he had nothing left but 5 or 6 

hodgheds of salt that he bought of the Bastable man to pay 

him the next yeare. He tells me he will pay yt shortly, but 

1 doubt yt. He is gonn to an Hand that is but a leage from 

vs, & their doth purpose to keep on fishinge with Sander 

Freythy & his brother. They are 8 in all, & keep two bootes 

to sea, & yf he do not pay me I do purpose to season * vpon that 

he hath, yf he keepe on fishinge : I hope he will pay yt well 

Inough. I shall Intreat you to send 20 or 30 pair of yarning 

gloues, 2 & 20 pair of halings hands 3 for the servants, which ar 

fishermen. So not havinge els to trouble you with at present, 

I end & rest, 

Your to his power, 

JOHN WYNTER. 

To the worshipfull 
Robert Trelawny, 
merchant, this be dd. 

in 

Plymouth. 

[Indorsed by Robert Trelawny:] 

Richmonds Hand, 1637. 

Jno. Winter, Rd. the 9th 
of Nouemb. 




' To seize. Vide Halliwell, in loco. the palms sometimes fortified with 
- Gloves made of yarn. Webster leather ; they are still used by fish- 
gives the word yarnen, "A pair of ermen to protect their hands when 
yarnen stocks." hauling their lines. It seems strange 
3 Haling or hauling hands are finger- that they have escaped the notice of 
less gloves, usually of coarse yarn, with lexicographers. 



i637-| WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 121 

WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 

[Apparently a Contemporary Copy. J 

Richmond Iland, the 20 th September, 1637. 
Worshipfull Sir: — 

I haue formerly aduised you by sundry Conueances, and my 
last was the ioth August, wherein I aduised you how Cleues 
hath vsed me and others here in this Country. Since my last 
wee receaued the loss of two men which were drowned ; the 
boate ouersett att sea bearinge toemuch saile, filled his boate 
that shee sunke Dovvne right, as the boat master reports, which 
was taken vp by one of our other boates beeinge neare [at hand] 
but swimminge a great while, hauinge one of his oares [to] 
succour him. The boates masters name is Richard Myle.' 
The 2 men that weare Drowned was my saruant Ropus and 
one J no. Roberts, a younge man. Our fishinge here proues 
very bad since the Herculis departed : wee haue not taken 
aboue fiue thousand fish one and other, and that very smale. 
Here hath been very few mackrell taken this season, neuer so 
few since I knew this Country. I am very doubtfull I shall 
not gett baite for the winter fishinge except the herringe doe 
staye with vs. This 3 or 4 nights wee haue 3 or 4 hundred 
herringe in a boate adrift, and some a hundred mackrell in 
adrift, 2 but very few by Day with theire flots. I could wish you 

1 This name appears elsewhere in Heard, & Richard Naly, being Quakers, 

these papers as Richard Nyle, and in they are dismist from that trust of 

the early records was transformed to Townesmen." Vide Early Records of 

Naly. Richard Nyle, or Naly, subse- Maine, State copy, Vol. II. p. 164. 

quently settled in Kittery, where he ■ I. e. with a drag or drift net. 

was living in 1669. In this year he was Only sail enough is kept on a boat to 

disfranchised for being a Quaker, as keep her moving, and thus the net is 

appears from the following curious rec- kept open and slowly drawn through 

ord : " That whereas it appeared to this the water. By " theire flots " he means 

Court that the Towne of Kittery hath floating stationary nets. They were 

acted Contrary to law in that at theyre buoyed by cork floats and secured by 

said Towne meeting hatli made Choise moorings, 
of Mr. Nickhollus Shapligh, James 



122 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1637. 

would send vs some pilchards' per the first Conueance for 
baite. Att present wee haue not aboue A C. fish in a boute, one 
with the other, and very smale : I pray God send itt better. 
Our Barke is lyke to lye still this winter for want of an honest 
man to goe in her. Edward fish Cocke = is noe fisherman, and 
besides his sight Doth faile him much. Our boates masters 
need to [be] pliable men ; for the most parte of them Came 
here for midship men, 3 but doe as much seruice as those that 
Came for boats masters. They are not well acquainted with 
this ffishinge. This Country needs, as the fishinge prooues, 
good pliable boats masters and good fisher men. 

Our Corne this yeare will be late before itt be ripe, an[d] I am 
doubtfull the frost will take some of itt before itt be ripe. Our 
peas proue very ill here with vs this yeare ; wee haue hardly 
soe many as wee did sow ; but they are very good, those which 
wee haue, which is not aboue 2 bushells, and I did sow 3 bush- 
ells, of which grew very few. But I think the pease weare 
nought 4 ; I did sow 5 bushells in all ; they proue in most places 
in this Country this yeare very well, and so I hope they will 
with vs here after in some other ground. Inglish graine 
prooues very well in all this Country where itt is sowcn. Our 
Cattell and Goates prooue very well here vpon the Hand ; wee 
lost none younge nor old. Our piggs prooue well allso, but 
wee haue lost many by the woolues 5 ; wee haue lost 50 that 

' It seems strange that Winter should and dries it upon hurdles pitcht upon 

ask Trelawny to send him bait, when stakes breast high, and tends their 

all writers speak of the great abundance Cookery." Josselyn's Two Voyages, 

of fish of all sorts suitable for bait to be p. 161. 
taken on the New England coast. J Worthless ; bad. 

2 The manner in which this name is 5 When Winter returned from his 
written looks as though the "grave and visit to England the year before, having 
discreet" John Winter intended to in- left Narias Hawkins in charge of the 
dulge in a bit of humor. The word plantation, he wrote home concerning 
cock was humorously used at this time the pigs and goats, that "they say 
to express a self-sufficient person. some the Indians have killed, and the 

3 " To every Shallop belong four fish- wolves have killed some other, but how 
ermen, a Master or Steersman, a Mid- it is I know not," implying a doubt in 
shipman, and a Foremast-man, and a his own mind. Upon this slight founda- 
shore man who washes it out oi the salt tion Trelawny bases his charge against 



1638.] WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 123 

wee know of, for they weare marked. But now wee lost none, 
except one Doe straggell from his Consorts ' ; for our herds- 
man hath brought our piggs now to ffollow him wheare euer 
he goes ; wee haue att present old and younge betwixt 90 and 
100, but the most parte but 6 moneths old, and some 7 (? 8 
monethes old. 

Our people all in health att present, and liue a greate deale 
quietter in the howse then they did before those other wente 
away : I meane Naryas Hawkinge and the Company that 
wente away when he did, which I haue formerly aduised you 
of. So not hauinge else att present to aduise you of, I end 

and rest, 

Your to his power, 

JOHN WYNTER. 
I haue gotten your man Jno. Vyuion 
againe ; whoe doth promise to proue 
an honest man here after. 



WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 
Syr: — 

You write of 3 hodgheds sider Mr. Chappie 2 sold. I haue 
receaved for 2 of them £5, but on hodghed is yt to pay for, but 
I am promised payment for yt spedily. By the next I shall 
send the account of all the sider sold & other goods, when I 
haue Counted with our men. I haue 3 hodgheds aquavite yt 
to sell, which will sell this winter. The Fortune, Mr. James 
Holman, arrived heare the 10th of May. From him I haue 
receaved the goods accordinge to the Invoyce, except 1 pair of 

Cleeve, that he had incited the Indians Winter, however, seems to find the 

to destroy his cattle. The men left in wolves a sufficient cause for the destruc- 

charge were doubtless glad to account tion of his pigs and goats, though he had 

for the loss, which might be charged to procured the passage of a law against 

their neglect, by laying it to the Indians, Indians who should destroy them, 

and it required but a step more to charge ■ Companions. 

a neighbor as unconciliatory as Cleeve 2 William Chappell, the same person 

with having incited them to the wrong, mentioned on page lo6, note I. 



[24 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [163S. 

shues wantinge, 2 lb. of twine, & milke pannes, but on of them 
hole, the rest broken in the Caske. Receaved out of the pro- 
vision of vittells sent abord 3 hodgheds of beare, 1 hodghed of 
beafe, 6 M. 7 C. 1 qr. of biskett. All the old Rope you sent for 
bootes mouringes will serue to moure but 2 bootes, & I know 
not how I shall gett mourings for them. Every boote doth vse 
2 or 3 & 20 fathem of rope for a mouringe at home, besides his 
Roode. I Receaved but 2 old topsaile sheates & on old 
shroud for mourings, & it is a good mouring that will last a 
yeare. Theris in the Invoyce sett downe a bagg Containes & 
saies not what yt is, & a barrell Containes & specifieth noth- 
ing what is in him ; but I Can find no such bagg nor barrell. 
I haue loden abord the Fortune these goods followinge : forty 
nyne thousand two hundred & sixty fishes, Containe 819 Cin- 
talls of merchantable Cod ; on thousand nynety four fishes, 
Containe 13 Cintalls of dry hake & haddocke ; 3 hodgheds of 
traine, & ten hodgheds of peas': wherof their is 126 Cintall 
betwixts the deckes, which is as much as she Can stow & stow 
yt well ; & I thinke we haue near about 300 Cintalls left ; & 
since our traine was Carred abord we haue gathered almost a 
hodghed ; all our winter fish but litle traine. We not made at 
present not aboue 40 Cor fishes, which is made since the rome 
was fitted in the Fortune. Receaved a pece of hauser out of 
the Fortune which doth waigh 1 C weigh, which is not so good 
as the rope you sent for mourings. I desire you will be pleased 
to pay the owner for yt. The maister hath from me a new 
line for a soundinge line not paid for. The maister hath now 
for his vittelinge for his voyage a tonn of beare, 3 hodgheds of 
bread, almost a hodghed of beafe, 3 Cintall of refuse fish, & 5 
hodgheds of water. Their ship is litle leake, & the grudge 2 
much that they haue so few men, & your servant Chappie will 
not stay heare, so he is to Come home in this ship. The Sam- 
uell not yett arrived. God send her safe & in season to go for 

1 It would seem from this that quite besides what was necessary to reserve 
a business was done in raising peas, for the use of the plantation, 
since Winter could ship ten hogsheads - Grumble. Vide Halliwell, in loco. 



163S.] WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 12$ 

the Newfoundland, for I am doubtfull we shall not recover' 
aboue halfe her ladinge, yf we haue so much. Heare is now 
taken 2 C fish in a boote but out 2 daies for yt, & som do lade 
in this tyme, & somm a C fish, which Commonly falles for our 
partes among our old loyterers,- which I doubt will never be 
better ; & the tymes heare after wilbe yll to make dry fish. 
I haue treated with Sander Freythy about his fish, but he yett 
puts me of & saies he will Com for England, & doth purpose 
to go to a markett with yt himselfe, & for to serve out his 
tyme, his answere is his tyme is out, will serue no longer. 
I do heare they haue hand mylls 3 made in England that goeth 
with stones, that will grind English Corne, wheat, & barley. I 
shall desire you would be pleased to send me on of them by 
the first Convenience ; for our Steele mylls ar worren so smoth 
the will not grind but very sparingly. The ar 4 dayes to grind 
a hodghed of malt & I cannot [get] them mended heareabout. 
Theris Cominge to Peter Gullet for his share of fish while he 
lived with [us] 38 s., which I desire yt be paid to the party yt 
doth belonge. He lived heare with vs after our arrivall heare, 
from the 24th of May to the second of October. I wrote to 
you the last yeare whether you did promise Mr. Gybson to be 
heare with vs on halfe the yeare & the other halfe away. I 
desire to heare your answere by the first Convenience. He is 
now, as I heare say, to haue a wyfe, & wilbe married very 
shortly vnto on Mr. Lewes Daughter of Sacco. 4 So not hav- 
inge els to Advize you with at present, I end & rest, 

Your to his power, 

JOHN WINTER. 

■Obtain. I. e. she would not obtain and Cape Porpoise, "a gentleman," 

over half a load of fish if she were late says Folsom, "of more than ordinary 

in reaching the banks of Newfoundland, standing." Gibson married his daugh- 

2 Idlers. ter, Mary Lewis, shortly after the date 

3 The mills with which they ground of this letter, as may be seen by an 
their grain were much like our coffee- epistle addressed by Gibson to Gov- 
mills, though larger. ernor Winthrop in January, i63S[g]. 

* Thomas Lewis, the associate of I 'id? Mass. Hist. Coll., 5th Ser., Vol. I. 
Captain Bonython in the patent granted pp. 267 et scq. 
them, lying between Cape Elizabeth 



126 THE TRELAWNY TAPERS. [163S. 



To the Right Honorable 
Robbert Lord Trelawny, 
m'chant, p'sent 
In 

Plymouth. 



Apparently 

not 

Winter's 

Handwriting. 



[Indorsed by R. Trelawny :] 
New Ingland, 1638. 

Jno. Winter, Rd. the 
30th of July. 



RICHARD GIBSON TO TRELAWNY. 

Richmond Iland, 11 th June, 163S. 
Worshipfull Sir, — 

And my honored friend : I Comend mee kindely vnto you, 

wishing your health. I haue receyued from you 2 letters, one 

by John Dennes and thother by James Howman ; by both 

which I vnderstand that you are willing I should stay att your 

plantation, and Hue amongst your people, as hitherto. And as 

for that Land you purpose to allott mee, I do thanke you for 

your louing proffer, but truly the quantity is to small by halfe. 

Men Do not Sitt Downe here but upon three times more then 

they Can hope to vse. The Scituation also wilbe so farr into 

the land that there wilbe no passage to & from it in the winter 

season. The rent must be exceeding small if I have it. Never 

minister paid rent in thes Land before mee, but have houses 

built for them, & the Inheritance given them withall. 1 I haue 

spoke to Mr. Winter of it, but he hath not had leasure to do any 

thing yett : I feare he will not sett mee out such land as wilbe 

1 " The publique worship is in as faire A chapel and parsonage with fifty acres 

a meeting house as they can provide, of land were furnished him at Torts- 

wherein, in most places, they haue beene mouth. Vide Provincial Papers of 

at great charges." Vide Lechford's New Hampshire, Vol. I. p. III. 
Plain Dealing, p. 43 ; also pp. 48 et seq. 



163S.J GIBSON TO TRELAWNY. I 27 

Comodious for my vse. How so euer it fall out, for your loue 
I thanke you. Concerning my Continuance, I never purposed 
but to stay out my time I Covenanted for, and afterwards, if 
you thinke mee fitt for your Service, I shalbe as willing to it as 
formerly : because you was my patron into these parts, and 
I hope to enioy Gods blessing vnder you. But the truth is, 
I haue promised my selfe to them at Saco 6 moneths yearely 
hence forth ; and further then 6 moneths I cannot serve you 
after my time is out. Your people here were willing to haue 
allowed me £2$ yearely out of their wages, so I would Con- 
tinue amongst them wholly. And I was glad of the meanes ; 
and thought that I had Done God & you good Service in 
bringing them to that minde, where they might haue bene 
brought further on. But Mr. Winter opposed it, because hee 
was not so sought vnto" as he expected. Surely here arr no 
Such Scandalls & reports through my miscarriage passing 
here, nor haue not bene, I suppose, as it seems vnworthy 
people haue filled your towne withall. It is not in my power 
what other men thinke or speake of mee, yett it is in my 
power by Gods grace so to Hue as an honest man & a minister, 
and so as no man shall speak euill of mee but by Slanndering, 
nor thinke amisse but by too- much credulity, nor yett aggrieue 
mee much by any abuse. Those villaynes, though void of 
grace, would haue bene ashamed to haue spoken such a word 
Ever, and deserued rather to be punished then to haue been 
creditted. But my owne Testimony is nothing : you may, if 
you please, heare of them that haue bene here or Come from 
hence, if they haue knowne or heard of any such drinking 
as you talke of. I had rather be vnder ground then discredit 2 
either your people or plantatio, as you belieuing idle people 
suppose I doe. If you haue any jealousy 3 this way (so doubt- 
fully you write) I thinke it best you hold of & proceed no 
further with mee either in Land or Service : and if it be so it 

1 Sought to = solicited, says Halli- - Disgrace, 
well. Perhaps consulted better con- 3 Suspicious fear or apprehension, 
veys the meaning. 



128 THE TRELAWNY 1'APERS. [1638. 

is best so to doe. I take it the worse because these Clamours 
haue both Lost mee the increase of my wages, and what 
moneys for my setting forth and wages hither which is due vnto 
mee both by bargayne (pt att least) and promised by your 
Letter dated 30th November, 1636, where unto I referr you. 
How euer wee are some times stript of these outward Com- 
forts as credit, preferrment, good name, because wee seeke 
them in the streame, in the arme of flesh, forgetting the Foun- 
tayne & Creator. It shall neuer do me hurt more then this to 
make mee looke more narrowly to my wayes. 

The Samuell is not yett Come. Mr. Dennis hath made a 
singular Industryous voyage, farr beyond ours, and noe man 
can finde the cause of the difference. Corne thriues not in the 
ground. Like to be a deare yeare. Mr. Sargeant, I thinke, 
will prooue a honest ma, & his people all are in peace, & ours 
too now. The gouernment of your plantation in case of ne- 
cessity for a short time I will accept, euen to the neglecting of 
my owne buisines, & Do my best for you faithfully, but not to 
be charged with any thing accidentall. I desire to do you ser- 
vice, for I loue and honor you ; but I cannot endure the want 
of any thing which is myne, though never so litle, for I Come 
farr & take a great deale of paynes, & haue small wages, & was 
cast downe much with those Duynkerkers. 2 I pray you pardon 

1 Stephen Sargent. Like most of thither and had several children born 
Winter's men he remained in the coun- to him between that date and 1677, 
try. He appears to have been a man when we lose sight of him. Vide Early 
of somewhat higher social standing than Records of Maine, State copy, Vol. III. 
others of the colony at the Island, as he p. 436. Savage's Genealogical Die- 
had two servants in his employ ; and tionary, Vol. IV. p. iS. Folsom's Saco, 
Winter, in one of his letters home, p. 179. 

speaks as though more was expected of - The Dunkirkers were great bug- 
him than of others. It is quite prob- bears to people leaving the old country, 
able that he lived at Saco till about Dunkirk formed part of the Spanish 
1670, and that Edward and John were Netherlands, and their ships cruised off 
his sons. We find him serving on a the English coast in the track of corn- 
jury of inquest on the 22d of December, merce. Higginson says: "Passing 
1670, at Saco. If he is the Stephen Dover we saw six or seven sail of Dun- 
mentioned by Savage as living in Bos- kirkers wafting after us." And Dudley : 
ton in 1670, he must have removed "By this ship" (the Lion of Bristol) 



1638.] AMMIRIE TO TRELAWNY. 129 

the ill wrytinge of this Letter, I did not thinke the shippe had 

been in such hast. God Almighty blesse you and prosper your 

waye : and I my selfe will both pray & endeuour the good of 

them what I Can. 

Yours euer to be Commanded, 

RICHARD GIBSONN. 
I shall wryte to Mr. Redford 
by the next, for he is much 
shaken for feare of my 
drinking. 

To the Worshipfull ami 
my honoured friend, 
Robert Trelawny, 
of 

Plimmonth, 

Merchant. 

[Indorsed by R. Trelawny :] 

New Ingland, nth June, 1638, 
Ric : Gibson, Rd. the 
30th of July. 




JOHN AMMIRIE' TO TRELAWNY. 

Mr. Trelawnye: — 

Sir, my beast Serves remembred vn to your Worshipp. Sir, 
I have made bould to Write vn to you thease lines, to giue 

" we understood of the fight of three of Winter's cooper. The following is 

our ships and two English men-of-war from the cooper's orders of 1648, in 

coming out of the Straits, with fourteen which the necessity of employing at 

Dunkirkers, upon the coast of England, the Island a regular cooper "sworne 

as they returned from us in the end of for that seruis," will be seen : " For 

the last summer." Vide Young's Chroni- the paking offish and flesh: it is the 

cles of Massachusetts, pp. 218, 330. order in England, at Yermouth, no 

Sainsbury, p. 445. et passim, fisher man was to pake his fish for the 

1 John Ammirie, or Emery, was marchnt : they pakt them at sea to 

9 



130 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1638. 

your Worshipp to vnderstand that Mr. Winter hath Charged 
me a leaven pound vpon A Counte that I reaseiued of you 
bee fore my Comminge heare. Sir, maye it please you to 
vnder stand that I reaseiued bute 3 pound of you When I 
Sealed my Couenant with you, and 5 pound that Wase due 
to Nicholas Drue and to John Thorne, Which I Thought you 
had payed them thirtie or fortie Shilings yearlie. If your Wor- 
shipp hath payed them all, I reast my sealfe much thankfull 
vn to you, and I would in treate you to seand me Worde hovve 
it stands by the neaxt Shipp ; and, Sir, I by Mr. Winter vnder- 
stand that youre Worship hat payed my Wife Sume munie, 
and I knowe note what it is for. I Could neaver have a letter 
from my freands sinse I Came a waye, theare fore I would in 
treate your Worship to seand me word how it Stands with me. 
And I reast 

Your Saruante to Command in what I maye, 

JOHN AMMIRIE. 
From Richman Iland, the 
2 th Daye of Juli, 1638. 

These to be deliuered to Mr. 
Robeart Trelawnye, 
Marchant, in 
Plimouth, 
in Deavon. 

[Indorsed by R. Trelawny :] 

Richmond Iland, 1638. 

Jno Amer, Rd. the 6th of Sept. 

saue them, but when they com to be able but such as they pak." The 

pakt for the marchant or for a market, writer of this letter did not long rc- 

ther wer coopers sworne for that ser- main in the country, but returned to 

uis: and non wer acounted marchent- England. 



163S.] WITNESS OF POSSESSION. 131 



A WITNESS OF POSSESSION 

Of 2,000 Acres of Land on the Northwest Side of the River 
of Black Point, by John Winter, for the use of Robert 
Trelawny, on the 12™ Day of July, Anno 1638. 

Wheras Richard Vines of Saco did on the last daye of June, 
Anno 1637, for and in the Name of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 
Knight Gouernour of the province of New Sommersettshire, 1 
& by Order from him, hath giuen & deliuered vnto Jolin 
Winter, for the vse of Robert Trelawnye of Plymouth, Mer- 
chant, his heires & assosiattes, lawful! possesion & seisin of 
two thousand Acres of Land, next adioyinge to a former 
patent Graunted vnto the said Robert by the preseden[t] & 
Counsell of New England, Extendinge in Length from the 
Riuer of Casco to the Riuer of Blacke Poynte, nott Entrench- 
inge vppon any former Graunt.- 

We, vnder written, do now witnesse that on the 12th day of 
July, Anno 1638, the said John Winter did, in the Name & by 
order from the Said Robert Trelawnye, enter into & take pos- 
session of one Necke of land, on the Northwest side of the 
Riuer of the said Black Poynte, part wherof is in the occupa- 
tion of John Mills, 3 and which hee now possesseth as part of 
the said two thousand Acres so as it do nott Entrench vppon 
any former or lawfull Graunt. Giuen at the place possessed, 
the day & yeare aboue written. 
Witneses hereof are 

Richard Gibsonn, 

Richard Fox will, 4 

Henry Watts, 3 

John Mills. 6 

1 The province of New Somersetshire time the most flourishing town within 

comprised the territory lying between its limits. 

the Piscataqua and Kennebec Rivers, - I 'ide map opposite page 63. 

extending into the main land to the 3 John Mills's farm was on Winnock's 

great lakes and river of Canada, includ- Neck, so called. Vide Maine Hist. 

ing the islands along the seaboard. It Coll., Vol. III. p. 70. 

was named by Sir Ferdinando in honor ■> Richard Foxwell is supposed by 

of his native county. Saco was at this Folsom to have come from Exeter in 



132 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



[1638. 



[Indorsed by Robert Trelavvny :] 

A possession of 2000 Akers of land, deliured me in New 
Ingland by Mr. Vynes, by an Order from Sir Fard: Gorges. 
1637 & 1638. 



Devonshire, or from that vicinity ; and 
by Savage as early as 1631. He mar- 
ried Sarah, daughter of Captain Richard 
Bonython, and removed from Saco, 
where he first settled, to his father-in- 
law's grant at Blue Point (which was 
then considered a part of Black Point 
and so called), in 1636. He was a mem- 
ber of the " General Assembly of Ly- 
gonia" in 1648, was a Commissioner of 
the town in 1664 and 1668, and "Clerk 
of the Writs" for Scarborough in 1658 
and 1665, but declined the office when 
offered him three years later. He was 
an industrious and influential man, and 
lived for forty years on his estate at 
Blue Point, rearing a numerous family, 
and died in 1676 or 1677, having passed 
the allotted age. An interesting story 
of him will be found in Josselyn's Voy- 
ages, page 23. Vide Maine Hist. Coll., 
Vol. III. pp. 17 et seq. Folsom's Saco, 
p. 116. Savage's Genealogical Diction- 
ary, Vol. II. p. 198. Early Records of 
Maine, State copy, Vol. III. p. 342, 
et passim. 

5 Henry Watts appears to have been 
an active and influential man. He was 
one of the first settlers at Blue Point, 
having settled there in company with 
Richard Foxwell in 1636. For several 
years these two friends were the only 
inhabitants there. Watts was evidently 
an aggressive man, and restive under 
the ecclesiastical rigor which was mak- 
ing itself felt in the most isolated ham- 
lets. Indeed, he so far disregarded 
public sentiment as to offend by " car- 
rying of bords" on the Sabbath, and 
only a week after the date of this depo- 



sition was presented for this offence 
with Freythy, and fined therefor. With 
Robert Jordan, the Episcopal minister 
of Spurvvink, he naturally came into 
collision, Jordan having been the means, 
perhaps innocently, of bringing about a 
temporary separation between him and 
his wife, the latter probably being a 
churchwoman and not in sympathy 
with her husband's free ways of think- 
ing. Although he was frequently pre- 
sented to the Court for neglect of public 
worship, he was made a member of the 
General Assembly of the Province of 
Lygonia in 1648, and a Commissioner 
under Massachusetts in 1658 and 1659, 
and in the latter year he also held the 
office of constable. The commission- 
ers associated with him were Josselyn, 
Jordan, Cleeve, and Neal, who, feeling 
themselves scandalized at his free man- 
ner of speaking, took the usual course 
at that time and "presented" him to 
the Court therefor, and in the following 
year he was not reappointed. He was, 
however, a Commissioner in 1661 and 
1662 ; but though chosen by his towns- 
men in 1664, the General Court refused 
to allow him a commission. Watts held 
important offices for many years, and 
appears to have faithfully discharged 
the duties appertaining to them. He 
was living in 1685, it is stated by Sav- 
age, at the age of seventy-one ; while 
Folsom states, without giving his au- 
thority, that "he was living in 16S4, 
over eighty years of age." The date 
of his death is unknown. 

<> John Mills, after the breaking up 
of the business at Richmond's Island, 



t6 3 8. 



GILL TO TRELAWNV. 



133 



ARTHUR GILL 1 TO TRELAWNY. 

Ser : — 

May it plese you to vnderstand yt I haue Receued your 
Letter, whering you write yt I should Receue a former to 
which you did Refeere me, ye which I did not, & in Case 
thereof I doe not knowe your mind as much as I doe desier. 
Consering ye bilding of your shipe, & for ye drauft you sent 
me & sead I should not deffer a inch from it, it is imposse- 
abell, for ther is noe scakell 2 vpon it wherby to knowe ye pro- 
porshons of any thinge, nore noe shepe 5 of ye mould, which is ye 
greatest pinnt of all ; & for ye vpper worke, it is not propor- 
shonabell nore ship shapenn. 4 This is true : I will make it apure 5 
soe, if acation 6 shall [be had], before ye best artis 7 in England. 
Ye draft I haue sent you againe by ye Master of ye Samell, 
for I Can make noe vse of it, & I will desier you to keepe it 
before such tyme as it sh[all] plese God yt I shall Come home 
to make it apear[e] true. Mr. Wynter doeth knowe your mind 
what manor & what proporshon you will haue your shipe bilt, 



continued to reside in the vicinity. 
That he was not in harmony with the 
ecclesiastical spirit which prevailed, is 
evident from such entries as the follow- 
ing in the early court records, viz. : 
" Wee Indite John Mills of Bla: Poynt, 
in his Majesty's behalfe, for absenting 
himselfe from ye publique worshipe of 
God on the Lords dayes." His family 
appear to have partaken of their fa- 
ther's spirit of opposition to Church au- 
thority, for, upon presentation of John, 
James, Sarah, and Mary, in 1671, Sarah 
told the court that they worshipped 
"devills and not God," and Mary, that 
their ministers were "not ministers of 
God, but ministers of ye letter, and not 
of ye spirit." Sarah was often before 
the court for improper conduct. John 



Mills died in 1673, as letters of admin- 
istration were granted upon his estate 
in October of that year. Vide Early 
Records of Maine, State copy, II. 206, 
239 ; Ibid , III. 73, ct passim 

1 Arthur Gill first settled in Dor- 
chester, but subsequently removed to 
Boston, where he followed his trade of 
a shipwright. In 1654 he returned to 
England, probably on a visit, as he left 
his family here, and died there. His 
descendants in this country were nu- 
merous. 

2 Scale. 

3 Shape. 

* Shipshape, 
s Appear. 

6 Occasion. 

7 Artist, in the sense of artisan. 



134 THE TRELAWNY TAPERS. [163S. 

& I pray dout not but you shall haue as good Condishonabell' 

shipe, & as good stoufe put in her & according to your mind, 

as you will desier ; for if you will trust me with bilding of her, 

you may for better trust me with draing'-' of ye draft. Ser, I 

will desier you yt you will be plesed to paye yt monyes which is 

my due for my wages to my wyfe, which is 1 3 pound 9 shillings 

6 penes, by acount with Mr. Wynter. And soe 1 Rest, with my 

harty thankes for yt loue & kindnes which I haue found from 

you, & my dealy prayers to God to blese you. 

Your poore seruant to Command to his power, 

ARTHUR GILL. 
From Richmon Iland, in New England, 
ye 17 of July, 163S. 

To ye worshipful] 
Robert Trelawneay, 
marchant, in Plcmocth, 
giue these. 

[Indorsed by R. Trelawny:] 
New Ingland, 1638. 

Art: Gill, Rd. the 24th 
of Sept. 




WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 

Richmon Iland, the 30 th of July, 1638. 
WORSHIPFULLL SYR : 

My last was by the Samuell, William Perrum maister, wher- 
in I advised you of all busines with vs at that tyme. She de- 
parted hence the 19th of July, & is to go for the Newfoundland 
to take in the rest of her ladinge. Theris loden abord of her as 

■ The writer, apparently by Rood luck, phosed, signifying to put or join to- 
selects a most expressive word here, the gether into a whole. 
Latin conditio, so quaintly metamor- = Drawing. 



1638] WINTER TO TRELAWNY. I 35 

by bill of lading will appeare, 17 thousand on hundred three 
quarters & twenty fishes of dry merchantable Cod, qt.' 404 Cin- 
talls ; thre hundred & twenty fiue Cor fishes Conteyninge 49J 
Cintalls more ; six thousand eight hundred three quarters eight 
fishes of hake, haddocke, & pollocke, Containe 143 Cintalls ; on 
thousand seven hundred 14 fishes of refuse fish, qt. 27 Cintalls ; 
four hodgheds of traine ; on hodghed i of fish peas. After 
the bills weare firmed 3 I put abord 3 C. 3 qr. 16 fishes, qt. 7 
Cintall of refuse fish, & 2 C. 15 Cupple' of haddocke for vittell 
fish, & haue taken the maisters receat for yt ; so this all the fish 
we haue good & bad. Theris of the merchantable Cod 39 Cin- 
talls that I bought of Narias Haukin, wherof 23 Cintalls I put 
abord the Fortune, 4 Mr. James Holman, & 16 Cintalls is loden 
abord the Samuell, all Charged in their bills of ladinge. I pay 
vnto Narias Haukin 30 Rialls 5 per Cintall, & haue taken yt vp 
in his depts to the plantation. I haue loden abord the Samuell 
g61b. ofbever to be Conveyed for England out of the Newfound- 
land. The 26th of this moneth departed hence the Richmon, 
Narias Haukin maister, bound for the Bay, or the Duch plan- 
tation, or Keynetticot, 6 where they may find their best markett. 

' Abbreviation for quantity. exerted a potent influence in exciting 

2 After the bills of lading were of- the cupidity of men, was confiscated. 
firmed, or signed by the master. The last we hear of her is in 1653, 

3 Cupellas, small casks. when she was granted letters of marque 
* The Fortune, though a small ship, for a voyage to the Caribbean Islands. 

had been in the New England trade Vide Bradford's History of Plymouth 

many years. She it was which brought Plantation, pp. 91, 105, no, et passim. 

Robert Cushman and his company in New England's Trials, p. 16. Sains- 

November, 1621. On her return to bury's Colonial Papers, V. 124; XII. 

England, according to Smith in New 410. 

England's Trials, "loaded with clap- 5 An English gold coin, worth about 

board, wainscot, and Walnut, with about fifteen shillings at this time, was called 

three hogsheads of beaver skins, and a rial ; but this was the real of plate, a 

some saxafras," she was unlawfully Spanish coin, worth from five to six and 

seized by a French man-of-war and a half pence sterling, according to the 

taken to the " He Deu on the coast of date of coinage. It was subsequently 

Poytou," but in a short time released, denominated in NewEnglandninepence, 

though the beaver which she carried, and farther west a York shilling, 

valued at above five hundred pounds, 6 Vide Hubbard's New England, 

which was an article that at this time p. 17S. Winthrop, I. 105, etpdssim. 



136 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1638. 

In her I haue laden abord 34 pipes of wine, 50 Jarres of oyle, & 
most pt of our earthen ware ; God send yt to good markett. 
The night that the Richmon was to go away, the morninge 
after wear 5 of our men Run away with on of our shollopes, & 
I do beleaue the had a full intent to steall away the barke that 
night yf Narias Haukin had not lyen abord, for the weare en- 
quiringe the eveninge before the went away of the barkes Com- 
pany where Narias Haukin did ly abord or no sundry tymes. 
The names of those men that ar gone ar these : Markes Gaud, 
William Allen, bootes maisters, Henry Edmonds, mydsbipman, 
Edward Best, for ship man ; those 4 ar of the Company that 
Came with Mr. Sergant, & John Amry the Cuper is the fift, & 
theris a mans servant in the Country gon with them also. 
Thomas Bone of Saltash, about the tyme the Samuell departed, 
Conveyed away all his Cloths, & I Cannot yt learne where he 
haue put them abord the Samuell, for the maisters mate is his 
brother-in-law : you may do well to make a Certain enquiry 
after yt. I never knew of yt not aboue 3 or 4 daies before these 
other men Run away, & that tyme as I heard of yt he goeth 
away him selfe by land, & where he is gon I know not : I doubt 
he hath Consorted with the rest. Yf you meane to keepe forth' 
your plantation you may please to make Choyse of honester 
men, or els yt will all go to Ruin, for I haue a bad Company 
to deall with all, being heare in a lawles Contry. I haue a hard 
taske to vnder go, beinge I hardly know my frind from my 
foe. I had thought the Cuper Amry would never haue donn 
so, for I haue trusted him with most things in the house, & I 
Could never find him falty ; yt is great pitty he is Carried 
away in this manner ; he is a very good work man. I haue 
formerly advized you of the Idlenes of our fishermen, now you 
may perceaue yt by the fish we haue made. Our husbandmen 
proue all so bad, for they haue planted a pretty quantyty of 
ground of Indian Corne, but we ar like to haue but litle In- 
crease ; I thinke we shall not haue aboue 3 or 4 hodgheds 
of Indian Corne. Their is not aboue 3 or 4 planters in the 

' I. e. continue. 



1638.] WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 1 37 

Country that I heare of that their Come doth faile. I haue 
on man that was a fisherman with me, & hath Closed in a 
pece of land heare vppon the Hand, & hath halfe the Come 
for his labour, & I find him meat & drinke. He had the same 
seed that our owne men had, & is liken to haue a good Crop 
of Corne this yeare, yf yt proue no wors herafter then yt doth 
begin. Being these men ar Run away, I do hire him for a 
fisherman againe for another yeare. We shall man seven 
bootes heare in a Company to fish to geather, & I haue agreed 
with Narias Haukin & the Company of the barke to keep 2 
bootes at sea when please God she doth returne of her voyage. 
The haue on bootes Company in the barke, & I haue fytted 
on bootes Company more heare that ar to fish by them selues 
before the returne of our barke, & then they ar to Joyne with 
Narias Haukin & the Company of the barke, & to keep their 
fish apart from the other 7 bootes Company ; they will be 9 
bootes in all. Before these men run away I had devided our 
Company in three Companys, which gaue them all Content, & 
I was in good hoope they would haue stryved who Could do 
best of them. I had ordered Mr. Sergant Company to fish 
to geather, being 4 bootes Company, & 4 bootes Company of 
our old Company to fish to geather, & Narias Haukin & the 
barkes Company to be of a Company them selues, & every on 
to keep his fish apart on from the other, & every Company 
a stage to them selues ; but all our Rome to make our fish 
vppon standeth all Round to geather. Sander Freythy is going 
for England, & yf you do not question him for going from 
your servize, you will not keep a man heare to the plantation 
no longer then the list" them selues for. I heare those that ar 
heare now, though they will not say so much to me, for the 
say Sander Freythy is gon home & we shall se what is donn to 
him ; yf their be nothinge donn to him we may all go away as 
well as he & nothing to be donn to vs, for heare about these 
parts is neyther law nor goverment. Yf any mans servant take 
a distast against his maister, away the go to their pleasure. 

' No longer than they choose. 



138 THE TRELAWNY TAPERS. [163S. 

Captaine Cammecke is Com hither againe & saies hath 
petitioned to the lords of the Counsell about his patten, to 
maintaine his right as far as he is banded by Captaine Neall, & 
as he saies their answere is, yf he haue his land banden out to 
him & Cannot keep yt, yt is pitty he should haue yt, & he saies 
yf you haue not power from the lords to order yt to your 
mynd he will acknowledge no power from Sir Fardinando Gorg, 
or for any power Mr. Vines Cann haue from him, for he saies 
his patten is granted from the lords.' His bands by Captaine 
Neall was to go a myle from the rivers mouth of Spurwinke 
on the wester side of the river, which he did alwaies Claime, 
but the River doth not go aboue the third part of a myle to 
the northward, before he turnes away northeast & north east 
& by East. So I was with him againe to know wheare he did 
purpose his band should end, that I might know how farr he 
did Claime, & he Came with me to the River, & Maister Vines 
& Maister Joselin with him, & sett the land by a Compas ; & 
from the rivers mouth the River goeth a third of a myle north 
& from thence he Cuts over a march, & so directly into the 
woods for his myle on the wester side of the River due north 
from the Rivers mouth on the wester side of the River mouth ; 
but heare to fore he hath demanded a myle by the River, 
which would haue taken away a great deale more of the march, 
& Inlarged his patten a great deale more then now yt doth, & 
wheare his myle doth end he is to Cut vppon a straight line 
to the River of Black Pointe." This River Blacke Pointe from 

1 " Nov. 4. Warwick House, Hoi- province no civil government without 
born. — Minutes of the Council for New the King's sanction until April 3, 1639, 
England. Patents sealed for . . . Capt. when full powers were granted him, 
Thos. Cammock of New England of even to the exclusion from his province 
1,500 acres of land on the east side of of any whom he thought proper to ex- 
Black Point River." Vide Sainsbury's elude. The news of this had not at 
Colonial Papers, Vol. VI. p. 135. Sir this time, probably, reached Cammock 
Ferdinando had received a private grant and Winter. 

of the whole territory, April 22, 1635, a 2 We have no evidence, except this 

division having been made among the statement of Winter, that Cammock 

patentees on the 3d of April preceding, ever sought to change the original 

He could, however, establish in his bounds of his patent as "banded out" 



163S.] WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 1 39 

the headland of Black Point goeth in due north about a myle & 
quarter the River, where he doth parte in two armes ; on goeth 
to the westward & the other to the north north east, & the 
take that arme that goeth to the north north east, the River 
of Blacke Pointe, & to that arme Captaine Cammecke doth 
take his bounds of his patten, & yt is most likelyest, yf that 
proue to be a River, that that should be the River of Blacke 
Pointe, because he goeth in the same side that Black Pointe 
standeth. The River with in the bar, before he doth parte in 
2 armes, is not aboue a| of a myle with in the bar, & from the 
barr to the south lyeth Blacke Point about a myle into the sea 
from the barr now on the north side of the River, which the 
terme to be the River of Blacke Pointe. At the entry of the 
River theris on John Mylls,' which was a servant to this plan- 
tation, hath built a house, & was granted to him by Captaine 
Gorg when he was heare in the Country, & put in possession 
of sixty akers of land which now he holdeth, & Joyninge to 
that sixty akers of land to the north west I tooke possession 
for the begininge of your 2000 Akers, which I was put in pos- 
session of the last yeare, & that is the land that Mr. Joslin 
doth Claime for his 1000 Akers which Mr. Vines saies was 

by Walter Nea!. It is true that it atious claims to land on the western 
would have carried him a little farther bank of the Spurwink, went into court 
inland to run his eastern line straight; in 1640, the next year after this letter 
but he had a well-defined bound in the was written, and virtually admitted by 
east which no one could question, and, his declaration in a case which Cleeve 
as he could not have been confined to had brought against him, that the Spur- 
strictly 1,500 acres in a time when pa- wink was the western boundary of 
tentecs were not at all scrupulous about the Trelawny patent and the eastern 
taking a few extra acres if delivered them boundary of Cammock's. "Winter," 
within well-defined bounds, there seems says Southgate, "was hardly the man 
not to be a sufficient motive for so haz- for a peaceable neighbor; and it is not 
ardous a change as is here suggested, surprising that he should at the same 
We have every reason to believe that time be in trouble with his next neigh- 
Cammock never changed his eastern bor on either side of the Trelawny 
boundary from the Spurwink ; for, after patent, Cammock at Black Point and 
this time, he always opposed Winter's Cleeve at Falmouth Neck." Vidt 
claim to land on its western bank; in- Maine Hist. Coll., Vol. III. p. 15. 
deed, Winter himself, in spite of the * Vide antca,p. 131, notes 3 and 6. 
fact that he had constantly made vex- 



140 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



[1638- 



granted before your.' So you must be aboue him againe to 
take your land, except you Can gett vnder Syr Fardinando 
Gorges hand that Mr. Joslin hath no right their to that parcell 
of land. Mr. Joslins father is now Com over, & another of 
his sonnes 2 with him, & doth purpose to hue their with him : 
the hue all yett with Captaine Cammocke before he haue fitted 
him selfe with a house. Mr. Joselins father is an ancyent old 
knight; he is 4 score yeare old wantinge but two: 3 and yf 
I go to worke to build their, I shall build in great trouble. 
My men will never be in quiett, so I haue troubles heare on 
every side. 

Our Carpenter hath drawen out a draught for a new ves- 
sell, & saies he Cannot worke by the draught you sent. Yf 
Phillip Hatches 4 maister Com for money, you may please to 



1 We know of no grant to Josselyn. 
Southgate says, " Probably he was fa- 
vored with private grants from Sir Fer- 
dinando." Maine Hist. Coll., III. 35, 
and Hubbard. " lie removed himself 
to Black Point, upon some agreement 
with Sir Feidinando Gorges," but does 
not specify what. General History of 
New England, p. 234. That he pos- 
sessed lands is certain, for he made sev- 
eral grants outside of the lands which 
he received from Cammock. 

- John Josselyn, Gent., author of 
" Two Voyages to New England," and 
" New England's Rarities." He came 
in the Nicholas, of London, Robert 
Taylor master, and arrived at Black 
Point on July 14, 163S. 

3 A tradition has existed in Scar- 
borough, that Sir Thomas Josselyn 
lived and died there ; but it has been 
doubted that he ever came to this coun- 
try, and Folsom goes so far as to assert 
with reference to his appointment as a 
Councillor for the Province of Maine, 
March 10, 1640, that " Sir Thomas 
Josselyn did not come over." This 



doubt has received support from the 
fact that his son John, who was so par- 
ticular in noting the most minute oc- 
currences of his sojourn here, does not 
mention his father. The statement of 
Winter, however, coupled with an item, 
in a document in the English archives, 
establishes the fact that he came to New 
England with his son John in 163S, and 
probably returned with him to England 
the year following. This item, under 
date of September 3, 1639, is as follows : 
" Whereas Sir Thomas Jocelyn, Kt., 
was named chief in the said commission 
and ordinances, and he being now re- 
turned to England and left out of the 
commission, Sir Ferdinando's cousin, 
Thomas Gorges, is put in his room with 
the same powers, &c." Vide Sains- 
bury's Colonial Papers, X. 309. Fol- 
som's History of Saco, p. 54. Folsom's 
Documents in English Archives, p. 39. 
4 Philip Hatch took up his residence 
at York, where he appears among the 
petitioners to Cromwell urging the con- 
tinuance of the government of Massa- 
chusetts over the people of Maine. We 



163S.] WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 141 

tell him that he Cann pay none this yeare : he saies he must 
buy himselfe som Clothes. I haue formerly advised you how 
long our provision will last, & for the helpe of the land this 
yeare we ar like to haue but litle except yt be for porke, & I 
vse all the meanes I Cann for to provide vittells, but Cannot 
maintaine the house vittells. I am forced to kill our piggs so 
younge that their is but litle in them, & I am fained to feed 
all that I kill, for the land doth not feed them as yt hath 
donne in tymes past. The woulues & the bares do kill many, 
& maketh the piggs fcarfull to stay any way of in the woods, 
for all I haue a man to follow after them. They wear wont to 
feed in the woods them selues & Com home fatt, & no man to 
looke after them, & did lost but few before the woulues & the 
bares & other wild beasts did pray vppon them : yt is a general 
Complaint all the land over. Vittells is very hard to be gotten 
heare : yf any to sell, yt is very deare, & I vse all the meanes I 
Cann, & yett I Cannot provide Innough by much to maine- 
taine our people their 4 mealls of flesh a weeke. The piggs 
that I kill now will not serue our men aboue 3 meales ; there- 
fore I pray consider of yt, yf you send a ship heare to fish 
this next season, the must provid to be heare by Chrismas or 
short vppon, or ells their is doubt of makinge a voyage, & the 
need to be good pliable men, & such we want heare. 

I haue not Receaued the Cout" out of the Bay for the fish 
that hath bin sold their, but I make account Narias Haukin 
will bringe yt with him when he Comes from thence; but I 
thinke I haue payment for the most part in goats & Cloth and 

find him in 1655 administering upon the important contemporaries. Of such the 

small estate of his brother Charles, who poet says : — 

was also in Winter's employ, and in „ Let no , ambition mock , ]leir useM ^ 
1663 under indictment for the singular Their homely joys and destiny obscure, 
offence of " not voateing for Gover: Nor grandeur hear with a disdainful smile 
,-. ~, -. o a- The short and simple annals of the poor." 

Deputy Gover: Magestrats, & officers 

for Carrying on of authority amongst Vide Bourne's Wells and Kennebunk, 

us" This same year lie filled the office pp. 59, 64. Early Records of Maine, 

of constable of York. Though but a State copy, I. 269, 404, 407. Hazard, 

poor fisherman, his brief record is more I. 575. 

honorable than that of many of his more ■ Account. 



142 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. L163S. 

beads, as by his letters doth appeare. The 3 hodgheds of traine 
that I sold [there] & halfe since, I Cannot gett payment for yt 
yett. He left som beads on my hand to sell for him, but I Can- 
not sell them at the rates he laid on them, the gott so many 
from the Indians that tyme the kild so many of them," that 
brought the price very low, but now the do begin to rise againe. 
I want nailes very much, & the ar scant to be gotten about 
these parts, & very deare, & so is any Iron worke that I make 
heare : I pay 8d. per lb. for any worke the smyth doth make about 
these parts. Our old bootes & reparinge & buildinge of houses 
doth vse nailes every day, & I deliuer them all with myne owne 
hand. The proportion that our Carpenter hath laid downe for 
our new vessell is 48 foote by the keell, iS foote at the beame, 
& 1 1 foote in the hold. 

So not having els to advize you with at present, I end & 
rest. 

Your to his power, 

JOHN WYNTER. 

I shall pray you to send 3 or 4 Reap hookes the next 
season. 

' The Pequot war. This is a re- Indians." Josselyn tells us that the 

markable statement, but paralleled by English "sent the male children of the 

the following one made by Roger Wil- Pequots to the Bermudas," where they 

liams, viz. : "Tho: Stanton in the late were sold as slaves ; many of the female 

Warrs hath filled many baskets with children, it would seem from all accounts, 

beades from Pequots Sachims." It must have been destroyed with their 

would therefore appear that the loot parents. Thus this tribe, which could, 

which the English took of beads was so it is said, raise four thousand men for 

great as to glut the market. Hubbard war, was completely swept from exist- 

says: "The inhabitants of all the Colo- ence, or, as Mather naively expresses 

nies, unanimously setting upon them in it, "brought down to Hell." Vide 

the Beginning of the Year 1637, they Hubbard's Indian Wars, Vol. I. p. 38. 

were easily suppressed ; about 700 of Josselyn's Chron. Obs., p. 194. Drake's 

them destroyed, the Rest either fled to History of the Indians, p. 165. Roger 

the Mohawks, by whom they were all Williams's Letter, Mass. Hist. Coll., 

cut off that escaped, or else, sheltering Vol. VI. p. 216. Mather's Early His- 

themselves under the Narhagansets and tory, pp. 130, T69, 1S4. Gardener's 

Mohegins, their Neighbours, they were, Pequot Warres, New Hampshire Hist, 

by the power of the English, all sub- Coll., II. 5. 
jected to one of those two Nations of 



i6 3 8J 



WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 



143 



[Indorsed by R. Trelawny :] 
John Winter, Rd. the 
1 8 th of Aprill, 1639.' 
Which was sent by Geo: 
Richmond, that was 
Cast awaye in Irland. 



WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 

Richmon Ilano, the 27 th of August, 163S. 

Worshipfull Syr: — 

I haue formerly advized you by sundry Convenience how 
all busines did go with vs heare, & my last was by a ship oi 
Barnestable bound for England, built heare in the Country, & 
in her Came on Mr. Richmon 3 of Bandum Bridge in Ireland, 



1 This letter was written on the 30th 
of July, 163S, and was not received till 
the iSth of April following, having been 
nine months in reaching Trelawny, the 
bearer, George Richmond, having been 
cast away. 

2 George Richmon, or Richmond, of 
Bandonbridge, seems to have been the 
chief of some colonial enterprise which 
employed fishermen and shipbuilders, 
and now to have been returning home in 
a ship which had been built here. The 
man and all his belongings had passed 
into the outer darkness of oblivion, until 
the ghostly hand of John Winter, pull- 
ing aside the impenetrable curtain, gives 
us a glimpse of the man of whom noth- 
ing to-day remains, save, possibly, the 
nominis umbra, Richmond's Island, — 
shadowy record indeed, and one which, 
for two hundred and fifty years, has baf- 
fled all who have sought to solve its 
mystery. Referring to Bandonbridge, 
a town in Ireland about twenty miles 
southwest of Cork, lying upon both 



banks of the river Bandon, celebrated 
by Spenser in the Faery Queene as 

" The pleasant Bandon, crowned by many a 
wood," — 

we find that, after the waters of the fair 
stream had been flushed with the blood 
of Saxon and Gael in the great rebel- 
lion of the (Jeraldines, and the whole 
region depopulated, Queen Elizabeth 
granted the wasted and forfeited terri- 
tories to various companies of planters. 
She sent Attorney-General Pophani 
down to Somersetshire, to coax the 
gentry in that district to send over the 
junior members of their families to Ire- 
land, and caused letters to be written to 
people of distinction in every shire of 
England for the same purpose. It was a 
state necessity, and two things favored 
the scheme ; viz. the F2nglishman's nat- 
ural land-hunger, and a chance of relief 
from ecclesiastical rigors, which had 
begun to alarm the wisest and best of 
the people. The plantations were or- 
ganized and armed for defence against 



i 4 4 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



[1638. 



which I bought a quantity of goods of which I find to be good, 
& I hope will yeld reasonable proffitt ; the Invoye of yt sent in 
my letter, which by the way of Barnestable you shall receave. 
I haue Charged a bill on you for £80, but yf he had staid but 
15 daies I Could haue paid him heare in money, but yt Came 
to late. I was in good hope I should haue gott so much to haue 
paid him heare, but I shall desire you to make him good pay- 
ment at the tyme, for I find his goods to proue well. Four daies 
since arrived home our barke the Richmon, Nari2s Haukin, & 
hath sold all the wines & oyle I sent in her for the Bay, but 
much of the earthen ware he hath returned againe. The wines 
ar sold at ^32 per tonn, the oyle at 5s. per gallon, the on halfe 
present payment, the other halfe at 6 moneths tyme ; but he 
saies yt is vppon good suffissient 1 men. I would haue taken 



the exiled Irish. Among the grants was 
one to Sir Bernard Granville of territory 
which included the site of Bandon, and 
John Richmond was one of his assignees. 
The town they built was thoroughly 
Protestant. It was here, in 1610, on the 
site of an old Danish fort, that the first 
edifice built for Protestant worship in 
Ireland was erected. The colonists and 
clergy were mostly Puritans, many of 
the latter refusing episcopal ordination. 
Such was Bandonbridge, and such the 
people from whom George Richmond 
came, and such, doubtless, not a few of 
his colonists. 

Bennett, the historian of Bandon, says, 
under date of 1620 : " This year the col- 
ony of New England was planted by the 
Puritans. Although forced back re- 
peatedly by severe weather, they perse- 
vered, and finally sailed from Plymouth 
on the 6th of September, in the ' May- 
flower.' It is interesting to note that 
the names of several of these pilgrim 
fathers are identical with those of sev- 
eral of the Bandon colonists ; as, Ed- 
ward Fuller, Thomas Williams, Richard 



Clarke, Martin, Mullins, White, War- 
ren, Hopkins, Cook, Rogers, Turner, 
Browne, Gardiner, etc." The colonists 
of Bandon might well be allured to the 
New World. Threatened on the one 
hand by the exiled Irish, and on the 
other by the Spaniards, who were ready 
to take advantage of the turbulent situ- 
ation, the Puritans of Bandon had suffi- 
cient reason to turn towards the new 
land now appearing in the West ; and 
the fact that we find George Richmond 
in the vicinity of Richmond's Island, 
with men in his employ, and a vessel 
which they had built here, and with 
goods, perhaps part of the stock of a 
trading-station, which he sold to Win- 
ter, coupled with another fact, that many 
Bandon names appear in Winter's in- 
voices, as White, Martin, Light, Mills, 
Shepherd, Sargent, Clark, etc., suggests 
that Trelawny's enterprise may not have 
been an original one, but grafted upon 
a Richmond Bandon colony, of which 
even tradition gives no hint. 
1 Responsible. 



163S] WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 145 

bills for England for this money yf I Could meet with sure 
payment ; their bills ar so often returned in the Bay that makes 
men doubtfull to take bills from them. I sent by him 34 butts, 
but doth not fill ; 30 lacke 15 gallons, as he saies. I haue sold 
heare at home 3 butts, som drawen out in the house & somm 
sold by the hodghed at £g per hodghed, paid in Coote bever at 
15s. per lb., & skin bever at 8s. per lb. I haue receaved about 
^250, which is heare by me ; I wish yt weare in your hands: 
£160 of yt in money, the rest in bever. Yf I finde any good 
Conveyance, I will, God willinge, send yt by the first. 

At present we haue not taken any fish ; our men haue fol- 
lowed mackrell Cetchinge this moneth, & yt haue taken but 7 
hodgheds ; & the go for them at the He of Shoulds & Cape Ann : 
very few that we take heare at home. I haue sent our barke 
of at sea to proue' for mackrell & fish, to try yf any good to be 
donn ; yf I find no good to be donn, I do purpose to send her to 
the Bay againe. The tell me the thinke the may be Imployed 
betwixt this & Chrismas with fraights betwixt that and Keniti- 
cott.= I doubt baite will proue scarse with vs. I desire you 
would send me som pilchards for baite by the first Convenience. 
Our English graine, wheat, & barlay is all housed ; yt is good 
Come, but no great Increase. We shall haue for our 2 bushells 
of wheat & barlay neare about 20 bushells ; the wheat wilbe 
about 12 bushells, the barlay about 8 bushells. I haue but litle 

1 To make trial, or, colloquially, to legislative and judicial powers, and on 
try for. the 26th of April, 1636, the first Court 

2 Connecticut was at this time rap- convened at Hartford. The three towns 
idly growing ; hence the demand for the next year united against the Pequot 
freights between the settlements there Indians and destroyed them. New 
and the Bay. The Dutch had made a Haven was being settled at the date of 
settlement at Hartford five years before this letter by a distinguished band of 
the date of this letter, but soon gave colonists from England, who had landed 
way to the English, who, in 1636, made at Boston the previous year. Vide Win- 
a settlement there, and also at Weth- throp's Journal, I. 125, 342 et seq.\ II. 
ersfield and Windsor. The colonists 155. Bancroft's United States, I. 395- 
were from Massachusetts, and bore a 404. Hannah Adams's New England, 
commission from the General Court in- 41-50. Connecticut Col. Records, I. 
vesting some of their principal men with 1-7. 



146 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [163S. 

Increase of peas; for 4 bushells | we shall haue 12 bushclls. 
I thinke we shall not haue aboue 6 hodgheds of Indian grain 
in 14 or 15 Akers, & I thinke we [sic] hardly be ripe, yt 
Came so late vp. I do purpose, God willinge, to sow as much 
English wheat the next yeare as I Cann accomplish. I heare 
our Runawaies ar dispersed. Amrey & Allen ar gott into a 
ship of London bound for Mallaga, but I Cannot learne the 
maisters name ; the other I heare ar gonn for Virginnia. 

Your letter of the 14th of June receaved to day, & I haue 
answered you at full by my former sent. So not havinge els 
to advize you at present, but end & rest, 

Your to his power, 

JOHN WYNTER. 

Mr. Samuell Mavericke" writes me he hath recovered the 
money you lent to Clarke. He hath £33 for the £30, which 
he writes me will make me paiment by the first Convenience. 

To the worshipfull 
Robert Trelawny, 
merchant, this be dd. 
in 
Plymoth. 

[Indorsed by R. Trelawny :] 

Richmond Hand, 1638. 

Jno. Winter, Rd. the 
first of Nouember. 

1 " The only hospitable man in all the life, vide Sumner's History of East 
Countrey, giving entertainment to all Boston, pp. 69-160. Memorial History 
Comers, gratis." For a sketch of his of Boston, Vol. I. pp. 75, 79, S5. 




1638.] INVOICES AND ACCOUNTS. 147 



INVOICE 

From Trelawny, Plymouth, per the Hercules, to John Wynter, 
at Richmond's Island, Sept. 20, 1638. 

In Plymouth, the 20th of Sept., 1638. 

Invoyce of severall goods Loaden Abord the Herculis of Plymouth, 
Mr. Wm. Hingston, to be delivered, by Gods grace, att Rich- 

T monds Island, to John Wynter, Governor, for Account of me, 
Robert Trelawny, ft,, & ^5 for Account of the said Jno. Wynter, 
mrkett per iugent. 1 

70 C. of bisquite out of the breade Roome, Cost 14s. p' C. 
10 hhds 2 butts of malt Att 6s. 4d. p' buz. 

29 hhds of Meale att 10 & 12s. p' buz., of which 13 hhds mrktt E. T. 
from Looe.= 

1 bagg. qt. 1 C. o qr., 1 zolb. of hops for ship, And All att I2d. p' lb., is 

3 hhds of girts," Cost Ss p' No. 4: 5: 13: & 20: of which 1 for the ship. 

9 hhds pilchards, of which 6 pickles & 3 ffumathoes.s Cost 4s. p' hhd, is 

1 hhd of picled beefe at 20s. p' C. No. 7. 

1 hhd of pickell porke at 23s. 4d. p' C. No. 8 

2 hhds of Aquavite Att £6 p' hogds. No. 10 & II. 
1 hhd of Vinegar att 30s. No. 12. . 

I hhd of boyld Syder att 4s. p' hhd in A drum hhd. 6 

I hhd, No. 38, Contayning 32 payre of Leather gloves, 4d. p' payre, 9 payre 
of haling hands, 7 9 payres of yarning gloues, 6d. p' payre, 7 lb. of 
threed att 2s. 6d. p' lb., 12 kersye suytes, iSs. p' suyte, 5 Canvas suyts 
& 12 wast Coats, & 13s. in thongs. 

I hhd, No. 39, qt. 6 doz. of Dowlys 3 Shyrts att 4s. 4d. on with the other, 

1 Abbreviation for " Marked as per 1 Fingerless gloves, with palms 
margin." strengthened with leather, for hauling 

2 Marked E. T. (Edward Trelawny) lines. 

from Looe, a seaport of Cornwall at the 8 Coarse linen shirts, worn chiefly 

entrance of the river Looe. by laborers : — 

3 I. e. I Bag, quantity, one hundred "Host. I bought you a dozen of shirts to your 
weight and one quarter, and also 20 back. 

pounds of hops for the ship's use. "Falsi. Dowlas, filthy dowlas: I have given 

. /-. . . . them away to bakers' wives, and they have 

•i Groats, ut ante. .,,,,,, 

. made bolters 01 them, 

s Smoked pilchards or herring. , King Hcnry ,,.__ & 3 

6 A drum hogshead is one having no 
bilge. 



1 48 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [163S. 

some ffyner then the rest, 18 Necke Clothes for my servant there, 
7 Canvas suyts. 19 V of bradds, 19 V of sparrabylls," 4 doz of 
Leads, 2 Awles, 3 doz. of Irish stockings, 1 doz. of Cloth Stockings 
for your selfe Cost 21s., & A Reame of pap' Cost 4s. X 6 payre of 
shooes, & 8 (lb.) of Drumes. 2 

1 Seron Canyster, 3 qt. 35 payre of shooes, & I payre of batts.4 

1 Canyster, qt. 30 payre of shooes:/ 
-1 bundell of 12 Calveskins, of which 3 for Pyne, Edye, & Chappell, & 
6 halters, & 6 tirsses for the Asse plough $:/ 

3 ffoote of Leather:/ 

1 stardell 6 of 4oi yards of Cap Cloth mrktt T C. : 

1 Litle bundle, qt. 18 yards of Cloth for your owne wastcoats, 4s. p' yarde. 

hhds of pease they had, 40 buz. in all, 10 & us. p' buz, is 
1 barryll of good powder the guner will deliver yow of the ships store. 

4 Rolls of Tobacco, qt. viz. No. 80 qt. 931b ; N. 79 qt. 6S ; N. S3 qt. 94 ; 

N. 88 qt. 78 lbs. 

5 payre of good Shrowds, & A peece of Hawser, & An old Cable, peace 

of ytt for the Ship & Plantatyons vse Joyntely. 
12 new netts, & A new seane. 
10 doz. of Virgnia Lynes : 12 doz. of Newfoundland Lynes. 

rodes,? And 4 of twyce Layd Stuffe 8 in all is 
4 hhds of pitch, 4i C. of Loose pitch, & A barryll of Tarr. 
90 dozens of hedeks.' 
Store of Stayge Sayles."> 

1 haue Alsoe putt abord All the Nayles And spuces" the M. and Car- 
penter desyred, more by many then they need for theyre vse. What they 
Can spare doe yow take of All things, And what they want doe yow fur- 
nish them. They haue A new shallap, & 180 deale bords besydes. I haue 
Alsoe putt abord them 10 buz. of oats & 4 trusses of Hay, & haue ordered 
them Absolutely to take in 6 asses att [the] He of Mayo to make A plough 

' 19 pounds of sparables; shoe- 6 A piece of 40^ yards of Cape or 

makers' nails, nt ante. Spanish cloth; the word stardell hav- 

2 "Drumes." Coarse yarn. ing reference to the board upon which 

3 A "seron canyster" is a willow it was wound. Vide Anglo-Saxon Stad- 
hamper. hel and derivatives. 

4 " Batts." Low-laced boots. This 7 Ropes for mooring boats, tit ante. 
is a term local to Somersetshire. 8 I- e. rope twice laid. To lay a rope 

s "Traces for the ass-plough," viz. is to twist or unite the strands, 
the asses bought at the Isle of Mayo, 9 Abbreviation for haddock hooks, 
and which did not fulfil the expecta- ,0 A supply of sails for the stages upon 

tions of Winter. It is certain that which the fish were dried, 
horses were unknown at this time in " Spikes, 
this vicinity. 



163S.] INVOICES AND ACCOUNTS. 149 

in New England, for which I send you All plough stuffe, 2 of each, with 
Irons for A Harrowe, &c. 

The Carpenters have too much, but for your supply : — 

6 C. of Ocome. 
I barryll of tarr. 
6 V of 2s. Nayles. 

6 Y of bord Nayles. 
3 V of hatch Nayles. 

8 C. of 10 groate Nayles. 
8olb of spukes. 
|- hundred shead lead. ' 
3 y of Lednayles. 

3 p"of 4d. Nayles. 
iolb. of Drumes. 

1 So deale bords, A new shalap. 

7 botes Ireworkes. 5 

4 boults for the wheeles. 
1 doz. of map staves. 3 

4 hhds 4 C. i of Loose pitch. 

[Indorsed on back in handwriting of Trelawny :] 

Invoyce of goods which 
I haue ordered for the 
Plantation by the Hercules, 
Sept., 1638. 



An account of the prise of the goods bought of Mr. George Rich- 
mon this yeare, 163S, the particulers follow. 

lb. s. d. 
Imprimis for 6 Iron wagges, 4 2 pair of bittell Rings, 1 pick ") 

axe, 2 frowes,a 1 mattocke. \ 

" 1 pair pott Crokes & 1 pair hangers, 3 + 

" 2 axes, I fryinge pann, 2 truells, I sith, 6 10 2 

" 1 whip saw, 1 thart saw, 4 viles, 1 wrest, 15 

1 Sheet-lead 5 Froes for coopers' use. They were 

- I. e. ironwork for boats. sharp-edged instruments used for split- 

3 Staves to which thrums or pieces of ting staves. The word is also spelled 

cloth were attached for mopping, — in /rower and frommar J. 

other words, mop-handles. 6 2 trowels and I scythe. 
« Iron wedges, and rings for beetles to 

drive them with. 



'So 



THE TKELAWNV PAPERS. 



[1C3S. 



For 1 2 nale blades, 1 

" 6 howes, 

" 2 foulinge peces, 

" 8 shagg Coverletts,- 

" 2 plaine Coverletts, 

" 3 barrells beafe at 31b. p barrell is 

" 1 Cinderkin 3 of butter, Conta. no lb. neat 

6d. p lb. is 

" 5 dozen of shues at lib. 10s. p dozen is 

" 7 dozen hatts wanting 2 hatts at lib 1 8s. p dozen 

" 10 dozen of pompes 4 at 9s. p dozen is 

" 12 dozen i of stockins at 12s. p dozen is 

" 20 yards of Cloth at 

" j pair of Iarninge stockins, 

" 1S wastcootes at 3s. p. peece is 

" 4 womens wastcotes at 3s. p. pece is 

" 7 pair of truslies 5 

" 6 Indian Coates at 5s. p Coate is 

" 3 sutes of gray Cloth at 7s. p suite is 

" 2 suite, 2 Coate, a pair drawers for a boy, 







1 






8 




2 


10 




4 ■ 


16 




9 




at 








2 


15 




7 


10 


is 


12 


'9 




4 


10 




7 


10 
2 

9 




2 

1 
1 
1 


14 

12 

1 

10 



14 



1 Brad-awls. 

2 " True Whitney broadcloth with its shag 

unshorn." — Gay. 

3 A small barrel, — the same as kil- 
derkin. 

4 Pumps, or low shoes for house wear. 

5 Trushes. This form of a word of 
many forms is not given by Halliwell, 
Wright, Skeat, or others who have 
studied it. Halliwell and Wright, it 
is true, give the word (rush, and make 
it equivalent to hassock; but this is not 
the meaning of the word presented 
here. We need not, however, be at a 
loss for its meaning. It is but another 
form of trusses, trossers, troozes, trausers, 
and trowsers, which are garments worn 
on the nether limbs. The forms given 
are but a few which one meets with in 
old authors, Shakespeare giving the 
unique one of strosscr : — 

" And you rode, like a kern of Ireland, your 
French hose off, and in your strait strossers." 
King Henry V., iii. 7. 



Nor is this a faulty spelling, as Dyce 
shows, for Dekker uses the same form ; 
and in Middleton's "No Wit, No Help 
like a Woman's," we read, " Or like a 
toiling usurer, sets his son a horseback 
in cloth of gold, while himself goes to 
the devil afoot in a pair of old stros- 
sers." They anciently fitted closely to 
the limbs. Says Bulwer (Pedigree of 
the English Gallant, 1653), "Now our 
hose are made so close to our breeches, 
that, like the Irish trossers, they too 
manifestly discover the dimensions of 
every part." Skeat makes the word 
of French origin (trousseau, a truss or 
bundle), imported into Ireland and 
Scotland, and says, "Trousses is the 
plural of trousse, a bundle, formerly 
also a case, such as a quiver for arrows ; 
hence trousses became a jocular term, 
used especially of the breeches of a 
page (Littre), and was so applied by 
the English to the Irish garment." 



i6 3 S.] 



INVOICES AND ACCOUNTS. 



'51 



For 2 suites myxt Couler 1 Cloth, 
" a short Coate for a boy, 
" I suite of black drawers, 
" 2 suites of black Cloth, Cassack & hause- lined 

with leather, 
" i suite of fryze 3 with a pair stockins belong- 

inge to yt, 
" i lb. of threed, 
" io pair band strings, 4 
" 2 shot pouches, 
" i beed tick & boulster, 
" 4 white Cloth Capps, 
" 9 Camnas shurtes at 5s. p shurte is 
" 12 table Napkins, 
" 6 handkerchers, 
" 1 tinninge bason, 5 1 tinninge platter, 1 dozen 

spones, 
" 28 lb. of pouder, 
" 104 lb. of shott, 
" 6 Newfoundland lines & spiller hooks, 6 1 C. 1 

small hookes, 6 heiring hooks, 6 mussell > 

hookes, 3 & 3 Rondes 7 of twine, all is ) 



5 

4 
10 



5 
1 

5 

■3 
6 



9 
16 

15 



We frequently find Irish trousers, 
which were close-fitting breeches, men- 
tioned by early New England writers. 
Such breeches were these /rushes. As 
we are enabled to add another to the 
many forms of this interesting word, 
we may be spared an apology for this 
long note. 

1 I. e. of a mixed color. 

■ Hause, i. e. hose, were breeches or 
stockings, or both in one. They had 
various shapes at different periods. Vide 
Halliwell, in loco. 

3 1 suit of frieze. A coarse stuff with 
a nap on one side, made originally in 
Friesland. 

* The wide ruffs so common in the 
reign of Elizabeth were superseded by 
wide collars and falling bands. These 
were followed by small bands called 
Geneva bands, and these gave way to 
stocks and neckcloths. Wright calls a 



band-string, " The string or tassel ap- 
pendant to the band or neckcloth." 

5 1 tin basin. The termination ing 
is of Saxon origin, and common in old 
English words. It signifies originating 

from. A " tinninge bason," therefore, 
is equivalent to a basin <ytin. 

6 Spelter hooks, i. e. hooks the 
shanks of which are loaded with spelter 
(zinc), used for deep fishing. 

7 Rondes means randies or balls. 

8 A pronged instrument for digging 
mussels, similar to that still in use for 
digging clams. Mussels were at this 
time much prized in England as an 
article of food. Says Mourt in his 
Relation (p. 4): "We found great 
Mussles, and very fat and full of Sea 
pearle, but we could not eat them for 
they made vs all sicke that did eat." 
And Morton, New English Canaan 
(Force, II. 61): " Mustles there are 



152 



THE TKKLAWNY PAPERS. 



[i639 



For 75 yards f ; J of Cloth at is. p yard is 
" 1 Camnas sheet, 
" 10 Camnas sutes at 4s. f> suite is 
" a bras pott, 
" i firkin sope, 
" a peeg of lead, 



lb. 


s. 


d. 


3 


'5 


IO 




5 


6 


2 






1 


6 






8 


6 




4 


3 



86 



Account of the sale of the goods bought of Mr. Georg Richmon, 
for the vse of the Plantation at Kichmon Island this year, 1639, 
Debitor. 

Imprimis for 5 dozen of shues, 

" 12 dozen £ of stockins, 

" 5 sutes of Camnas for boyes, 

" 8 shurtes, 

" 7 pair of trushes, 

" 7 Cootes, 

" 4 womens Wastcootes, 

" 10 sutes of Clothes, 

" 52 pair of Pompes, 

" 82 hatts, 

" 2 foulinge pece, 

" 17 yards of Cloth, 

" fouling shote,' 

" a bras pot, 

" a frying pann, 

" 10 Coverletts, 

" 18 mens wastcootes, 

" 2 white Capps, 

" 104 lb. of butter at 9s. p lb. is 

" 28 lb. of pouder, 

" I shote pouch, 

" 13 yards f of Cloth, 



ib. 


s. 


d. 


II 


3 


6 


12 


17 




I 


1 1 


6 


2 


16 




I 


5 


8 





1 1 




I 


4 




4 


1 1 


9 


23 


>7 


2 


2 


5 




1 


5 


6 


1 


'3 


4 


1 


1 






4 


8 


9 


4 




5 


'3 




3 


18 




3 


3 
8 




1 


1 


1 



infinite store. I have often gon to 
Wassaguscus, where were excellent 
Mustles to eate (for variety), the fish 
is so fat and large." They were also 
much used by the Indians, as we know 
from finding them mingled with the 
shells of the clam in the shell heaps 



which abound on the coast. Win- 
ter, however, probably wanted these 
" hooks " for the purpose of digging 
clams, which were preferred, and the 
supply of which in the vicinity was in- 
exhaustible. 
1 Fowling shot. 



1 639 



INVOICES AND ACCOUNTS. 



153 



For 65^ yards of Cloth which I take for myne ) 
owne vse & Charge heare to the account > 
as yt Cost at is. f> yard is ) 

" a Camnas sheete for myne own account, 

" 1 lb. of threed, 

" 12 table napkins at 13s., & 6 handker 
chers 6d., 10 band strings is., a Remlett 
of sope 8s. 6cl., which I take for myne ► 
owne vse & Charge heare to the ac 
count as yt Cost, all is 

" 5 pair laming stockins at 3s. p pair is 



lb. 


S. 


d. 


3 


5 


'i 




5 


6 




3 


4 



IS 



18 17 si 



Account of the remeaner of the goods bought of Mr. Richmon, 
wherof a part therof for the vse of the plantation, & a part to be 
sold, with the price yt Cost. 

lb. s. d 

Imprimis for 6 Iron wagges, 2 pair bittell Rings, 1 pickax, 

2 frovves, & a mattocke, 2 iS 

" a pair of pott Crokes' & a pair hangers, 3 

" 2 axes, I frying pann, 2 truells, 4 I sith ; the fryinge 

panns old & Charged to the former account, 1 

" a whip saw, 1 thart saw, 4 viles, & a wrest, 15 

" 12 nale blades s is., & 6 howes 8s., all is 9 

" 1 foulinge pece lib., & 1 shote pouch 4d., & 2 

Capps 6d. is 1 o 1 

" 3 barren's beafe at 31b. p barrell, spent at the 

plantation is 9 

" a bead tick & boulster lib. 5s., & a pegg of lead 

4s. 3d. is '93 

" 6Newfoundlandlin.es, boulter 6 &spyller? hookes, 

som mackrell hookes, 6 herring hookes, 6 mus- 

sell hookes, & 3 Ronds s of twine, all is 17 



1 Rcmlet is Devonshire for remnant. 

- " 'T is you must dig with mattock 
and with spade." — Shakespeare. A 
mattock is a pickaxe with its blades 
broad and flat instead of pointed. 

1 I. e. pot-hooks, which were short 
and crooked at both ends. These were 
hung upon the hangers, or trammels, 
also crooked at both ends, but much 



longer than the pot-hooks, being, in the 
absence of a crane, hooked to a bar ex- 
tending across the chimney from side to 
side, several feet above the fire. 

* Trowels. 

s Brad-awls. 

6 A kind offish-line. 

i Loaded with spelter, ut ante. 

8 Balls. 



154 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1639. 

For a tinning bason, 2 tinninge platters, I dozen ib. s. d. 
spones, 9 6 

" 68 pair of pompes at gd. \> pair is 211 

" 4 sutcs of Camnas at 4s. p' suite ; 1 shurte 5s., \ 
& 1 shorte Coote 4s., deliuered your ser- f 
vants, & 1 suite Camnas Remaines heare, [ 



price 4s., all is 



[9 u 



Per Contra the Count Currant for payment of these goods bought 
of Mr. Georg Richmon, the particuler account sent you by the 
ship of Barnestable that was built heare in this Country, wherin 
Mr. Richman tooke his passage. 



Imprimis for 8olb. Charged you by bill of exchange to be ) 
paid vnto Mr. Georg Richman in Plymoth, \ 



lb. 
80 



more 61b. is. paid hym heare to ballance his account, 6 



86 



WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 

Richmon Iland, the 20 th of June, 1639. 
WORSHIPFULL SVR:^ 

Your last receaved was by the ship of Darthmoth, which 
brought the saine & lines which you sent, & I haue receaved 
them : & accordinge to your order I haue deliuered 4 Cowes & 
4 Calues vnto Mr. John Treworthy' for the vse of Mr. Shapley, 2 

1 John Treworgy, " of Dartmouth, Mer- and secure the estate of Sir David Kirke 

chant," came in the ship of Dartmouth there. York Deeds, I. 1. Sainsbury, 

here mentioned. That he was a Cornish- Colonial Papers, XII. 415, et passim. 

man we may know from the old rhyme, Vide posted, page 222, note 2. 

"ByTre, Pol, and Pen, 2 Nicholas Shapleigh of Kittery. He 

You shall know the Cornishmen." w as a prominent man, and received 

He was doubtless a kinsman of James from Sir Ferdinando Gorges a grant of 

Treworgy of Saco, who conveyed to five hundred acres of land at Kittery 

" Nicholas Shapleigh of Kingswear, Point. He was one who was invested 

County of Devon, Merchant, all his with " magistratical powers throughout 

land, craft, &c. belonging to the fishing the whole county of York," and was a 

trade." He was commissioned, April member of Governor Godfrey's Council 

8, 165 1, by the Council of State to man- in 1652, and signed the submission of 

age and order affairs in Newfoundland, Maine to Massachusetts. He was one 



1639-1 WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 1 55 

& haue vp the protested bill with 3 Receats. Now to advize 
you of our prosedings heare. The 30th of January the Herculus 
arrived heare in safty. Our fishinge heare doth proue but rea- 
sonable : this 2 moneths we haue taken very litle fish : January 
doth alwaies proue our best moneth of fishinge in the yeare. 
I thinke we haue not in all aboue 140 or 150 thousand of fish 
for ladinge the Herculus & the Richmon, & I doubt yt will 
not lade them both. This day yf yt proue fair weather we do 
Intend to take in fish to the Herculus. Theris 19 hodds of fish 
peas 1 loden abord the Herculus from the plantation, which is all 
we saved this yeare : not yett a C Cor fish saved, and very litle 
traine. We shall hardly fill a tonn from the plantation this 
yeare: all our winter fish yelds no traine at all, & the fish is 
smaler every year. After the Herculus is loden, yf I haue not 
a good parte of the Richmons lodinge, I do purpose to buy 
as much Claw bord or pipe staues to lode her, & send her for 
England. I Cannot resolue you Certainely, before I se the Her- 
culus loden, what wilbe left for the Richmon. I may not keep 
her heare, for heare is no Imploiment for her. Narias Haukins 
last voyage in her for Corne, the receaved a great storme at sea 

of the selectmen of Kittery in 1659, and have consulted, doubts this. Standing 
ten years later was dismissed by the on the shores of Richmond's Island 
Court from the board as a Quaker, on to-day, and seeing the abundance of 
account of sympathy shown for that per- wild peas which are growing there, 
secuted sect, though it is not known the thought naturally comes to the 
that he favored their peculiar tenets, mind that these are stragglers from 
From a deed in York Records, it ap- John Winter's plantation, which still 
pears that he came from Kingswear, in cling to the soil not far from where he 
the county of Devon. Vide Maine sowed them, and which, in the struggle 
Hist. Coll., I. 107, et passim. Bourne's for existence, have won the title of fit- 
History of Wells and Kennebunk, test by survival. Thus these hardy va- 
pp. 10, 15, 33, and 62. Early Records grants become suggestive reminders of 
of Maine, State copy, II. 164. the grim "governor" of the little fish- 
1 Fish peas. The natural inference ing colony, once instinct with life and 
would be that this is a corruption of activity, but now forgotten. This in- 
Vetch or Fitch peas, — Vicia saliva, — ference is, however, unscientific, for 
rarely cultivated by American farmers, Dr. Gray tells us that the wild peas 
but formerly produced extensively in which we behold are the Lathyrus ma- 
Europe, and still cultivated there to ritimus, and that Ihejis/i peas of John 
some extent ; but Dr. Gray, whom I Winter were probably the Pisum sati- 



156 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1639. 

& with the stripe 1 of a sea laid the barke vppon the side, her 
ballast shiftinge in the hold, & before the Could Right her 
they vveare faine to Cutt their maine mast by the bord, & they 
lost all their sailes & rigginge of their maine mast, yett I praise 
God the barke toke no hurte, but proceded in her voyage & 
returned me home about 51 or 52 hodgheds of Indian Corne : 
at present the one h or better sold at 45 & 50, & som 55 shil- 
lings p' hodd. The wine brought in the Samuell all sold, som 
at £$2 p' tonn, & som dearer, which I sold at home. The oyle 
all sold at = 7 or 8 Jarrs : sold in the Bay at 5s. p' gallon ; som 
sold heare at the plantation dearer, as by the accounts will ap- 
peare, which by the Herculus, God willinge, I will send the 
account of. All Our Cattell, goates, & swine proue well, but 
the woulues still trouble vs much for our swine, & yett a man 
followes them : I find them very Chargable to keep, Consider- 
inge we lose so many by the Woulues. Heare hath bin a great 
drieth 3 this sommer, which hath kept backe the Corne much, 
both English & Indian, & how our Corne will proue yett I 
Cannot well advize you. We haue about six akers of English 
graine, wheat, barley, Rye, oates, & peas sowen. God send a 
good harvest. Yt is yett very far backward, & so yt is gener- 
ally throughout the land, as I heare. Their hath bin much 
Raine heare within this 10 daies, which doth refresh the Corne 
much. We haue about 6 or 7 akers of Indian graine, but 
much of yt failes. Mr. Hingston tooke in 6 asses at May & 
Sail 4 ; 2 of them died before they weare landed, & on dead 
since ; 3 livinge, Two old ones & 1 Colt. I hope they will do 
vs som servize hearafter, but as yett but litle ; they did harrow 
our ground for English graine. I Cannot at present write my 
mynd ; the bote staies for my writinge ; the wind fair which 

z/um, which rudely dispels our dream 3 Drouth. Halliwell gives the word 

and settles the question. dryth. 

1 Stroke or blow. * The islands of Mayo and Sal, two 

- He evidently uses at in the sense of the Cape de Verdes, with which the 

of to or up to, as now sometimes used, early adventurers had a considerable 

The account of sales shows that it was trade. Vide Lippincott's Gazetteer, in 

not all sold. loco. 



1639.] SARGENT TO TRELAWNY. 1 57 

doth Convey this letter to a barke of Barnestable which is 
bound for the Newfoundland. So, with hast, I end. 

Your to his power, 

JOHN WYNTER. 
I heare Mr. Luckson of Barnestable 
was safe arrived home. I hope you 
haue receaved the money & bever 
I sent vnto you by him. 

To the Worshipfull Robert 
Trelavvnay, merchant, this 
bedd. 

in 
Plymoth. 

[Indorsed by R. Trelawny :] 

Richmond Hand, [20 June,] 1639. 
Mr. Jno. Winter Rd. the 22th 
of October. 




STEPHN SARGENT TO TRELAWNY. 

ffrom Richmuns Iland, the S lh day of July. 

Mr. Treeawnye : — 

Sir: My best serues remembrcd, my 1 it please you To vn- 
derstand that I have made bould to write vnto you. Thease 
few Lines are to giue you to vnderstand that I with Mr. 
Winter and the 2 of Our company are in good health, as I 
hoope your worship [is], and that wee Haue had but aresun- 
abell 3 yeear of fishing, and that the winter befor Our com- 
ming heere was avery good yccr of fishing, and I was in 
good Hoopes it would aben 4 as good this last winter with vs, 
but it did not proufe soe with vs ; but now I hope it will a 

1 May. ' A reasonable. 

2 They. ' I lave been. 



158 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. (1639. 

better for vs. I haue Rcceued your leter which you wrote by 
Mr. Hinsonn, 1 the which your Worship wrot mee that those 
[said] I were very hard to our company : but Whoe soe 
euer did tell you soe did doe mee a great deale of wronge 
in it, for I ame sarten I haue ben the cause of agreadele 
of quy[ete]nes heer sence I came heere which it was befor 
but some time [they] Must walke with it. Tiss not vnknowne 
vnto Mr. Winter & to most men Which were in the house, 
for if I should haue doone as they ha[ve done] in firmer tim, 
the things would not bee as well caried as now it is. But 
for those knaues which are now gone, I hope your worship will 
pay them as they haue Deserued ; for they haue Done they 
knowe not what in going away from your plantasion ; for I 
thinke they were Towe well, 2 for I dooe heare Mr. Winter is 
wrong by a sort of knaues at home. They wrote vnto there 
wifes, but heere is noc such mater I will enshure you ; for 
heer is noe liuing for aman for to giue Content. Heere are 
agreat many vnrued 3 peepell ; & for writing of Other occa- 
sions, I know Mr. Winter hath sartified you of all. But Mr. 
Gipson hee is going to Puscataway 4 to liue, the which Wee 
are all sory, and should be glade of that wee might inioy His 
company longer. 

And for your new ship heer was nothing prouided for 
heer [when I] came ouer heere. Now wee haue goaten to 
your Hand all most of her tember and bends & some planke, 
& shee is all most vp, wanting some of her top timbers. Her 
beands are in, and wan straike 5 of planke: heer bembs 6 are 

■ Kingston, the captain of the Her- liamson says, is right angles. Vide 

cu ] es . Williamson's History of Maine, Vol. I. 

2 Too well. P- 21. But Potter derives it from pos 

3 Unrude. Used rarely, and mean- (great), attack (deer), auke (place), i. e. 
ing excessively rude. "The unrude Great-deer-place. Vide Language of 
rascal." B. Jonson. the Abnaquies, Maine Hist. Coll., Vol. 

4 Portsmouth, on the river Piscata- IV. p. 191. This is probably the cor- 
quis, where the Rev. Richard Gibson rect derivation. 

subsequently settled. The Indian s One streak, 
meaning of the word Piscataquis, Wil- 6 Her beams. 



1639] GIBSON TO TRELAWNY. 159 

ouer heer. But with agreat deeale of paines, I haue taken 
about it. 

And now for Arthur Gill, hee is gone away from vs, which 
will bee a great henderment to you ; for what can wan doe 
vnto heer ? for burden shee will bee ane hundred tunne. 
Except you send ouer towe good worke meen to him that is 
heere all redy, shee cannot bee bulte againest our Time bee 
expeered, according to promise. For I shall bee very loth to 
com home passenger, as I cam out for nothing, that another 
man should come to haue the profit of my labours. Therfor 
I would intreat your Worship to bee pleased to write mee 
your mind in it, & I shall bee redy to doe any scruesin any 
tyme to my power, for heer of our company which came 
with mee dout shee will not [get] bild out against our time 
bee expead ; for they say how shall they [be] as good as there 
word if shee bee not bilt out ; for they say They shall know 
this next somer what your intent is. Soe with [my] Beast in 
deuers remembred to your Worshipp I Rest and rema[ne] 

Your saruant to my power, 
1 STEPHAN SARGENT. 

To the Worshipfull Robert 

Trelawany, marchant.'in 

Plymouth, these. 

[Indorsed by R. Trelawny :] 
Stephen Sargent, Rd. 
the of Oct. 1639. 




RICHARD GIBSONN TO TRELAWNY. 

Worshipfull Sir: — 

After the remembrance of my duty, I giue you to vnderstand 
that yours by the Hercules I haue receyued. For your matter 
with Mr. Cleeues, I purposed to haue done according to your 
order, but that I heare Mr. Winter hath taken order for arbi- 
tration in the Cause, neuer speaking to mee one word thereof, 



l6o THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1639. 

where upon Conceyuing he hath some other order from you, 
I haue vtterly surceased. For that money which by your 
letter you appointed mee to receyue for Chappells Company, 
viz. 50s. & 20s. thus much : the 50s. Mr. Winter doth allow 
mee, but that 20s. he will not, because (he saith) you haue not 
expressed it in your Letter to him, tho it be in myne. For 
other matters you referr mee vnto Letters which I neuer re- 
ceyued. £$ you promised mee upon my Voyage, as hath beene 
so often spoken of, as also by your Letters sent to mee by the 
Hercules the last time shee was heer. I hope you are so minded 
still that I shall haue it, which whether you haue so ordered in 
any Letters not Come to my hands, I know nott. I pray you 
att length certify your pleasure concerning the same. For the 
Continuance of my Service att the Hand, it is that which I 
haue much desired, & upon your Consent there vnto I haue 
setled my self into the Country & expended my estate in de- 
pendence there upon : and now I see Mr. Winter doth not desire 
it, nor hath not ever desired it, but since the arrivall of the 
Hercules he hath entertayned mee very Coursely & with much 
Discurtesy, so that I am forced to remoue to Paschataway for 
maintenance, to my great hinderance, which I hope you will 
Consider of. To be vnburthened of the charge my diett & 
wages putts him to, will not (when the Summe of all is Cast up) 
amount vnto so much case as he imagineth, but it is a Case 
which you know not, nor Can remedy. I shall not goe from 
these parts till Michmas, till which time I haue ofred my Ser- 
vice to Mr. Winter as formerly, if he please, which whether he 
will accept or no I know nott ; he maketh difficulty and sus- 
pendeth his Consent there vnto as yett. For the Loue you 
haue showen to mee, and the fauorable entertayment I haue 
found in your seruice fro you your selfe, I beseech God abun- 
dantly to reward you, and to blest you both in your selfe & 
your posterity, and your vndertaking. In the meane time, as 
I haue done so, I shall still pray for your prosperity, & rest, 

Your euer obliged 

RICHARD GIESONN. 
Richmond Iland, S July, 1639. 



1639J GILL TO TRELAWNY. l6l 

To the VVorshipfull 
Robert Trelawny, 
of 
Plimmouth, 
merchant, dd. 

[Indorsed by R. Trelawny :] 
Richmond Hand, July, 1639. 
Mr. Ric: Gibson, Rd. the 
of Oct. 



ARTHUR GILL TO TRELAWNY. 
Sir : — 

May playes you to vnderstand yt I haue Receued your Let- 
ter which you sent me by my wyfe. Mr. Winter & I Cannot 
agree for hier" to Com againe to make a end of yt worke which 
I have be goune.° I will I trust to your Letter which you 
write, («: haue promised to Come againe fy. to staye 2 mounts @ 
more if ocation be. We have pute vpe ye frame all most ; ye 
out side of as good a oke in my Judgment as any you Can have 
in England. For ye preporshon I neede not, for I doe believe 
Mr. Winter doeth sattisfise you. If ther had bing planke 
Redeay 3 I would have stade to haue brought it to better 
perfection in Case there of. I ame nowe going to Hue in ye 
beaye. I thanke you for your loue which you showe vnto me, 
but I have a soule which is more worth vnto me then all ye 
world besides. 4 Any poore seruse yt I ame abell to doe, you 
shall find me as Reddeay as anye servant you have. You know 
ye Rates of this Contreay. My desier is but to Hue & noe 

1 Hire, i. e. the wages paid him. « The inference he intended Trelawny 

= Begun. He had begun the work on should draw from this paragraph was, 

the new vessel, but had stopped on ac- that he was going to the Bay (Massa- 

count of a disagreement with Winter chusetts), where the people were more 

respecting wages. godly than at Richmond's Island, and 

3 If there had been plank ready. where his soul would be in less danger. 



l62 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1639. 

more. My Request is yt you will be plesed to take Care of 
my Child in Case of my fathers death, till I shall Come to 
ha.ue her, which, if plese God, shall not be long. And soe I 
leaue you to God with my preyers for you. 

I Rest your obedient servant to Command what I may, 

ARTHUR GILL. 
From Richmon Iland, ye S of July, 1639. 

To the worpshipfull 
Robert Trelawnyes, 
marchant, in Plemoeth, 
giue these. 



WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 

Richmon Iland, the io" 1 of July, 1639. 
Worshipfull Syr: — 

You may please to take notize of our prosedings. This 
present the Herculus is Ready to departe hence with all the 
fish & traine we haue, which will make a poore voyage for soe 
many men for so longe a time. The fishinge doth faile heare 
much with vs what yt hath bin, & is smaller every yeare. 
Their is loden abord the Herculus from the plantation these 
particulers followinge, as by bill of ladinge will appeare, to 
witt: 91 m. 6 C. 3 qr. 16 fishes merchantable Cod, Conta. 1498 
Cintalls more of hake & pollocke ; 6 m. 5 C. o qr. 06 fishes, 
Conta. 135 Cintall of refuse fish ; 4 m. 4 C. 2 qr. 28 fishes, 
Conta. 6j Cintalls of haddocke ; 9 C. 2 qr. 14 fishes, Conta. 1 1 
Cintalls; 19 hodgheds of peas ; 5 hodgheds of traine. More 
I haue loden abord of the Herculus 5 m. 6 C. 1 qr. 24 fishes, 
Conta. 93 Cintalls, which I bought of them that fish at Strat- 
tons Hands,' & I pay them heare in money 32 Riles p' Cintall. 
Mr. Hingston hath paid for 16 Cintalls of this fish, & cloth de- 
sire to haue yt for his owne account, but yt lies in your pleasure 

1 Two small islands west of Rich- them. The larger is still called Strat- 
mond's Island, named for John Stratton, ton's Island, and the smaller Bluff 
who is supposed to have first possessed Island. 



1639] WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 163 

whether he shall haue yt or not. I denyed him not of paiment 
for yt, he standing so much vppon your Courtesye for the hav- 
inge of yt to his proper account. I haue bought Narias Hau- 
kins fish, which he is to haue for his share, & goeth with the 
rest of the Cargason, 1 & I pay him 32 Riles p' Cintall of mer- 
chantable Cod, & 24 Riles p' Cintall of his hake & pollocke, 
as by the accounts sent you will appeare in the booke of ac- 
counts. The Herculus will Carry I thinke 20 m. fish more yf 
we had yt. The Richmon, God willinge, is to Com home for 
Plymoth, Stevene Nycholes maister, & being I had no fish 
heare to lade her, I thought good to lode her with pipe staues, 
& I pay ,£8 5s. p' thousand for them. I am told they ar very 
good, but I take to be deare in a wood Country ; but workemen 
in this Country ar very deare. Yf these proue well we may go 
on for more heare after ; yf not, to leaue of by the same. I do 
not purpose to deall in any more before I haue your answere 
how these will sell. By the Richmon I send you all accounts 
for this yeare & the last yeares accounts, fearing the last yeares 
accounts ar lost in the ship which was Cast away, 2 being you 
write me you haue not receaved them. Also I heare send an 
Invoyze of all particulers remain inge hear at the plantation, 
with the Invoyze of all goods receaved from the Herculus ; & 
in the account you will find what mony the Company haue 
allowed you, & what I haue disbursed vnto them, every partic- 
ular. I hope the Richmon will be the first Convoy will Com 
to your hand. We will lode her with all expetione that may 
be. She departed this day to go vp to Casko to take in her 
ladinge 3 their, being all ready. I haue deliuered the 4 Cowes 
& Calues accordinge to your order vnto Mr. Shapleys factor 1 
heare, & hearein I send you on of the acqittance given me 
vnder his hand, & another I do purpose to send in the Rich- 
mon ; the protested bill I keep heare. 

1 Cargo, from the Spanish cargazon. 3 Her lading of " clawbord and pipe 

Winter, from his long trade with Span- staves," which the early settlers about 

ish ports, uses several words of Spanish Portland then found profitable to make, 

form. 4 John Treworgy, who it seems was 

» George Richmond's ship. Nicholas Shapleigh's factor at this time. 



164 THE TRELAWNY PATERS. [1639. 

Our men as their tymes Comes out do go away, and so will 
all hear after except I will giue them double hire, & I Can- 
not Conceave how they will deserue yt, nor hardly the wages 
the now haue ; but the giue men great wages heare in this 
Country. A husbandman will not serue vnder .£10 or £12 
p' yeare, & yett do but litle worke. I Cannot Conceaue 
which way their masters Can pay yt, but yf yt Continue this 
rates the servants wilbe masters & the masters servants. We 
shalbe hardly able to man aboue 5 bootes this winter, & in 
February divers of those mens tyme will be out. All them 
that Came in the Herculus last, & all them that Came over 
with me goeth away now. Yt you send any for the land as 
heare will be need, you may please to send good Yong men 
that will labour well & be diligent : those land men we haue 
heare now, the thinke them selues all good men, but the 
Care but litle for worke. I hope John Burrage will proue an 
honest man to labour yf the rest do not turne him to their lure. 
I made som' of our land men fishermen this last yeare to man 
so many bootes as I Could, & I find the do me better servize 
at sea then at land. William Freythy & Nycholas White went 
to sea all the last winter & did very well, & they ar to go to sea 
againe this, so long as their tymes do last. A two or three 
good Young men will be need full for the next season of the 
yeare for planting Corne. I haue 3 steeres & 2 bulls, & I pur- 
pose to gett on more, for John Burrage tells me he thinkes to 
make a plow with them the next springe, but they will be but 2 
yeares old ; but he saies he may labor them, not laboringe them 
to hard, they will Com to their labour the better after. 

Arthur Gill is gon from vs, & is goinge into the Bay as he 
tells me to dwell their. I would agreed with him to stay longer, 
but he would not but at these rates : his demand is 15s. a weeke, 
and a boye passage out of England, & will binde me to fetch him 
out of the Bay & to pas him their againe, and at this rate he 
would worke with vs the next sommer. Now he doth promyse 
me to be heare againe the next springe about the begininge of 
Aprill, & will stay heare 2 moneths & will promyse no more, 



1639-1 WINTER TO TRELAWNV. 165 

& will trust vnto your Curtesy for that, being you write to 
him to that effect. He hath made me a note of such provis- 
ions as he thinkes will serve for the endinge of this ship, & I 
shall send yt with my accounts. We must haue another suffi- 
cient workman to Com over the next springe to end this 
ship, for Henry Hancocke is not Insighted in the Carriege of 
the worke. I thinke Samson Jope will be a very fytt man to 
Com, & he tells me he is willinge yf you will agree with him. 
He is a very able man for his worke, & to hale 1 forth his 
worke. I thinke he will do so much worke in a day as our 2 
Carpenters will, with his halinge forth of his worke. This ship 
is framed vp to the top timbers, som 10 or 12 of a side : all the 
groad timbers, stiddell timbers, & Navell tymbers ar in, & 
her two bends. 2 Plannke I want, but savvinge still. George 
Dearinge hath proved him selfe a very dishonest man ; for the 
last yeare he promysed me to saw som planke for the ship, & 
he was to saw yt betwixt the last Myhellmas & Chrismas, & he 
never Came neare since. Yf he had not promysed me I might 
haue gott others. Our planke must haue most of the next 
sommer's dryeth 3 to season yt. Our trees for most parte of the 
planke was Cut 2 yeare since & all the last winter. Yf I Cann 
gett good planke, I hope we shall haue a strong ship. She is 
very well timberd ffor a ship of her burden. She is betwixt 
49 & 50 foote by the keell, 1 8i foote to the beame, & I purpose 
to bringe her to 2 deckes with a fore Castell & a quarter decke, 
9 foote in hold, & 4 J- foote betwixt the deckes. The tymber 
was all moulded before I had your last letters by the Herculus, 
otherwise I would haue brought her at 20 tonnes greater. The 
tymber was all first moulded for to build her with on decke, 

' Halliwell says this word in early bers, the bottom and lower part of the 

English is applied in various ways, but sides. Her two bends, or wales, are 

that generally it implies rapid move- strong planks running the whole length 

ment. Cf. haul. of the ship, called the main wale and 

2 The groad (grown) timbers are the channel wale, which strengthen the 

knees; the stiddell (Anglo-Saxon stad- decks and form the curves. 
hcl, foundation or supporting) timbers, J Drouth, 
the ribs; and the navell (middle) tim- 



166 THE TRELAWNY TAPERS. [,639. 

which would not be good for these westerne Courses. Yf you 
purpose to send more fishermen the next Yeare, I thinke yt 
best to agree with a master to governe them in their fishinge 
voyage, & to be of a Company by them selues, & not to Joine 
with those that are heare : the will bringe them all to on tune. 
Three bootes in a Company will be best, that on good spilter' 
may serue to spilt to them. Our Cattell, goates, & swine 
proues well, but piggs we lose still by the woulues, but Cattell 
& goates we keep to the Hand & lose none. You write me of 
som yll reports is given of my Wyfe for beatinge the maid ; yf 
a faire way will not do yt, beatinge must, somtimes, vppon such 
Idlle girrells as she is. Yf you thinke yt fitt for my wyfe to do 
all the worke & the maid sitt still, she must forbeare her hands 
to strike, for then the worke will ly vndonn. She hath bin now 
2 ycares h in the house, & I do not thinke she hath risen 20 
times before my Wyfe hath bin vp to Call her, & many tymes 
light the fire before she Comes out of her bed. She hath twize 
gon a mechinge 2 in the woodes, which we haue bin faine to 
send all our Company to seeke. We Cann hardly keep her 
within doores after we ar gonn to beed, except we Carry the 
kay of the doore to bed with vs. She never Could melke Cow 
nor goat since she Came hither. Our men do not desire to 
haue her boyle the kittell for them she is so sluttish. She 
Cannot be trusted to serue a few piggs, but my wyfe most 
Commonly must be with her. She hath written home, I heare, 
that she was faine to ly vppon goates skins. She might take 
som goates skins to ly in her bedd, but not given to her for 

1 Spilter. This was a man to split Cf. French miche, Littre, in loco. The 

the fish. girl's name was Priscilla Bickford, and 

- " To miche, or secretly hide him- a portion of her wages was paid to 

sclfe out of the way, as truants doe her mother in England. Her tasks 

from schoole." — Minshew. This word must have been hard, and homesick- 

was in common use in the seventeenth ness was doubtless bitter, so that we 

century, and is still occasionally heard, can hardly wonder, after reading this 

Thus Shakespeare: "Marry, this is letter, that she meached away into the 

miching malecho, it means mischief" ; woods to escape the sharp tongue and 

and, " Shall the blessed sun of heaven heavy hand of her taskmistress. 
prove a mfcher and eat blackberries ? " 



•6iy : 



WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 



167 



her lodginge. For a yeare & quarter or more she lay with 
my daughter vppon a good feather bed before my daughter 
beinge lacke 1 3 or 4 daies to Sacco/ the maid goes into 
beed with her Cloth & stockins, & would not take the paines 
to plucke of her Cloths: her bedd after was a doust ' bed & 
she had 2 Coverletts to ly on her, but sheets she had none 
after that tyme she was found to be so sluttish. Her beating 
that she hath had hath never hurt her body nor limes. She is 
so fat & soggy she Cann hardly do any worke. This I write 
all the Company will Justify. Yf this maid at her lasy tymes, 



1 From lackee, to be wanting from 
home. The word is still used in Dev- 
onshire as Winter here uses it. Vide 
Specimens of English Dialects, Series 
D, pp. 66, 138. 

3 Saco 'is about nine miles from Rich- 
mond's Island, on the eastern side of 
the Saco River, and was granted to 
Richard Bonython and Thomas Lewis, 
February 12, 1629. The colonists at 
this time were employed in agriculture, 
fishing, and trade with the Indians, who 
lived in numbers along the river. Clap- 
board-cleaving was also an important 
industry here. The first settlement was 
at the mouth of the river, on both sides ; 
the larger being on the western bank, 
within the limits of a grant to John 
Oldham and Richard Vines, which bore 
the same date as the grant to Bonython 
and Lewis. The settlements on both 
sides of the river were united in one 
parish, and called Saco, which was an 
abbreviation of the Indian name Shawa- 
kotoc or Sawocotuck, said to be from 
sawa (burnt), coo (pine), and auke (place), 
which makes the meaning the Burnt Pine 
Place. ( Vide Language of the Abna- 
quies, Maine Hist. Coll., Vol. IV. p. 192.) 
This union of the two settlements was 
affirmed by the Commissioners of Mas- 
sachusetts in 1653, who ordered that 



" Saco shall be a township by itself," 
by which was meant both settlements. 
Some of the inhabitants having emi- 
grated from a seaport in Devonshire, 
near the confluence of the rivers Tow- 
ridge and Taw, called Biddeford, or 
Bideford, that is, By the Fo7-d, the old 
Indian name of Saco was exchanged for 
that of the English town, in recognition 
of which honor, it is said, Biddeford 
in Old England sent its New England 
namesake an elegant chandelier, which 
never reached it, but found its way into 
the old South Church in Boston, where 
it was hanging not many years since. 
This name was retained until 1762, 
when a division was made, and a town 
incorporated on each side of the river, 
that on the western side retaining the 
name of Biddeford, and that on the east- 
ern side adopting the name of Pepper- 
ellborough, in honor of Sir William 
Pepperell, a large land-owner in the 
town, which name it retained for forty- 
four years, when it went back to its old 
love, and again assumed the name, for- 
merly borne by both towns, of Saco. 

3 Jackson gives us the same form of 
this word, thus : " Them upstars rooms 
bin in a fine mess o' dowl an' doust." 
Shropshire Word-Book, p. 123. 



168 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1639. 

when she hath bin found in her ill accyons, do not deserue 2 or 
3 blowes, I pray Judge You who hath most reason to Complaine, 
my vvyfe or the maid. You also write me that you ar informed 
that my wyfe will giue the men no mylke. Yt maybe that she 
will not giue every on mylke as often as they Com for yt, but I 
know that all the Company haue mylke 4, 5, & 6 meales in a 
weeke, boyled with flower, which som of them haue Complained 
haue had mylke to often. I know that most of the sommer 
the mylke doth saue us a C. & 1 C. I Of fish in a weeke, & 
wheras you say the men Complaine she hath pincht them of 
their allowance, I spoke of yt in the Church before all our owne 
Company and Mr. Hingstons 1 Company after praier, & I pray 
examine Mr. Hingston & his Company what answere the gaue 
for that foull abuse giuen her : & wheras you say the Complaine 
the would be better weare yt not for my wyfe, I answer for 
this also I do not gaine say yt, but yt may be shoe will speake 
shrood words 2 to som of them somtymes, for I know som of 
them haue Com for their bread when the haue had yt befor, 
which doth make her out of passion' with them. She hath an 
vnthankefull office to do this she doth, for I thinke their was 
never that stewward yt amonge such people as we haue Could 
giue them all Content. I wrote you last yeare that I wanted a 
man to order our vittells, and so I do still. Yt doth not pleas 
me well being she hath taken so much paines & Care to order 
things as well as she Could, & ryse in the morning rath, 4 & go 
to bed so latte, & to haue hard speches for yt. Therefore I 
desire you will be pleased to send a Carefull man to looke over 
the provision & to order yt, for I haue never a man heare that 
I Can trust in this busines, neyther will any on do yt but 
with an yll will, the office is so vnthankfull : but our men are 
now a great deall quietter then the haue bin, ever since those 
men Run away. 

■ William Hingston, master of the ■» Early. This word was long in com- 

Hercules. mon use. Thus Chaucer : " Why rise 

- Shrewd words, i. e. sharp and cen- ye so rathe?" and Milton : 

sorious. " Bring the rathe primrose thai forsaken dies." 

3 Equivalent to out of temper. Early apples were called rathe-ripes. 



I&39 ] WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 169 

The maid Tomson had a hard fortune. Yt was her Chance 
to be drowned Cominge over the barr" after our Cowes, & 
very litle water on the barr, not aboue h foote, & we Cannot 
Judge how yt should be, accept that her hatt did blow from 
her head, & she to saue her hatt stept on the side of the barr. 
A great many of our Company saw when she was drowned, 
& run with all speed to saue her, but she was dead before 
the Could Com to her. I thinke yf she had lived she would 
haue proved a good servant in the house : she would do more 
worke then 3 such maides as Pryssylla is. 

And wheras You write me to devidc the land men, they ar 
but 7 in all to husbandry, & on of them doth alwaies follow 
the piggs & cloth nothinge els, yett Cannot keep them from the 
woulues : & after the next February ther will be no more left 
but Jonas Beill & John Barrage. 2 You write me often of put- 
tinge vp a house to put our fish in ; we haue had a house for 
that purpose this 4 yeare, which will hold 50 thousand fish at 
least, which we put our fish in, to which is that is taken & 
dried before Chrismas. The fish we take before Chrismas is 
very small, & but litle of yt good fish ; yt is accordinge to the 
weather, & for our fish which we take after Chrismas we cannot 
put yt into house before yt be dryed, & yt will dum 3 rather 
in the house then out to doores. At that tyme of the Yeare 
sailes is best to Cover our fish we take in sommer. Our 
fish in winter will not make so fair as the fish which is taken 
about the myddell of February & the season after, for 
the frost doth scorch yt vp so fast that yt will not make fair 
som tymes. 

1 A bar still connects Richmond's etymology of the word seems to have 
Island with the main land, which can reference to turning dark, or discolora- 
be crossed at low tide. tion. Dumb has been used to signify 

2 Jonas Bayley and John Burrage. darkness of color. Thus Defoe : " Her 

3 The meaning here is that the fish stern was painted a dumb white or dun 
will turn dark and mildew, or mould, color." Wright and Ilalliwell give dum 
for lack of sunshine. The word dum, as the clown or fur of animals ; but the 
used in this sense, is still occasionally application in this case would want 
heard among curers of fish in the Prov- force. CI. dun and dim. 

inces and on the Maine coast. The 



170 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1639. 

Mr. Samuell Mavericke" hath not paid your ^30 as yctt. 
He wrote to me the last Yeare that he had Receaved ^33 for 
yt, & when I sent Narias Haukins into the Bay I sent for 
yt, & now he writes me of but .£30 receaved, & he wrote to 
me that John Treworthy should pay yt when he receaved 
the Cowes from me, but he would not pay yt. Also he sent 
me word the last yeare that he had sold a hodghed of aqua- 
vite for .£10 10s., & now vppon his account he will allow me 
but £9 for yt. Mr. Gibson is going from vs ; he is to go to 
Pascattaway to be their mynister, 2 & they giue him ,£60 per 
yeare, & build him a house, & Cleare him som ground, & pre- 
pare yt for him against he Com. I haue formerly written you 
by sundry Conveyance what men wear Runn away, & wheare 
the went as far as I Could learne. You write me that your 
servants wants Clothes. I haue sent what every on hath had 
in Clothes & nessassaries ever since my last Comminge over. 
Yf those Cloths will not serue turne that they haue had, you 
may please to send every on his Cloths, what he shall haue for 
the whole yeare. I haue never denied them any Cloths when 
the wanted, but yt may be I haue not giuen them Cloths pres- 
ently when they did demand them, but often tymes would tell 
them of their ill husbandry 3 of their Clothes. Theris Peter 
Cobb hath no more Clothes then the others, but he Can go fitt 
& Comly in his Cloths when the rest will go ragged & torne, & I 
doubt som of them sells their Clothes, but I Cannot yet Justly 
Condemn them as yett. We had a great storme before Chris- 
mas which sunke all our bootes to on : 2 droue away, we never 
saw them againe ; on split in peccs, all the rest much torren ; 

1 Of Noddle's Island, now East Portsmouth, as Winter here states he 
Boston. was to go, not many months after the 

2 It will be remembered that Winter date of this letter. Folsom (History 
in a former letter said that Rev. Rich- of Saco, p. 79) puts the date " at the 
ard Gibson was going to Saco to marry close of 1640, or early the following 
Thomas Lewis's daughter This he year." 

did some time previous to the date of 3 Used in the sense of thrift, as by 

this letter, and was probably living with Shakespeare : — 

his wife at Richmond's Island at this « There 's husbandry in heaven ; 

time. He went to " Pascattaway," or Their candles are all out." 



I639-] WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 171 

5 maine sailes lost, 6 fore sailes, 2 Roods ; on maine saile we 
found againe, but rotten. They wear all new sailes made after 
Myhellmas, except the 4 sailes I bought of Mr. Dennes." Our 
men lost many of their thinges in the bootes, barvells, bootes 
bucketts, & most of their provisions in their bootes. Yt was a 
great hinderance to our voyage, for we weare faine to trim vp 
old bootes & hired on from Mr. Vines. We are to pay Edward 
Wykott for the hire of 2 bootes 2 yeare, which I desire you will 
be pleased to pay him. Our barke, the Richmon, heare in the 
[harbour] rode that storme, & rode very well with out dam- 
mage of any thinge. 

Mr. Cleues = stands vppon his grant from Syr Fyrdinando 
Gorg for his patten. He would haue put the difference to be 
desided by men heare about these parts. I desire to heare 
your answere. First for to seeke any right by law, hear is 
none, but every man is a law to him selfe. Yt is a bad kind 
of livinge to liue in a place where is neather law nor gover- 
ment amonge people. The people about these parts ar very 
poore, for I Cannot Conceaue what the Can haue out of the 
Country to by them Clothes. The bever trade doth faile which 
was their Cheffest stay for buy them Cloths. The woules do 
kill their goates & swine, wherin the had a good hope to gaine 
som thinge about them. Now the Can hardly keep so many 
to find them meat. Som Indian Corne the sell at harvest tyme, 
but ar faine to buy againe before harvest Comes againe, & som 
haue no bread in 2 moneths before harvest Com that their 
Corne be ripe, for wants of meanes to buy yt, yett the will not 
worke vnder 18 or 2od. a day, & though the haue but 2 daics 
worke in a weeke. I want a myll to grind English graine. 
When we haue got som English graine yt is a great trouble & 

1 Robert Dennis, master of the True- lavvny's patent, which he claimed in 

love. eluded Portland Neck. Cleeve main- 

- Cleeve had been dispossessed of -tained the validity of his patent from 

his house at the Spurwink by Winter, Gorges, and it would appear from this 

and claimed damages therefor, and letter offered to submit the difference 

Winter made a counter claim that he to arbitration, which Winter did not 

was at this time trespassing on Tre- accept. 



172 THE TRELAWNY TAPERS. [1639 

hinderance of tyrae to go 30 leags to myll to grind yt. Heare 
is never a myll in all the Country but in the Bay. 

So not havinge els to Inlarge at present, I end & rest, 

Your to his power, 

JOHN WINTER. 

I herin send you on of the acquittance that I had from John 
Treworthy, for the deliuery of the 4 Cowes & Calues. 
This goeth by the Herculus. 



Now I am to the 18th of July, & this goeth by the Richmon, 
which at present is returned from Casko lodon with pipes 
staues, & hath in her 6 thousand of the great tale.' I haue 
formerly written you of the prize what the Cost. Ther goeth 
with this account what provision I deliuered to the master. I 
Could not man her home except I did take your servants. I 
haue also sent home my servant Tobias Shorte. I desire you 
will Imploy him to sea to Com for these parts againe, yf Con- 
venience will serue : yf not, to Imploy him in your servize be- 
fore he may Com hither againe. I am of the oppinion that he 
will make a good sea man yf he haue his teaching, which I 
Could desire. Peter Cobb, I thinke, will proue a good servant 
to you. John Garland I doubt will not, for he knew of the 
Consort ship' made of them Run awaics Amry & Gaud, the 
rest of that Crew, and Georg Roggers 1 should haue bin on of 
them : also, who was to go in the barke before I vnderstode 

■ I. e. of the gross count, of one hun- parish, the venerable Stephen Rache- 

dred and twenty for a hundred. ler, he was sentenced to receive forty 

2 Combination. Winter's meaning stripes save one on the bare skin, after 
is perhaps better expressed by the word which he drops into merited oblivion ; 
conspiracy. yet wnat worthless memorials have 

3 George Rogers settled at Ports-, served to perpetuate his name for more 
mouth, and was on the jury of 1650. than two centuries, and may preserve 
The next year, being found guilty of it for many more. Verily, 

breaking the seventh commandment " The evil that men do lives after them ; 
with the consort of the minister of the The good is oft interred with their bones." 



1639-1 WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 1 73 

that he was with them when they made their Consort ship. I 
haue formerly written you of but 2 or 3 servants for the land. 
I haue now Considered better with our Company that their 
tymes do Com out in February. They all go away except Rog- 
ger Satterlay & Nycholas White; them two will stay till next 
June : & we Cannot haue les then 6 or 7 to worke on the land. 
On must be alwaies to follow the piggs at the maine, or els we 
shall lose them all ; another must be at the Hand to tend our 
Cattell, goats, & pigs which we keep at the Hand. Ther Can- 
not be les then 5 or 6 about plantinge of Corne, or els will be 
but litle. I Could wish you would gett a good Carefull Younge 
man to follow our swine. Tberis Never a on heare that is 
willinge to keep them. He that hath kept them this last yeare 
will not keep them he saies after his tyme is out, yf I giue 
him .£40 per yeare. I haue sold 2 ewe goates & their kidds 
at £4 a pece, but not yt paid. I doubt I must take them 
againe for not payinge for them. Their be divers would haue 
goates but they lacke money about these parts. I Could 
willingely sell a score of goats, for we overlay this Hand to 
much ; & yf I put them to the maine, the woulues will haue 
them all. I haue also sold a yerlinge of a yeare & \ old at 
.£13 prize; the most parte of the money paid, the rest to be 
paid at Myhellmas vppon good security, — sold him since the 
account drawen vp. I haue now present receaved your letter 
of the 17th of May, wherin you write but bad nues of the 
Bonny Bes." I pray God send better. I had thought the 
Turkes had bin quiett now, but they ar people which will 

1 The Bonny Bessie was probably taken by Turkish pirates within three 
the name of this vessel, one of this leagues of the Lizzard. ... Many Turk- 
name, which brought passengers to ish men-of-war to the westward of Scilly ; 
America, being mentioned by Hotten. great fears of the Newfoundland ships, 
The Turks as well as the Dunkirkers unless the mischief likely to ensue is 
hovered like hawks along the track of timely prevented." And under date of 
commerce, and swooped destructively February 24, 1640, " .£50 to be paid for 
down upon unprotected ships. "Two John Butler's ransom, he having been 
ships," says Sainsbury under date of taken by the Turks." Vide Sainsbury, 
September 26, 1635, "from Newfound- Vol. VIII. p. 214; Vol. X. p. 308. 
land, with about 60 seamen of the town. 



174 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1639. 

never keep their word. I perceaue you haue an Intent to 
send som wines : I doubt they will Com to a bad markett heare 
in this Country, beinge hereis so much brought this sommcr, 
& heare in the Country but litle money. The shipe that Trus- 
trum Bowes is on Came from the Cannaries loden with wine, 
strong waters, suger, & somm pich, & Comes to a bad markett 
with yt : the best is not worth aboue ^i8a but. Great store 
of sacke & stronge waters 1 Comes in all the shippes that Com 
hither. Aquavite now not worth aboue £g per hodghed. 
A small barke of Barnestable that Came in heare first sold his 
goods at great Rates. The earthen ware that Came last in 
the Samuell is not good for this Country, especially the great 
water potts & the great pannes. I sell very few of them : the 
pannes will not endure the fire. I desire you will send a 
good staid woman to mylke our Cowes & to order the mylke, 
for my wyfe shall do yt no more after this yeare, to trouble the 
patience of men nor maid ; neyther should she haue donn yt 
now but that of nessessyty. Now she must do yt, or els yt 
will be left vndonn, for theris no body heare to do yt : yt is 
worth the loking after. But I doubt the Cowes & Calues, 
goats & swine, & orderinge mens vittells, will not be so well 
loked after when she leaues yt. I haue now sent you all ac- 
counts since my last Cominge over. I desire you will be 
pleased to write me how all accounts goeth with vs ; for I 
desire to know whether we go forward or backward in our 
procedings, for I se fishinge begins to faile with vs heare ; but 
I make no doubt but the [land will] do well Inough yf yt be 
well husbanded. 5 I shall Intreat you to send me 10 yards of 
a good pece of myxt Cersy 3 of a sad Couler, & 4-| yards of 

'- The names of some of these ships - Cultivated. " Land so trim and 

which brought this " great store of well husbanded." — Evelyn, 

strong waters" to destroy, body and 3 Kersey. A coarse, ribbed cloth, 

soul, the poor Indians and the people made of long wool. Palsgrave uses 

whom Winter represents as so desti- the words sadde color, the same as it 

tute, seem sadly out of place ; as, for is here used, to indicate a deep, dark 

example, "The White Angel," "The color. 
Holy Ghost," and " The Angel Gabi iel." 



1639] SARGENT TO TRELAWNY. 1 75 

baies ' sutable to the Cloth, with bottens & silke sutable, which 
is to make a sute & a Coote for my selfe, & also a good hat for 
my selfe. 

So, not having els to Inlarg at present, but end & rest, 

Your to his power, 

JOHN WINTER. 

I shall desire you, yf my servant Tobias Shorte Wants any 
Cloths, that you will furnish him with that which is fittinge. 

To the Worshipful Robert 
Trelawney, merchant, this be 

dd. 

in 
Plymouth. 

[Indorsed by Robert Trelawny :] 

Richmonds Hand, 18th Iuly, 1639. 
John Winter. Rd the last 
of August. 




STEPHEN SARGENT TO TRELAWNY. 

ffrom Richmans Iland, 11 th of July, 1639. 
Mr. Trelawny : — 

Sir, — My best serues remembred, may it please you to 
vnderstand that I haue mad bould to write vnto you .these 
fewe lines to giue you to understand that I, with Mr. Win- 
ter and the of our Company, are in good health, as I hope 
your worshipp is, and that wee haue had but a' reasonabell 
yeeare of fishing ; and for your shippe, which you tould mee 
before I came heere, there was nothing went anwards about 
here, no timber in place, [no] planke yeate hade ; but if Mr. 
Winter Would goe anwards with here planke, hee may haue 
all things in place, both planke and timber in place neere by 

1 Baize, a cheap woollen stuff with long nap, wanted in this case for lining 
the coat. 



176 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1639. 

Christmas neaxt year ; the most part of heere timber and 
bends are in place, but Mr. Winter doth negle night the saing" 
of the planke verrie much. I thing, exceapte you doe send 
ouer two Carpenturs by the next supplye, shee cannot bee 
bult out till our time bee expired, for I shall bee very loth to 
Come home passenger as I Came out, for I haue taken a 
great deale of care and paines in giting those timbers & 
planke to geather ; therfor I doe not desier that any other 
man should Come to haue the benefete of my labors, there for 
I doe desier you to write mee by your next your mind in it. 
Arthur Gill hee is now vppon going away in to Masatuses 
Bay, which shee Canot bee bilt oute vnlese you send too 
Carpenturs mor heere to him that Is heer all ready, for I 
thinke that shee will bee the burden of one hundred tuns 
with towe deckes. And I hoppe, Sir, you will not bee for 
gitfull of your promise, and for my indeuors It shall not bee 
wanting, if God premit my life and health. If I should hau 
done as they haue done heere in former time, your busncs 
would not bee soe well Caried as it is now. Ffor Mr. Winter 
I wish him well, and hee shall not bee wronged if I can healpe 
it by any mane ; for now wee are verye quiete, and haue bine 
cure sinse I came heere that they were bee for I came ; for 
I thinke That Mr. Winter neuer tooke leas care sinse hee 
Gouerned your plantation then hee hath sence I came to him. 
But and if I had knownc before I came out of England I should 
not haue keepte our Company by there selues, I would not 
haue searued you for Twise my hier, the which now I will doe 
my beast indeuor for y[our] good and for the benifet of your 
plantation. For Mr. Gippson hee is agoeing to Puscataway to 
Hue, the which wee are all sory, & should bee verie glad if wee 
might in Joye his Company longe. And for the contry I like 
of very well, if that it would please God to send vse beter fish- 
ing. And fore the company that came with me, exseapte these 
knaues that are rane away, they will proufe honest men, and 
will Doe there beast indeuer ; but they would intreat you not 

1 Neglect the sawing. 



I639-] INVENTORY OF GOODS. 1 77 

to bee not for geetfull of the bulding of your shipe, for they 
say theaye shall knowe this next somer what your mind is in 
it. I would intreat your worshipp, when you haue my biles' 
from my wife, to giue her areasete 2 for the munies which I haue 
of you befor my Coming away, for I haud aloued Mr. Winter 
of it heeare. 

Soe, with my best indeuers Remembed to your worship, I 
Rest and remaine, your Saruant to his power, 

STEPHEN SARGENT. 

To the worshippfull Robert 
Trelawny, Marchant, in 
Plymouth, thease. 




AN INVELTORY 



Of all the goods at the plantation at Richmon Island & the Maine, 
within dores & with out, taken this 15th of July, 1639. 

Imprimis, 10 hodgheds of meall, 2i liodgheds of gartes.3 

2 hodgheds peas good : 1 barrell Came in the Herculus that 
ar nought. 

§ hodghed veniger : the 4 Roules tobacco that Came in ye Her- 
culus. 

a bag of hoppes Came in the Herculus, 20 lb. of them vsed, 
the rest not weighed since the weare. 

6 butts 4 hodgheds old malt & 6 hodgheds landed by Mr. Hing- 
ston. 

som old Junke for ocombe & I dubble shroude for a mouringe. 

14 boote main sailes, 14 bootes fore sailes, all old & worren I 
yeare. 

the stage Camnas 4 that was deliuered by Mr. Hingston. 

ii barrell of tar, 1 hodghed of pich. 

3800I of biskett. 

20 old netts that will serue som tyme againe ; 2 new netts. 

' Bills. 4 Canvas to cover the fishing stage or 

2 A receipt. rack upon which fish were dried; used 

3 Groats, or oatmeal. in wet weather. 

12 



178 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1639. 

2 new saines, 2 old saines. 1 

1 Chittell, 2 great kittells, 2 great Iron potts, 1 litle bras kittell, 

1 litle Iron kittell, 1 litle Iron pott, 1 pich pott, 3 pair pott 
Crokes, 3 Iron hangers, 1 spitt, 1 Iron Ladell. 

8 Cersy* sutes, 2 fryze 3 sutes, 2 pair Camnas drawers, 11 mun- 
moth Capps, 4 2 new Coverletts, 14 sutes of Camnas sliders, 5 

10 wastcootes, 21 white hatts. 

48 dozen great hookes, 70 dozen quarter hookes. 

134 Virginia leads, 34 of the leads that Came in the Mary Rose 
of Barnestable, 2 1 dozen Virginia lines, 1 5^ dozens Newfound- 
land lines. 

a drumm, & a spare drum head, 4 lb. of twine, 5 lb. J of threed. 

8 bandeleres, 6 17 lampes, 72 lb. of spukes, 7 on barrell of pouder, 

1 1 lb. pouder besides that is lose, 44 lb. of duck shote, 6 lb. of 
gose shote. 

18 great water potts, 12 great pannes, 5 Road pannes, 8 16 small 
water potts, dishes, 20 of on sorte, 13 of another sort, 18 of 
another sorte, 5 dozen of sausers, 1 funnell more, 22 great 
water potts, 12 small vialls, 8 small Jarres, 23 water Cupps, 

2 Chaffin dishes, 9 2 great stu potts, 3 blue stu potts, 2 blue 
pitchers more, vsed in the house, 1 dozen small pannes in 
steed of platters, 8 small water potts, 1 dozen of sausers, 2 
great stu potts, 2 great blue pitchers, 8 other dishes, a great 
deall broken of all sortes. 

1 Ci nailes at 3s. 6d., 9 C. 6d. nailes, 2 m. I C. bord nailes, 1 m. 

5 C. 2s. nailes. 
40 lb. of Candells, 2 Calues skins, 3 frowes, 10 3 old syths, 3 new 

syths, 3 pistoles, 2 spoke shavers, 1 wimber of the Cuppers." 
2| feete of leather, but 4 m. of the sparrow '-' & bradds vsed that 

Came in the Herculus, & all the thongs' 3 that Came in her 

hear yt. 

« Seines. Large fishing nets. The principal works were at this time 

■ Vide antea, p. 174, note 3. at Staffordshire. 

3 Vide antea, p. 151, note 3. 9 These were iron vessels which, 

4 Monmouth caps were noted, and being filled with coals, were employed 
are often spoken of by old authors, to heat things placed upon them. 

Vide anted, p. 68, note 7. "° A tool to split out clapboards and 

5 Canvas overalls. pipe-staves. 

6 Bandoleers. Vide antea, p. 35, " A wimble, or auger, for the coopers, 
note 8. " Abbreviation for sparables or spar- 

? Spikes. rowbills. Shoemakers' nails. Vide an- 

8 Coarse clay pans. From Anglo- tea, p. 37, note 4. 
Saxon rud, denoting their color, red. '3 Vide antea, p. 37, note 3. 



i639-] INVENTORY OF GOODS. 179 

8 musketts, 7 foulinge peccs, 1 hargabus 1 with a fire locke, 3 
halberds, 2 6 long pikes, 2 saker ladells, 3 1 worme, 4 3 sponges, 
24 great Round shott, 8 Crosbars shott, 19 lb. of muskett 
shott, 25 lb of match." 

4 swordes, 1 murderer,' 2 Chambers.' 

33 lb. of weeke yarne, 9 lampes vsed in the house. 

22 lb. of sope, 5 whip sawes, 5 thart sawes good & badd, 3 viles, 
2 wrests. 

14 howes to be vsed, 4 hatchetts, 18 old axes out of vse, 25 old 
howes, 2 drawing knyfes, 5 Iron shovells, 4 old picks, 12 new 
picks, 1 pair bittell Rings, 4 Iron Wagges, 10 other axes & 
hatchetts in vse, 6 spillinge knyfes, 8 4 gutters,' 3 furse 
hookes, 10 1 bill hooke," 2 Come picks, 1 grid Iron, 2 fryinge 
pannes, 2 lanternes, 3 truells,'- 1 mattocke, the Iron wagges & 
bittell Rings bought of Mr. Richmon, 1 Crow of Iron, 1 Crow 
of Iron broken, 1 addes. 

To be added to the other side. 

Imprimis The Communion vessells, & the table Cloth for the Communion 

table as yt was. 
Mr. Gybsons bead & bead Cloth, '> his linen not yelded vp. 
2 Jarres of oyle, S5 lb. of porke, all the beafe left of the hodg- 

hed you sent, except 50 peces put abord the Richmon for her 

vittellinge. 
part of a hodghed of Aquavite, the rest sold not yett Charged to 

your account. 

1 Arquebuse. A fire-arm supported used in naval warfare to cut off the 
by a forked rest when fired. Vide antea, masts and standing rigging. Vide 
p. 6S, note 10. Ibid. 

2 This was a staff about five feet long, 6 This was small rope soaked in 
with a steel head shaped like an axe, some inflammable solution, which held 
and was carried by the sergeants of foot the fire and burnt slowly, and was used 
and artillery. Vide Crabbe's Tech. for touching off the guns. 

Diet. i Vide antea, p. 66, note 2. 

3 An instrument which is used when 8 Splitting knives, used to split fish. 
a cannon is loaded with loose powder. to s Gutting knives. 

convey the powder to the but-end of to Furze-hooks. A kind of bush 

the barrel. Vide Iconograph. Encyclop., scythe. 

Vol. III. p. 65. " An instrument shaped like a 

4 A worm is a rod with a spiral end cleaver, with the edge ending in a 
of steel like a corkscrew, to draw a curve, used as a hatchet. 

charge from a gun. Vide Ibid. * 2 Trowels. 

s Two cannon balls united by a bar, '3 Bed and bed-clothes. 



l8o THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1639. 

4 Ring boults, 1 Cole Chissell, 1 sett boult for the Carpenters 
abord the new ship, 1 bolt staff of 2 foote i longe. 

14 Compasses for bootes, good & bad. 

14 old Roodes,' 1 new Roode of twize laid stuff, 40 fathem new 

small Rope for bootes halliers, 5 & sheats. 
12 bread boxes, 13 flacketts,3 10 bootes bucketts, 2 traine buck- 

etts, 1 traine boull, 2 bootes boules.4 
18 hodgheds of Indian Corne. 
47S hodgheds of salt, & by estymation 100 hodgheds in the 

house before. 

5 dozen old lines, 5 Chests with lockes to them. 

2 pair of wheeles, wherof 1 pair for the Carrage of our great 
pese of ordinance. 

3 peas of ordinance, 2 sakers,s 1 demmy Culveren 6 with Car- 
riages. 

1 Iron beame, i C. weight of lead, & a pair of scales. 

1 Romaine beame,' 1 litle pair of scales with 6 lb. weight. 
The bruing vessells, 6 liquor hodgheds. 

8 tonn of dry Caske, but most of yt but on head. 

2 traine fates. 

The plough stufe brought in the Herculus, 1 soull, 8 1 harrow. 

9 good shollops, 3 bad shollops not worth trimminge, 1 old boote 
that was fitted for a tradinge boote, 1 scyfr. 9 

6 old Cowes, 2 old bulls, 2 heffers, 1 bull of 2 year h old, 3 
steares of 1 yeare J old, 5 heffers of 1 year & quarter old, 3 
heffer Calues of this yeare, in all 22. 

Spurwinke, 53 swine, the youngest 1 yeare A, som 2 yeare old; 

som more at the Hand, 7 old swine, 38 yong pigs betwixt A 

yeare old & 3 moneth old, in all 45. 
At the Island, 24 yew goats, 3 Rams, 6 weathers, 20 Cids 10 of A 

yeare old, 9 young kids of a moneth old, in all 62. 
At Spurwinke neare 6 akers of English graine, wheat, barley, 

Rye, oats, & peas, 6 or 7 akers Indian graine sett, but more 

then i of yt failes, the English Corne Indeferent good Corne 

1 Ropes with which to moor boats. a ball of gk lbs. weight. Johnson says 

* Halyards. there were three sizes : one carrying 
3 Small flasks. balls of 9 lbs., one 10 lbs. 11 oz., and 

* Probably casks sawed in two. another 12 lbs. 11 oz. in weight, 
s Vide ante.}, p. 66, note 2. 7 Steelyards. 

6 This was a cannon larger than a 8 The shoe of a plough, 
saker, and, according to Meyrick, had a 1 Skiff, 
bore four inches in diameter and carried IO Kids. 



1639.] ACCOUNTS OF JOHN WINTER. l8l 

A box of beads, 39 pair shues, 51 shurtes, 12 pair stockins, but 
all moth eaten, 5 pair yarninge. stockins. 

2 grindinge stones, but woren out. 

25 1 yards Cape Cloth, 20J yards small Camnas for shurtes, 22 
yards new Camnas of Course nowells.' 

3 Asses out of the Herculus. 

[Indorsed in handwriting of John Winter :] 
An Inveltory of all the goods remeaninge 
to the Plantation at Richmon Island & 
the Maine. 



ACCOUNTS OF JOHN WINTER. 

John Winter, his Accounts for the Plantation 
to the 15th of July, 1639. 

There is Owing to the Plantation by the partyes following, that had 
Couenanted by Indenture to seme 3 years at the Plantation, & 
after Run away, these sommes following : — 

Wm. Hame, a Runaway in the Contry, owes 

Tho. Bone of Saltash, Rundawaye, had 

Geo: Dearing, runaway, owes 

Jno. Amory of Chudleigh owes with 20s. to his wief, 

Marke Gawde of St. Johns, with 20s. to his wiefe, 

Wm. Allen of Milbrooke, Widdow Lucas serv 1 , 

Henry Edmunds for Milbrooke, 

Edward Best of Milbrooke, 

Tho. Lissen of Plymouth, 

Principal Monny, 42 10 02 

Wm. Edwards. 
John in fard Roberts. 

[The aboue is in the handwriting of Robert Trelawny. — Ed.] 

1 Coarse Nowells. Short coarse person shall put any noyles, thrums, &c. 

threads or waste put into the cloth to or other deceivable thing, into any broad 

increase its thickness. By Statute of woolen cloth." Vide Jacob's Law Dic- 

Jac. I, c. iS, this was prohibited. " No tionary, in loco. 



£ 


s. 


d. 


2 


00 


00 


2 


10 


00 


4 


OS 


00 


9 


06 


00 


7 


09 


02 


5 


10 


OO 


3 


15 


00 


5 


05 


00 


2 


10 


00 



182 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1C39. 

[On the back :] 

The 14th September, 1640, 
Charles Hatches wiefe confessed 
to haue had 28s. 6d. in money, 
& 2 .J, buz. of rye, of which she is 
charged per contra with 12s. 6d. 



Monnyes Owing to the Plantation at Richmonds Island, which the 
Company haue not yett allowed Mr. Winter in any account. 
Recollected the 29th of Nouember, 1639. 



s. 


d. 


10 


OO 


00 


00 



Wm. Lucas, Monny paid his Dame, 50s., 

John Burraige, 

Charles Hatch had of me himselfe £7 2s. 6d., which with Ad- 
venture is £9 5s., & 12s. 6d. to his wiefe. 

In Corne & £1 for 2 yeares to his Mr., 1 of which he 

hath paid Mr. Winter £g 14s. 6d., soe Rests. 

Jno. Hempsonhad_£5 1 8s., which with adventure is £7 13s. 6d., 

of which he hath paid £6 9s. Rests, 1 04 06 

Phi: Hatch owes £3 paid his Mr. Ball more then he hath al- 
lowed for his second yeare, 3 00 00 

Benjamin Stephens to his wiefe, 1 10 00 

Jno. Hole had principall ,£3 lis., with adventure is £4 12s., 

paid in account £3 3s. 6d. Rests, 1 09 06 

Ed. Mills Receaued her 2 £4 16s. 6d., with the Adventure is 
£6 is. 6d., paid in account £4 2s. 6d. Rests, 1 19 00 

Nic: White had £2 14s. 6d., & he allowes noe more in Ac- 
count, for he owes 16s. 4d. for the adventure, & 30s. paid 
since his sister, all 2 06 4 

Paul Mitchell had £7 10s., with adventure f 5 

fi,; « ' j 1 ',' £9 1 5s., he allowes in account £9 8s. 6d. Rests, all X o 06 06 

50s. to Ellis Curkeitt, & is 

Stepen Lapthorne, for Monny & Corne to his wiefe 

Wm. Frithy, for Monny to his Mother, 1 00 00 

Roger Satterly owes on all Accounts, 9 iS 09 

1 I. e. master. * Here. 



1 639-] 



ACCOUNTS OF JOHN WINTER. 



IS3 



May 27 th , 1639. 

Andrew Heifor Debitor 

for 2 pair shoos 

for 2 shirts 

for ilb ^ of Beauer at 8* $ lb is. . . . 

for thrced 

for a pair of yarne Gloues 

for a sute of Karsie 

for a waskoate 

for wine 

for oyle 

for keepinge a sow pigg 

paid him in full Ballance of ye ac°. 



Reignold Ginkin Debtor 

forseuerall Commodities deliuered him ) 

in ye first yeare of his service. . . » 
for seuerall Commodities from 1637 to ) 

July 163S I 

for Monie pd. Arthur Gill by his order . 
for seuerall Commodities from ye 16U1 ) 

of July 163S to ye 24th May 1639 . I 

for sider 

for oyle 

for wine 

for aquavits 

for 2 shirts 

pd him in full Ballance of the ac° for 1 

his 3 yeares service 1 

9 
Richard Martin Creditor 

for 5 pair of shooes 1 

for Monie Lent him 

for 1*. pd Win. Prince 

for a Lampe 

for ilb of Candles 

for ilb of tlireed . 

for 3 pair stockings 

for 1 1 ouznes of sope 

for a Cloth Capp. . . 

for 4 y l( 's Canvas 

for a shirt 6^ 6 i "l & a waskoat 6* 6d is . . 

for a knife 

for 6 ouznes Beauer. 

for Leather sparrowbills thongs & Bradds 

for a sute of Canuas 

for tobacco 

for wine 1 

for aquauite 

for oyle 

for Monie Receaued of Mr Trelawnie , 2 

for Liquer 1637 

for a pair of Bootes 

for a shirt 

for ilb Beauer 

fur moneys pd to Arthur Gill for him. . 



5 






2 


2 


7 




4 


5 




5 


6 




iS 


i 

3 

S 


I 


9 


1 1 




3 


10 




'3 




3 


1 


1 



May 27 th , 1639. 

$* Contra Creditor for so much deu 1 
to him for his 3d yeares seruise. . . J 



^ Contra Creditor for so much due \ 
to him fur his 5 yeares seruise . . . ) 



$ Contra Creditor for his 2 yeares I 
service * 



1 84 



THE TRELAWNY TAPERS. 



U&39- 



Nicholas Mathew Debtor 

for sundrie Commodities in yc house. . 2 

for aquauite 1 

for wine 1 

for Tobacco 

for suler 

for oyle 

for butter & aquavity 

for 4-6" 19 s 7^2 pd. him heare for bal- \ 
lance ei is ' 



Stephen Lapthorne Debitor 

for so much badd 1 to ac° Last yeare . 1 
for y 1 -' Adventure of $£ at 30 p' C is . . 1 
for so much pd his wife by Mr Trelawnie 1 
for Commodities in y^ house sundry ) 

tymes ' 

for tobacco 

for wine 1 

i..i aquauite 

for sider 

for oyle 

i. 

Trustrum Algar Debitor 

for sundry p'ticulars in the house ... 1 

for aquauite 

for wine 1 

for tobacco 

for sider 

for 41C 19s 6d£ for so much charged! 
p' exc e to ballance S 



4 
5 

19 10 

1 3 

11 11 

1 6 

5 



3 9 
3 
19 6£ 



8 
Richard Niles Debitor 

for sundry Commodities Last yeare past 2 9 
for monie Rec c] of Mr Trelawny wtfi y<-* ) 

aduentur ' 

for diuerse Commodities this yeare . . 2 16 

for wine .... 14 

for aquauite 1 

for tobacco '5 

for oyle 1 

for Momieys pd him here 3 *3 

More Charged p* exc^ for ballance . . 5 



7 4l 



Jn? Hempson Debitor 

for diuerse Commodities in the house ) 

iasl yeare past . . J 

for diuerse Necessaries this yeare . . . r 14 

fi 'i' ti '!>.u:co. 113 

for aquauite S 

for wine ... .... ... 12 

fin Monye lie Recc-aueJ of Mr Tre- 1 , 

lawnye w'h the aduenture. . . . ' 

for sider 



1 I. e. So much balanced to account last year. 



$ Contra due to him for his voyage I 
this yeare t 



$ Contra Creditor 
for his wages this yeare 



%) Contra Creditor 
for 2 yeares service 5^ p' yeare. 



$ Contra Creditor 
for his share ye first fishinge- . . 
for his share of fish y<-' first yeare . 
for his porledge - mony .... 
for his pootledge the 2'' yeare . . 
for his share of fish the second yeare 



7; 
4.1 



V Contra Creditor for his 2 years ser- ) 
ice ' 



2 Shale of wages for one or more voyages. 



I639-] 



ACCOUNTS OF JOHN WINTER. 



I8 5 



Eduard Trebie Debitor 

for sundry Necessaries in the house . . 

for aquauite 

for wine 

for sider 

fur oyle 

for monyes pd him heare toe ballance . 



Nicholas White Debitor 

for so much badd to ac<> Last yeare . . 
foi y aduenture z£ 14s 6*1 at 30 p' C. is 

for (. nmmodities in ye house 

for wine 

for tobacco 

for aquauite 

for so much pd by M r Trelawnye to his ) 
Master. M r Jn° Sparke for him. . S 

for sider 

for oyle 

Phillip Hatch Debitor 

for Commodities he had Last yeare . . 

for Commodities ys yeare 

for aquauite 

for tobacco 

for wine 

for so Much pd his M% Nic° Ball, by ) 

Mr Trelawny S 

for so much pd him by Mr Trelawnie } 

w'h y-" aduentur ) 

for oyle 



Jn? Amorie Debitor 

for sundry Commodities Last yeare past 
for so much pd for him this yeare . . . 

for wine 

for so much pd his wife by M r Trelawny \ 
& tooles i 

Tho: Sheppherd Debitor 

for the Last yeare past in Commodities . 

for Commodities this yeare 

for tobacco 

for aquauite 

for wine 

for so much pd him by Mr Trelawny ) 

w l h ye aduenture ) 

for a hatt 

for sider Si. oyle 



3 


4 4 




10 1 


1 


2 




. 4i 




5 


1 


9 i 


6 


7 3i 




6 7 




16 4 




8 4 


1 


5 4 




17 6 




9 4i 


3 






2 3 




10 


6 


6 6i 




.9 i 


1 


■3 "1 




4 ■! 




10 


1 


2 4 


3 




3 


13 5 




1 3 


13 


4 ii 


6 


2 lot 


1 


I 4 




1 4 


1 


s s 


8 


11 2J 


2 


.6 ,; 


2 


.7 <i 




16 3 




5 74 


1 


■ 7 8 


3 


iS 




6 




6 S 



$ Contra Creditor for his \ share for ( 
his portledge monye > 



$ Contra Creditor for his wages this j 
yeare ' 



$ Contra Creditor for 2 yeares seruice S 



t' Contra Creditor for his first fishing 1 1 

£ share > 

for his h the first yeare 3 16 5^ 

for his portledge for a yeare & 5 ) 

Monethes J 

9 & 3l 



* Contr Creditor for 2 yeares seruice . 



'3 3 5* I 



1 86 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



[1639. 



Edward Mills Debitor 

for Commodities at sundry tymes . . . 

for aquauite 

for tobacco 

for wine 

for sider & oyle 

for beauor att 8s p' £ & is to batlance . 

Charles Hatch Debitor 

for Commodities in the house last year I 

163S '. . J 

for Commodities this yeare 

for tobacco 

for aquauite 

for wine 

for Monie disburst by Mr Trelawny ( 

w'h aduenture I 

for Monie pd his wife by Mr Trelawnie . 

for sider 

for oyle 

Thomas Bone Debitor 

for ye Last yeare sundry Commodities . 
for so much pd him by Mr Trelawnye \ 

w'h aduenture S 

for so much pd his wife by Mr Trelawnye 

Jn? Hole for necessaries dd j 

him heare ' 

J n° Hole Debitor for wine 

for aquauite 

for sider & oyle 

for beauer pd him at S* p 1 for ballance . 

Paul Mitchell Debitor 

for Commodities in ye house 

for wine 

for aquauite 

for so much pd him by Mr Trelawnie I 

w'h aduenture » 

for sider & oyle 

for aquauite at his first Coming ouer . . 

for monnyes dewe to ballance 1 is ec is ) 

paid i 

George Rogers Debitor 

for so much in Commodities this yeare . 
for more Commodities this yeare . . . 

for tobacco 

for aquauite 

for wine 

for sider & oyle 

pd in full to baliance 



I 


'7 


«i 




13 


6 




6 


3 


3 


6 


3 




1 


2 


2 




si 


8 


5 




5 


13 


>1 


1 


7 


4 


2 


18 


ii 




16 


■i 


2 


16 


4 


9 


2 






12 


6 
3 




2 


1 


22 


17 


ni 


5 


8 


3 


3 


5 




2 








10 


13 




13 
1 1 


3 

S 




3 


42 




1 
9 


10 
loj 


3 


S 








6 


6 




14 


6 




13 


lo£ 


9 


8 


6 




9 


9 




11 


j 


11 


16 




4 


5 


35 


1 


5 


7 


1 


7 


6 




18 


4! 


1 


10 

2 


4 
1 


5 


12 


7 


15 


1 


9 



Contra Creditor for his yeares | 
seruice J 



$ Contra Creditor for his share ye 1 

first fishing ) 

for his share the next yeare after . . 
for his share this yeare 



$ Contra Creditor for his first fishinge 

for his share the first yeare 

for his pordedge Monie 



$ Contra Creditor for his yeares wages 



2 9 93 

7 T2 I I A 

» 4 73 

i3 7 5 



299 
7 12 11 

__3 

13 2 7 



$ Contra Creditor for his share of ye I - 

first fish * 

for his portledge monye 115 

for his share this yeare 847 



$ Contra Creditor for his share of) j 

fish sold in ye Bay 1 

for his share of Mackrle 7 

for his portledge Monie 5 

for his share of fish this yeare .... 9 6 4J 

for his portledge monie 5 

for so much dewe to him ys last yeare . 3 n 3 

15 " 9 



1639] 



ACCOUNTS OF JOHN WINTER. 



I8 7 



Arthur Gill Debitor 
for Commodities this yeare .... 2 18 1 

for wine 1 12 S 

for aquauite S3 

for so much pd his wife by Mr Trelawnye 20 

for his wife's passage 5 

for sider & oyle 12 

pd in beauer at Ss p to to ballance I 2 

this acco ' 

30 19 4 
Roger Saturley Debitor 
for Commodities at sundry tymes . . . 3 1 n 

for aquauitae 1 iS 7^ 

for wine 13 

for tobacco 1 19 4} 

for so much p 1 his wife by Mr Trelawnie 6 13 
for sider 1 pinte & oyle 3 pints .... 2 9 



14 18 8 

Richard Cumings Debitor for » a 

Commodities ' 

for wine 354 

for aquauite 1 6 7J 

for so much pd his wife by M* Trelawnie 2 

for sider 5 

for oyle 5 

$£ 7s gd & is for so much charged p' 1 

exce for ballance out of wch hee is 1 

to allowe 50s wch hee hath Rpd J 

since his bills weare given ... J 

11 17 6 

George Bunt Debitor for I 6 j 

Commodities ' 

for aquauite 9 

for wine 3 4 

for tobacco 26 

for Monie pd him by Mr Trelawny w l h 1 

aduenture > 

for 8£ t is6dj charge p' exce to ballance 1 g M & , 

his acco ) ^ 

19 1 ii 

Anthony Clarke Debitor for j 

Commodities > 

for tobacco 1 7 1 1 \ 

for wine 1 19 

for aquauite 1 3 7 ', 

for so much pd him by Mr Trelawny ) 

wth ye aduenture is I 

for sider & oyle 38 

for t£ 5s iodJ for so much chargd p' 1 

exce to ballance .1 5 IO » 

Roger Willinge Debitor for 1 

Commodities ) 3 '3 5 

for tobacco 17 nl 

for wine 1 ■$ 

for aquauite 15 9 

for mony pd his Mother by Mr Trelawnie 1 

for sider & oyle 28 

pd him for the ballance of this ace" . 2 13 w\ 

>o 7 81 




$ Contra Creditor for his yeares wages 
for his Bill of Exce if not paid by Mr J 

Trelawney Last yeare J 

for 5 weekes worke att 10s p' weeke is 



13 Contra Creditor for his share of ) , 

fish sold in the bay \ 7 a 

for his share of Mackrle 7 

for his portledge money 1 10 

for his share of fish this yeare .... 847$ 

3j£ 9s iodj & is for so much bad to acco 3 g 10$ 

14 iS 8 

W Contra Creditor for his share of I t 

fish sold in ye Bay ) 7 s 

for his share of Mackrle 7 

for his portledge money 2 

for his share this yeare 7 14 73 

for his share of fish taken w'h Narias J R 

Hawkins his Company & is . . . J 

11 17 6£ 



$ Contra Creditor for his first fishinge 
for his portledge money and his sonns ( 

wages J 

for his share this yeare . " 



1 16 5 

9 

8 4 7* 



$ Contra Creditor for his first fishinge 

for his portledge Monye 

for his share this yeare 



19 : 



. 16 5 
1 10 



4 l\ 



$ Contra Creditor for his \ share of) , 

fish sold in ye Bay I ' 3 - 

for his \ share of Mackrle 36 

for his portledge Monie 25 

for his \ share this yeare 4 2 3$ 

for Monnyes dewe to him of the last \ , 

yeares Wadges J 

10 7 S£ 



i88 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



[1^39- 



Roger Bucknall Debitor for I 

Commodities ' 

for wine 

for aquauite 

for so much pd his wife by M r Trelawnie i 

for sider 

for 4-£ us n d £ for so much Chargd p' 1 
exc e fo r ballance > 



4 
6 

5 



Henry Handcocke Debitor 

for Commodities 

for aquauitas 

for wine I 

for Mony Disburst by M" 1 Trelawnye to ) 

him wt» y e aduenture is .... J 
to ballance this ac" Charged you by ( 

exchang ' 



Penticost Heamond Debitor 

for Commodities 

for tobacco 

for aquauite 

for wine 

for oyle 

for 7.6 Ss 6dJ charged p' exc^ for ballance 



Narias Hawkins Debitor 

for Commodities i 

for wine 3 

for aquauite 

for sider 

for aquauite Last yeare 

for so much badd to 3 seuerall ace" . - 7 
for so much pd to ballanced 15 



Stephen Sarjeant Debitor 

for a pair of shooes 4 

for aquauite 12 

for wine 15 

for so much pd him by Mr Trelawny \ 

w'h the aduenture is 1 

More 17.6 us odi dewe to ballance ( 

, a » 17 n 

chargd p' exc« i 



52 3 



786V 



8 10 6j 



4 7* 

6 5 

7 *l 
4 6 

1 6 
6 

1 4l 



27 6 * 



$ Contra Creditor for his J share of) , 

fish sold in ye Bay ....... J 3 6l 

for his £ share of Mackrle 36 

for his portledge Monie 2 15 

for his one halife share ys yeare . 4 2 3i 

7 '4 4* 



t Contra Creditor for his yeares wages 14 



$ Contra Creditor for his first fishing 

for his portledge Monye 

for 3 shares this yeare 



$ Contra Creditor for his i share of) « 1 

ye first fishinge ' 

for his portledge Monie 310 

for his i share this yeare 423} 

8 10 6j 



$ Contra Creditor for his portledge J J2 

Monye ' 

for 2 Months service since his tyme I 

was expired ' 

for his share of mrchantable fish att 32 I IO 1 1 

Rl-p'pd * 

for his share of pollocks att 24 Rl. p' . 12 

for his share of pease at Realls p' ) a 

hodgt is ' 

for his share of Mackerell 63 

for his share of trayne 1 

for his share by yc thirdesin the Barke 1 2 1 6J 

Richmond > 



27 6 i 



K339-] 



ACCOUNTS OF JOHN WINTER. 



189 



William Hearle Debitor for) 

Commodities ' 

foraquauitai 

for tobacco 

for wine 

for Mony Rec lt by him of Mr. Trelaw- 1 

nie wth y c aduenture is . . . . ' 

for sider & oyle 

Peter Hill Debitor fori 

Commodities ' 

for wine 

for Mony pd his wife by Mr. Trelawny . 

more pd him here 

more charged one yo w-T acc° p' exce ) 
for ballance f 

Richard ffeild Debitor for j 

Commodities J 

for wine 

for so much pd him by M r Trelawny I 

w'h the aduenture is > 

for aquauita; 

for oyle 

More $£ 15s iodj dewe to ballance ) 

charged p' exce I 



Presilla Bickford Debitor for l 
Commodities in the house . . . . ' 
for so much pd her Mother by Trelawny 



William Lucas Debitor for) 

Commodities J 

for wine 

for aquauitae 

for tobacco 

forMonie pd him by Mr Trelawnie wth 1 
aduenture i 

for sider & oyle 

for aquauite at his first Cominge . . . 
more pd him in full to ballance this | 
acc° J 

Jonas Belee Debitor for Com- 1 

modities J 

for wine 

for aquauite 

for Monie pd him by M r Trelawnyc 1 

wth ye aduenture is t 

for sider 

more %£ 14s 4 d dewe to ballance I 
charged p' exnc J 





7 


5 




7 


10J 




10 




1 


10 


8 


9 


s 


6 




2 


3 


12 


6 


81 




9 


43 




2 


8 


2 






1 


M 


r 3 


6 


12 


7 


10 


18 


9l 




3 


6 




5 


8 


6 


10 






5 


7} 

5 


5 


15 


■°1 


■3 


1 


} 


1 

1 


10 


7 




12 


8 


1 


2 






5 


6 




10 




7 


3 






4 
1 


1 
6 


1 


'7 


3} 


11 


,1, 
1 


5 
4 


1 


2 
t 


3 
5 
3 


3 


M 


4 


5 







33 Contra Creditor for his share of I 

y e first fishinge » 

for his portledge Monie 

for his share this yeare 



1 16 5 

» 4 7} 
11 ib £ 



¥* Contra Creditor for his share of ( . 

fish sold in the bay I 7 3 

for his share of Mackrle 7 

for his portledge Monie 1 

for his share this yeare 847} 

10 18 gi 



$ Contra Creditor for his share of J 

ye first fishinge I 

for his portledge Monie 

for his share this yeare 



16 5 



8 4 73 



* Contra Creditor for her yeares wages 



Contra Creditor for his share of ye ( 

first fishinge I 

for his portledge Monie 115 

for his share this yeare s 4 7J 

ii 16 I 



$ Contra Creditor for his yeares wages 



190 



THE TRELAWNY PAfERS. 



[1639. 



W ra ffarethye Debitor for ) 

Commodities ' 

for Necessaries Last yeare 

for so much pd him by Mr Trelawny 1 

wth the aduenture J 

for aquauitaj 

for wine 

for tobacco 1 

for oyle 



Beniamin Stephens Debitor 

for Commodities 

for tobacco 

for wine 

for aquauite 

for Commodities ye first yeare .... 
for so much pd him by M' Trelawnie ) 
wth the aduenture is » 



I 


'4 


2 2 


4 


11 


72 


2 


13 


3 




5 


3 


I 
I 


1 


4 
3 
10 


11 


6 


9 


>T 


18 


6 




[2 


6 



Jn° Libby Debitor 

for aquauite 

for wine 

for Monie disburst by Mr. Trelawny to I 

Mr Jno Sparke for him ' 

pd him iu beaue r att 8s p' for ye bal- J 
lance ' 



Nic° Edgcombe Debitor 

for Commodities in 1638 

for Commodities this yeare 

for aquauite 

for tobaccko 

for wine 

more pd to ballance this acco .... 



W m Allen Debitor for Commod- J 

etyes ' 

for so much pd by Mr Trelawney wth j 

aduenture ' 

And is Runne awaye 



Markes Gaude Debitor for ) 

Wyne * 

for so much pd by m' Trelawney wth 1 
aduenture Runne awaye J 

Henry Edmonds Debitor \ 
for so much pd p' Mr. Trelawney wth J 

the aduenture is ' 

for Wyne 

Runne awaye 



Edward Best Debitor for 
so much pd him p' M" - Trelawney wth 

aduenteure is 

And Runne awaye . .... 



3 » 52 
3 6 3 



17 


2 


2 IO 


5 


16 


'2 


2 


6 


■ 17 


S 


4 16 


■ J 



4 17 6 

3 4 

5 10 6 



$ Contra Creditor for his two yeares I 
wages J 



$ Contra Creditor for his 2 yeares ) 
service J 



' Contra Creditor for his yeares service 



$ Cont' Creditor for so much to j 
ballance his acc° for his first yeare > 

seruice ) 

for his Wadges this yeare .... 



$ Cont' Creditor for share of fysh'inge 
for his portledge mony 10 weekes . . 



$ Contra Creditor for his share of fish 
for his porledge Money 2 Moneths & £ . 



$1 Cont Creditor for his share of fish . 
for his portledge Monie 2 Moneths & £. 



¥* Cont' Creditor for } share of fish' 
for his portledge Monie 2 moneth & \ 



£ s 
3 



1 16 
4 



18 2] 
14 7 



1 639-1 



ACCOUNTS OF JOHN WINTER. 



191 



Account for JohnWinter for 3 yeares servize 
& his servants. 

Creditor 

Imprmis for Andrew Alger when he 1 
was heare w'h Narias Haukin in the > g 1 7 

yeare 1635 for his share. . . . ) 
for his portage money for that year. . 3 
for his share of fish sold in the bay. . 1 12 8 
for myne owne share of fish sold in \ 
the bay before we did Joine w*h the [ 1 7 1 1- 

other Company ) 

for my portage money from the 24th \ 

of May 1636 to the 24th of May 1639 > 120 

at 40,6 p' anno is ' 

for my share from the last of June ) n 

1636 to the last of June 1637 ... J 
for my man Andrew Algers share j 

from the last of June 1636 to the last S S 5 3 

of June 1637 ) 

for Andrew Algers portage money for I 

this yeare 1637 ' 

for my servant John Lopes for the 
tyme he served heare, you Cannot 

giue him les then 

for my share from the last of June 1 1 

1637 to the last of June 1638. . . J 

for my share from the last of June I 5 ■ , 

163s to the last of June 1639 is . . > 

178 7 9-f 

Account of goods sold, after the last account 
taken out of the booke, the 15 th of July, 
163S, to this 5 th of June, 1639, of the goods 
that Came in the Fortune & goods at the 
plantation before the p'ticulars follow : 

£ s d 
Imprmis for 15 lampes at is 6d p* lamp is 126 

for 2 lb of weeke yarne 28 

for 1 sute of fryze & 1 pair of house \ 

that Came in the Fortune & in the > 1 11 

Herculus ) 

for shues that Came in the Fortune 1 

r 7 1 
34 pair > 

for 2t shurtes at sundry pryses . . . 

for 15 pair of stockins 

for 2 wastcotes 

for 361b 4 ounzes A of sope 

for i39' b of shote 

for 911b of pouder at 3s & 3^ 4^ p' lb. is 
for 15 yards of Camnas at is 6d p' ) 

yard is J 

for 3i'b of Candells at g d p' lb is . . 



Account of som of the goods sold that 
Came in the Herculus this yeare 1638, 
taken out of the booke this 5 th of June, 
1639. 



7 


9 


6 


I 


1 


4 


2 


12 


ii 


2 


4 


9 


M 


IS 


5 


I 


2 


6 


z 


3 


* 



£ s. d 

Imprmis for 2S pair of shues .... 5 11 6 

for 16 pair of stockins 14 

for 6 yards i of Cape Cloth .... 19 2 

for 3 barvells 9 

for 14 shurtes 4 5 

for 1 m 4 C A. sparrow bills .... 2 -j\ 

for 1 m \ C bradds 3 1 \ 

for leather 36 

for thongs 14 

for 4 sutes of Cersy 6 8 

for 1 sute of Camnas 9 

for the hodghed of boyled syder. . . 2 19 7 

22 15 9* 

Account of the aquavite sold from the 20 th 
of June, 163s, to the last of February, 163S. 

Imprmis for 50 gallons sold at 6s p' J 

gallon is ) 

for 31 gallons 1 qt 1 p sold at 6s Sd 1 , . 

p' gallon is i 

more deliuered amonge the company 
10 gallons, wth is for the account of the 
plantation, wch is all the aquavit heare 
at the plantation before the Herculus 
Came, w^h the former accounts sent 
you. 

25 6 S 
for the 2 hodgheds aquavite thatj 
Came now last in the Herculus, this \ 235 

yeare 163S J 

more remeaninge heare vnsold in the j 
last hodghed, about 5 or 6 gallons, J 
wch I am to account for .... ) 
more deliuered to Mr william Hings-^ 
ton the master of the Herculus, 3 I 
gallons wch he takes for the ships ac- [ 
count & is to account w*h you for ytj 

Account of 1 1 butts of wine in butts, barrclls 
& hodgheds, of the wine brought in the 
Samuell from Avero, the yeare 163s, the 
p'ticulars follow : 

Imprmis 1 butt of wine in fillinge of the 
10 hodgheds of wine loden abord the 
Richmon per secod voyage in the bay 
about 6 gallons left, 
for 1 hodghed 7 barrells sold at 9? p' ) ~J ^ d " 

hodghed is J 

for 2 hodgheds sold to William Gib- J 
bens at ?£ p' hodghed . . . . 1 
for 250 gallons wine sold at 5 5 4 d p' t 66 

gallons is I 

for 89 gallons 1 qt 1 p. sold at 6 s p' ) , , 

gallons is J 

for 40 gallons in filling 6 of the bar- ) 

rells sold 1 

for 1 hodghed wholly spent in fillinge 1 
3 hodgheds & a barrell I 



192 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



t'639- 



for 4 g. 3 q. 1 p- filled in a Case of 
bottels by Mr Trelawnyes order & 
tleliuered to Mr Richard Gibsou our 

mynister 

for 5 g. 2 q. gaue amonge the Com- \ 
pany when the landed the wine & I 
when they did hale out the timber r 
out of the woods for the new ship . J 



Account of the sale & disposinge of 46 Jarres 
of oyle, heare at the plantation at Rich- 
mon Island, of the oyle that Came in the 
Samuell from Avero this yeare, 163S. 

Imprmis for 35 Jarres of oyle sold by I 2 g r g 
the Jarr at sundry pryses . . . . > 
for 3 Jarres sold by the quarte for • • 266 
for 1 Jarr spent in the Richmon at I 

sea in stead of vittualls ' 

for 1 Jarr deliuered mr Richard Gib- 
son as a gyft from M' Robert Tre- 

lawny 

for 2 Jarres that weare landed for 
oyle when they wear opened found 

them to be salt water 

for 4 Jarres heare to be accountable I 



for. 



32 4 6 



Account of the earthen ware sold w c h was 
brought in the Samuell from Avero, the 
yeare 1638, & landed at the plantation at 
Richmon Island. 



2 14 



Imp'mis for earthen ware sold in the 1 
bay wch loden abord the Richmon. > 

for earthen ware sold at the plantation 4 '7 

7 11 

Account of the sale of Indian Come, of the 
Come Narias Haukin brought home in 
Richmon, the yeare 163S. 

Imp' mis for iS hodgheds sold to the ) IQ 
Plymoth men at z£ 5 s P hodghed is I 

for 5 hodgheds sold at z£ 15 s p' I T , ]( . 

hodghed is ' 



Account of fish & traine sold at the planta- 
tion this yeare 1638 & 1639. 

ImpTnis for 31 gallons 1 q. 1 p of traine j 320 

at 2* p gallon is ' 

for S C £ of fish sold at t£- ios p' C- is 12 7 6 



14 S 



3 8 9 



7 i3 S 



5 5 



Account of the fish & traine sold in the bay 
by Narias Haukin & others for the vse of 
the owners & Company of the plantation 
at Richmon Island, the yeare 1639. 

£. s. d. 
Imp r misfor % of &£ 03s 3d for fish sold j 

in the bay by Narias Haukin & John j 37 S 10 

Holland ) 

for \ of ij£ 125 d for fish sold in the 1 

bay by Narias haukins . .... J 

for jj of i\£ 13s osd for 6 C of fish 1 

sent to Virginia, returned g3 Ib of to* 

bacco sold at 2s 6<i p' llj - wherof 15 s > 

deducted out for charge vppon yt in 

the bay is J 

for 4 shares out of Narias Haukinsx 

Companyes, 13 shares of their p'ts of \ 

fish sold in the bay at i£ 07s iid p* j 

share is . . J 

for 5 shares out of 14 shares of the\ 

Company that Came in the Agnes of | 

Antony for fish sold in the bay at 13 s 

ood p* share is 

for 11 shares 4 of 28 shares of fish 1 

sold in the bay at 13s 4d £ p' share is S 

for 3 hodgheds of traine sold to Wil- > 

liam Quicke at $£ p' hodghed is . ) 

for 1 hodghed of traine sold in the ) 

bay by Narias Haukin at ...» 

93 10 2i 
Account what Cloths & provisions hath bin 
deliuered to Mr. Robert Trelawnyes ser- 
vants since 24 th of May, 1636, to the 5 th of 
June, 1639, & deliuered by the hands of 
John Winter, from the plantation at Rich- 
mon Island. 

To John Vivion 
Imp r mis In leather & thongs, sparrow j 
bills & bradds, as the rates goe heare j 142 

in the Country > 

for 1 sute of Camnas slyders 
for 3 Cersy suites & 4 Fryze suites w.h 
linen drawers to each sute, 
for 41b 10 ounzes of sope 
for 5 wastcootes 7 shurtes & 10 pair 
stockins 

for S pair of shues 2 pair bootes 2 bar- 
veils 

for 1 pair Camnas boote breches 1 pair 
of Cloth boote breches 
for 6 pair halinge & 1 yard 5 Cap Cloth 
to line them & to make myttinges or 
gloues 

for 2 knyfes 3 munmoth Capps 3 li "■ 
nelds. 1 
for 2 pair Jarning 2 gloues 



for butter sold w^h was made at the 1 
plantation ' 



1 Nelds, needles. 

2 Gloves of yarn. 



Vide Bailey in loco. 



1639.] 



ACCOUNTS OF JOHN WINTER. 



193 



Provisions deliuered to Peter Cobb. 

Imp r mis for 4 fryze sutes, 2 Cersy sutes 
wtli linnen drawers fur each of them ; 
for 1 pair of breches w-h lie bought X: I , 

I paid for them since I came hither ; > 
for ti pair stockins, 5 wastcotes, 8 
shurtes ; 

for leather & thonges ; sparrow bills ) , 

& bradds, at the rate yt is sold heare ; ) 
for 15 ounzes threed at sundry tymes ; 
for r short Cape made new, Conlai' 3 
yards Cloth & 1 yard Cape Cloth to 
line haling handes & gloues ; 
for 2 mini moth Capps, 1 knyfe, 1 pair 
yarning gloues; 

for 6 pair shues, 1 pair bootes, 1 pair 
batts ; 

for 4 lb J of sope, 2 barvells, 3 neck 
Clothe?. 

Provisions deliuered to Antony Chappie. 

Imp'mis for 3 suites of fryze & 2 sutes 
of Cersy, wUi linen drawers to each 
suite ; 

fur 4 wastcootes, 6 pair stockins, 7 pair 
sluies ; 

for 4 shurtes ; 2 Capps, 1 knyfe, \ yard 
Cape Cloth to make him a pair gloues; 
for n ounzes \ threed, i't» \ of sope ; 
for leather thongs, sparrow bills & \ 
bradds, at the rati; & prize they go J 5 10 

heare in the Country .... ; 

Provisions deliuered to Phillip Hingston. 

ImpTnis for leather thongs, sparrow \ 
bills & bradds, at the rates yt is sold j 122 

heare ) 

for 31b J of sope, 2 knyfes, 4 pair haling 
hands ; 

for 2 barvells, 2 pairbootes, 3 wastcotes ; 
for 8 pair stockins, 1 yard Cape Cloth 
to line haling hands & makinge gloues ; 
for 5 pair of shues, 3 sutes of fryze, 2 
sutes of Cersy, 5 shurtes, 2 munmoth 
Capps, 10 ounzes threed ; 
for 1 sute of Cainnas drawers. 

Provisions deliuered to Thomas Hammecke. 

Imprmis for leather & thongs ; sparrow \ 
bills & bradds, at the rate the ar sold } 104 

in the Contry ) 

for 3 yards Camnas to make him a pair 
boote breches, 3 knyfes, 2 sutesof Cam- 
nas drawers, 3 pair yarning gloues, 2 
Capps, 1 pair of sleues paid for them 2* ; 
for 9 pair stockins, 1 pair bootes, 1 bar- 
veil ; for 7 pair shues, 3 wastcootes, 5 
shurtes; for 12 ounzes of threed, ad in 
□elds. 



fnr 2 yards Cape Cloth to make a pair 
bootes breches & A yard for a pair 
gloues & to line haling hands ; 
for 3 necke Cloths. 

Provisions deliuered to William Mellin. 

I mp r mis for leather & thongs ; sparrow j 
bnls & bradds, at the rates the ar sold I 1 1 1 

heare in the Country J 

fir 14 ounzes of threed, 3<b 4 ounzes of 

sope ; 

for 3 sutes of fryze, 2 suites of Cersy ; 

for 8 pair stockins, 3 wastcootes; 

for 5 shurtes, 3 necke Cloths, 1 pair of 

bootes ; 

for 5 pair of shues, 1 pair of batts ; 

for 3 pair yarning gloues, 2 Camnas 

suites of slyders, 1 Capp; 

for 2 yards Cape Cloth to make him a 

pair boote breches, \ Cape Cloth for a 

pair gloues ; 

for a shorte Cape of Mr Richmans 

goods, prise 4s. 

Provisions deliuered to John Garland. 

Imprmis for 2 pair shues & 1 pair shues 
Charged to Narias Haukins account, 
in all, 3 pair & 1 pair of pompes ; 
1 ban-ell, 1 pair haling hands & list to 
line them ; 

1 Capp, 2 pair stockins, 1 sute of Cersy ; 
1 shurte, 1 wastcoote, 3 neck Cloths. 

Account of disbursments for the vse of the 
plantation at Richmon Island beginninge 
the 15''' of July, 1638, & endinge the i5 ,n of 
July, 1639, for the worshipfull Robert Tre- 
lawney of Plymoth & his p'tners, debytors, 
p' me, John Winter. 

Imprmis for a fatt hogg from Andrew ) 
AlgerConta'i54'n ne atat6dp']b.isi 3 ' 7 

for a fatt hogg from Henry Watts' 1 
Conta' 1561b neat at 6d p' lb. is . . > 3 ' 
for a pece of hauser to Mf George j 
Luckson to make bootes moarings . J 
for 3 hodgheds of bread to Mr George j 

Luckson ( '^ 

for 7 fishinge leads to John Whytefeld 2 4 

for 2 axes to Mr Luckson .... 4 

for 2 bushells of oatemeall to Mr J 

Luckson 1 * 4 

for ioo£ starlinge sent you home for j 
England by Mr Georg Luckson ofj 1 

Barnestable is ) 

for iS6'b of bever skins at 8s p \b\ 

loden abord in The Peter of Barne- 

stable, George Luckson, master & r no 13 7! 

4S'b 6 ounzes of Cote bever at 15s 

p' lb is , J 



T94 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



[1639. 



for 50 lb of porke bought of Mr Rob- 1 
ert Sankey at 6'J p' lL> is . . . . ) 
for 11OH' of porke bought of John I 
Cossens of Casko at 6<3 p* lb is . . » 
fur sGi'b £ of porke bought of Rich- 
ard Martyn of Blacke Pointe at 6d 

p' lb is 

for 9 Virginnia lines at 2s 6<J p' line"\ 
& 6 leads at 6d p' lead & 1 dozen of ! 
hookes strapt at 21I, vnto Mr Georg [ 

Luckson is 1 

for 2yg'b of porke bought of Henry ( 
Watts of Blacke Pointe at 6<J p' lb. is ) 
for duckes & geese bought of sundry^ 
persons at 4^ p' duck & i* p' gose as I 
by the account of the pticular will I 

appear is J 

for a barrell of beafe bought of Mr 
Phillip Gibbs of Barnestable & de- 
liuered to Mr William Hingston for { 
the vittellinge of the Herculus is . J 
for a hodghed of peas bought of Mr 1 

Phillip Gibbs is } 

for 52 fishinge leads Conta' 1 C 1 qr, 
at i£ 8s p' C, bought of Mr Gibbs of 

Barnestable is 

for 1 m nailes at 1.6 & 2 m nails at 
ijG bought in the Bay for me by Mr 

Abraham Shurte is 

for \ bushell measure sealed, bought 
in the Bay for me by Mr. Abraham 

Shurte is 

for mending of our steell myll ■ . ■ 
for 2561k of porke vnto Mr John \ 

Heckford at 6'1 p' lb is J 

for a bull to Mr Richard Vynes . . . 
for 4 boote sailes to Mr John Dennes | 
of Barnestable at i£ 10s p* saile is * 
paid John Treworihy for the fraight 
of 2 hodgheds Conta' a saine & lines 
that Came in Mr Shapleys ship of 

Darthmoth 

for mending lockes for peces & mak- 
ing a brech for a pece 

for 6 gimbletts, 2 files, r spuke 
gimeblett 



9 6 



4 8 



6 8 
iS 
6 



310 16 ii 



Disbnrsments to be added to the side for 
the plantations vse. 



for \ dozen spones bought in the Bay 
paid John Winter for a share for the I 
yeare he served at the plantation . ) 
paid M r Georg Richman for ballance 
of his account for goods bought of 
heare, as by the accont sent you will 

appeare 

for a hodghed aquavite bought of Mr 

Gibbs of Barnestable 

for a feather beed & boulster taken 
vp in debts 



for 102'b of feathers taken vp in debts I 



at ii« p 



lbi 



full of his"\ 
iccount will ■ 



paid Andrew Heffers in full of his ^ 
wages as by the former account \ 
appeare in the p'ticulars 
paid Rennold Giukin in full of his^ 
wages for his 3 yeares servize, as by [ 
the p'uculars in the former account I 

will appeare ) 

paid Richard Martin in full of his"\ 
wages for 2 yeares servize, as by the ! 
p'ticulars in ye former acco will ap- f 

appeare ) 

paid Mr Richard Gibson, our myn- 
isler, for his 2 last yeares servize at 

the plantation heare 

more paid Mr Richard Gibson i£\ 
ii* iA accordinge to your order, for I 
the money you receaued from Mr f 
Chappies Company for him . . . J 
paid the Company as by the p'ticulers 
in the former account will appeare p' 

me John Wynter 

Imprmis more pd to Richard Martyn 
more pd to Nycholas Mathew 
more pd to Steven Lapthorne 
more pd to Trustrum Algerr . 
more pd to Richard Nyle . . 
more pd to John Imson . . 
more pd to Edward Treby . 
more pd to Nycholas Whyte. 
more pd to Phillip Hatch . . 
more pd to John Amry. . . 
more pd to Thomas Shepherd 
more pd to Edward Mylls. . 
more pd to Charrells Hatch . 
more pd to Thomas Bone. . 
more pd to John Hole . . . 
more pd to Paull Mychell. . 
more pd to Georg Roggers . 
more pd to Arthur Gyll - . 
more pd to Rogger Satterlay. 
more pd to Richard Comniin 
more pd to Georg Bunte . . 
more pd to Antony Clarke . 
more pd to Rogger Willing . 
more pd to Rogger Bucknall 
more pd to Henry Hancocke- 
more pd to Steven Sargent . 
more pd to Penticost Heyinan 
more pd to Narias Haukins . 
more pd to William Harell . 
more pd to Peter Hill . . . 
more pd to Richard Fild . . 
more pd to William Lukes . 
more pd to Jonas Beell . . 
more pd to William Freythy . 
more pd to Benjamin Stevens 
more pd to John Lebby . . 
more pd to Nycholas Edgcomb 
more pd to William Allen . . 
more pd to Markes Gaude. . 
more pd to Henry Edmonds . 



4 13 6 



6 17 s 



7 S ij 



7 


15 


■J 


11 


IS 


2\ 


3 


lb 


II 


3 




Si 


12 


I 


5* 


7 


10 


10I 


6 


7 


3l 


4 


6 


(•i 


6 


10 


81 


7 


5 


61 


9 


3 


5* 


8 


5 




«3 


3 


5i 


5 


8 


3 


5 






2 


7 


7 


"5 


1 


9 


5 


19 


4 


8 


5 


8 


7 


19 


9i 


1 


4 


4i 


4 


12 


1* 


9 


7 


84 


j 


'7 


5 


2 


12 


5 


2 
1 


2 


4i 


27 


6 


i 


2 


18 


2 i 


2 


6 


2* 




IS 


24 


4 


13 


t 




4 


3 


8 


'3 


6 



5 'S "i 



345 '5 2 1 



1639] 



ACCOUNTS OF JOHN WINTER. 



195 



Account Currant of the worshipful] Rob- 
ert Trelawney of Plymoth m r chant & his 
p'tners, in the plantation at Richmon 
Hand, from the 24 lil of May, 1636, to the 
15 of July, 1639. 

Debitor 

Imprmis from the 24th of May 1636 to j 
the St'i of July 1637 as by tne acco: [ 3^9 16 g 
p'ticulars sent you may appeare , ) 
from the 8th of July 1637, to the 15^ 
of July 163S, as by the accb: of the 
p'ticulers sent you byClemett Grene- | 
way master of the new ship of Barne- r 184 19 II I 
stable built in new England, wch 1 
heare lost, but now sent the account | 

againe wtfi this acco J 

for money disbursed by Narias Hau- \ 

kins in the yeare 1635, as by his acco [ 76 17 4 

sent you will appeare ) 

for money disbursed by Narias Hau-^ 
kins in his two voyages in the Rich- 1 
mon, as by his acco wUi this sent you [ 

will appeare ) 

for money paid in 14 goates at \£ p 1 
goate. in p'te payment of the fish sold 
in the Bay. the goates remeaninge 
to the plantation for the vse therof ; 
for 20 bushells of meall at 5s p' bush-\ 
ell, brought out of the Bay by Narias 
Haukins, not Charged to any former i 
acco & is p'te payment of the fish 1 
sold in the Bay by Narias Haukin is 1 
for money paid at sundry tymes as, 
by a former acco in this booke of the (. 

p'ticulars will appeare J 

for six thousand pipe staues bought\ 
of Mr Richard Vines at $£ 8s p» 
thousand & loden abord the Rich- | 
mon bound for Plymoth . . . . s 
for money paid to Andrew Alger & 
his p'tners for 77 Cintalls of nifchant- 
able Cod fish at 32 Rialls p' Cintall, 
& loden abord the Herculus, as by 
the bill of ladinge will appeare . . J 
for debts owing from sundry p'sons 
w'h I hope I shall Recover this 

vest tyme 

Remeaninge at the plantation at 

Richmon Island in money & bever [ 205 4 10} 

to ballance the acco: 



6 S 6 m 4 1 



50 S 



'sons^ 
> liar- > 



1S15 9 2 



Errors excepte p' me, 
John Wynter. 



Account Currant of the worshipfull Robert 
Trelawney of Plymoth m r chant & his p't- 
ners in the plantation at Richmon Hand, 
from the 24 111 of May, 1636, to the of July, 
1639. 

Creditor 

Imprmis from the 24th of May 1636 to^ 

the last of June 1637, as by the acco [ 

sent you that yeare w'h the p'ticulars j *94- 3 4 

may appeare ) 

from the last of June 1637 to the] 

15th of July 1638, as by that acco of j 

the p'ticulars sent you by Clemet | 

Greneway, master of the new ship of J" 180 9 7 \ 

Barnestable built in new England 

w-h I heare lost, but n»w sent the I 

acco againe w'h this acco . . . . / 

for goods sold that Came in the For-^j 

tune of Lon. & goods that was in the | 

house before, as by the p'ticulars of V 41 

a former acco. in this booke will | 

appeare J 

for aquavite sold at the plantation, j 

as by a former acco in this booke 5 25 6 S 

will appeare ) 

for wine sold that Came in the Sam-\ 

uell heare at the plantation, as by the I 

p'ticulars in a former acco in this f I47 I<3 7 

booke will appear J 

for oyle sold that Came in the Sam-"^ 

uell heare at the plantation, as by the '. 

p'ticulars in a former acco in this [ 3' 4 6 

booke will appeare ) 

for earthen ware sold that Came \x\\ 

the Samuell heare at the plantation & | 

in the Bay as by the p'ticulars in a for- j 7 " 

mer acco in this booke will appeare, J 

for hodgheds aquavite sold thats 

Came in the Herculus this yeare ' 

1638, as by a former acco in this booke ( 23 5 

will appeare J 

for Indian Corne sold, as by a former | 

acco in this booke will appeare • . } 54 10 3 

fur fish & traine sold at the plantation \ 

this yeare 1638, as by a former acco J- 15 10 

in this book will appeare . . . ) 

for butter sold wch was made at the > 

plantation to this present .... J ° 5 

for goods sold that Came in the Her-^l 

cuius this yeare 163s, as by thep'tic- I 

ulars in a former acco in this booke j 2 ^ r 5 9 

will appeare j 

for fish & traine sold in the Bay by\ 

Narias Haukin & others in the yeare j 

1636 & som sold heare at the plan- >■ 93 10 24 

tation, as by the p'ticulars in a former 1 

acco in this booke will appeare . . J 

for wine & oyle sold by Narias^ 

Haukin in the Bay yt Came in the 1 

Samuell as by the p'ticulars in acco 1 549 6 !I 

now sent you will appeare- . - . j 



196 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1639. 



for money to be allowed for NariasN 
Haukins acco for the yeare 1635, as I 
by his acco of the p'ticularssent you ( 

will appeare 

for goods sold that was bought of"\ 

Mr Georg Richman, as by the p'tic- ( » 

ulars in a former acco sent you w'h I 

this acco will appeare J 

for 2 Cowes & 2 Calues sold to Mr 1 

Richard Gybson * 

for 28 yards tradinge Cloath sold to I Io 

Thomas Willett of new Plynioth . » 

1S15 9 
Errors excepted p' me, John Wynter. 



Account what provisions is put abord the Richmon, from the plan- 
tation, by John Winter, for the vittellinge, besides for sailes, Rig- 
ginge, & 3 Cables & ankers, beinge bound for England this i8 Ul 
of July, 1639, Steven Nycholes, master, for this voyage. The 
particulars follow. 

Imp'mis 3 hodglied of bread, 
35 hodgheds of beare, 

4 hodgheds of water, 

5 C of haddocke, 

1 gallon of veniger, 

1 quarte of mustard seed, 
50 peces of beafe, 

2 murderers & 4 Chambers, 1 Carrier, 1 

2 musketts, 2 bandeleres, 6 lb of muskett shote, 2tV lb of match, 

6 lb of pouder, 

1 lanteme, 2 Compases, 2 Running glasses, 2 

1 Iron pott to dres their meat in, a pair pott Crokes, 

2 platters 2 musterd dishes, 

1 C tV 2> nailes, h C bord nailes, 6 lb of spukes, 

2o ,b of Candells, 

l ,b of twine, 

1 soundinge lead, 3 Virginia lines for a soundinge line, 

1 ades, 1 saw, 1 Calking Iron. 1 hammer, 1 spuke gimelett, 

1 hatchett or ax, 1 Malliot, 3 1 hand saw, 

1 quarter Cann. I small Cann, 

1 gallon oatmell. 

Stephen Nichoi.ls. 

1 Gun-carriage 2 Hour-glasses. 3 A maul, or beetle. 



i639-] 



ACCOUNTS OF JOHN WINTER. 



'97 



An Invoyze of provisions for a supply of the Plantation at Richmon 
Hand for the next yeare, which will be the yeare 1640. 

Imprimis 4 hodghed of ineall. 
8 liodgheds of peas. 
16 hodghed of malt. 

Hooke and lines & leads for a fishinge season. 
8 good axes, 4 hatchetts, 6 Reepe hooks for Corne, 2 furs hookes.' 
6 good mourings for bootes, every bootes mouring Conta. 23 

fathem ; aquaileof Rope for bootes halliers & sheats, 2 a quaile 

of Rope for bootes boulings ' & fore halliers & fore sheats. 
10 dozen of shues, such as Came last, & 10 dozen of good 

stockins ; the stockins you sent last yeare wear all moth eaten 

before the Came out of the Caske. 
5 dozen of shurtes, 10 lb. of threed, of such threed as you sent 

the last yeare in small skenes, 100 thongs, 3 foote of leather, 

100 sowinge nelds,-* 1 dozen saile nelds. 
4 liodgheds French aquavite.s 
4 m. 2d nailes, 6 m. bord nailes, 2 m. hatch nailes, 1 m. 4d 

nailes, besides the store for the ship. 
20 lb. twine for ganginge 6 of hookes & mending sailes, 6 lb. of 

beting twine. 
1 barrell of good pouder, 2 C of ducke shote, 1 C. of geese shote. 

1 dozen of good wodden platters ; we ar faine to vse som of our 
earthen ware for platters, but they ar sone broken amonge our 
men. 

2 dozen pues, 2 dozen gaffes ; we had but 7 pues & gaffes 7 out of 
the Herculus this yeare. 



■ Furze-hooks. 

2 A coil of rope for boats' halliards 
and sheets. 

3 Bowlines. 

4 Sewing needles. 

s English aquavits was made of beer 
strongly hopped and well fermented ; 
but French aquavitae was what is now 
known as brandy, which is produced 
by distillation from wines. The term 
brandy, however, was not used for more 
than a century after this time. 

6 Strangely enough, this word does 
not appear in any of the dictionaries. 



To gange a hook, however, is to pass 
several slip-knots over the shank, one 
above the other ; or to bind it to the line 
by winding fine twine about it and the 
line to which it is to be attached. 

' Pues were pointed poles to which 
the gaffs were affixed. They were used 
for drawing the large fish into the boats, 
and, when landing, to ward off and pre- 
vent violent collision, or to direct the 
boat to its proper place. The word is 
not to be found ill the dictionaries in 
this form, which appears to be a correct 
one, not only because it always appears 



198 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1639 

6 spilting knyfes, 6 gutting knyfes. 

Camnas for bote sailes ; our sailes ar all old. 

8 new netts, 6 lb. of Candells, 3 lanternes. 

10 sutes of such sutes of Cloth as you sent the last yeare, 2 wast- 
cotes, 6 sutes of Camnas. 

6 pair bootes, 1 dozen good Calue skins for barvells. 

brases of -Iron for the whippers ' of a harrow, the last yeare none 
brought, 6 gimletts, 4 good stock locks. 

Provision of boults, spukes, nailes, pitch, tar, white ocombe & 
black ocombe, & all other provisions for the new ship. Ther 
is no trustinge for any heare. The smyths will make no Iron 
worke heare vnder Sd. p' lb. You may Inquire of workmen 
what will serue for a ship of this burden, which I haue in my 
letters specified. 

2 or 3 dozen of good strong knyfes, good store of haling & yarn- 
ing gloues, yf you Can get them ; none to be gotten heare. 

100 or 2 of yards of Cape Cloth that is good ; yt is the best 
Cloth we Can haue for the plantation or to sell. 

I grindinge stone. 

1 dozen of gud strong mylke pannes, for those that Came from 
Portingall 2 the last yeare will not endure the fire. 

[Indorsed on back in handwriting of Winter :] 
An Invoyce for a supply of the Plantation, 
& account what is deliuered abord the Richmon. 



WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 

Richmon Iland, the 17 11 ' of September, 1639. 
Worshipfull Syr : — 

Your by Mr. Severne & of the 17th of May, & your last re- 
ceaved was of the 12th of March & the 25th of April], by Mr. 
Georg Luxton of Barnestable, & by him receaved 8 dozen of 

thus in these papers, but because it so and with the same meaning in Halli- 

closely resembles its equivalent in old well, aspuoj/ andpoy. Cf. French appui, 

French pui and pieu, a staff, which we a staff. 

also find in dialectical English as puy ■ Whiffletree. 

[vide Grosse and Pegge's Glossary, in ' Portugal. This ware was of com- 

loco), a pole with which to propel a boat, mon clay, baked and glazed. 



1639] 



WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 



I99 



lynes, put abord her by Mr. Gilbert Paige by your order ; & for 
fraight I haue paid him 12s. according to Mr. Paiges order. 
The Hercuius departed hence the 17th of July with fish & 
traine for Bilbow. The particulers follow: 91 m. 6 C. 3 qr. 16 
fishes merchantable Cod, Conta. 1498 Cintalls ; of hake & pol- 
locke, 6 m. 5 C. 6 fishes, Conta. 135 Cintalls; of refuse, 4 m. 
4 C. 2 qr. 28 fishes, Conta. 6j Cintalls ; of haddocke, 9 C. 2 qr. 
14 fishes, Conta. 11 Cintalls; 19 hodgheds fish peas, 5 hodg- 
heds of traine. More I haue loden abord the Hercuius, 5 m. 
6 C. 1 qr. 24 fishes, Conta. 93 Cintalls, which I bought of them 
that fish at Strattons Hand,' at 32 Riles per Cintall, wherof 
Mr. Hingston hath paid for 16 Cintalls, & doth desire to haue 
yt for his owne account ; but yt lyes in your pleasure whether 
he shall haue yt or not. The Ricbmon departed hence the 20th 
of July for Plymoth, Steven Nycoles master, & abord of her I 
haue laden 6 m. pipe staues at £8 8s. per thousand. I hope 
before this tyme they ar safly arrived, & by the Richmon I 



' This island lies opposite Black 
Point, a little west of Richmond Island, 
and was named from John Stratton, 
who, some time before the grant to 
Cammock and Trelawny, lived there. 
In Cammock's patent of November I, 
1 63 1, it will be seen that it then bore 
his name. The history of the man is 

" hidden from all search 
Among the depths of time " 

That he came from Shotley, in the 
county of Suffolk, we know, and can 
perceive that he was a man of some 
importance in his brief day, since the 
Council for New England granted him, 
December I, 1631, "2000 acres upon 
the south side of the river or creek 
called Cape Porpus." If he lived upon 
his grant at all, it was not probably 
long, as he was living in Salem in 
1637. He probably left some debts 
behind, as, at the first Court held at 
Saco, March 25, 1636, his "Brass 



Kettell" was made "answerable to 
the suit of Mr. Godfrey," for a debt of 
some years' standing. The grant men- 
tioned above is doubtless the " Strat- 
ton's Plantation" referred to by Rev. 
Thomas Jenner in 1641, and not Black 
Point, as Southgate supposed. Uf 
this property he was subsequently dis- 
possessed by Gorges, but upon what 
just grounds does not appear. Thomas 
Gorges mentions his claim in a letter of 
September 27, 1641, yet subsequently 
granted to others the land comprised 
within his grant, for which he never 
obtained redress. These unsatisfac- 
tory glimpses are all we get of the 
man whose shadow Winter here in- 
vokes. Vide Maine Hist. Coll., Vol. 
III. p. 11. Memoir of Wheelwright, 
p. 44. Bourne's Wells and Kenne- 
bunk, pp. 9, 12. Felt's Annals, Vol. I. 
p 170. Sainsbury's Colonial Papers, 
Vol VI. p. 137. 



200 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1G39. 

haue written you at full of all particulars, with all accounts for 
the last 3 yeares, & an Inmeltory of all things remeaninge to 
the plantation, except the 3 asses, which was not specified in 
the Imeltory. 

Now to advize you of our procedings. Since their depart- 
ure all our bootes wear a moneth to Cape An, 1 to take mackrell 
for our winter baite ; & the brought home 15 hodgheds, which 
I hope will be baite Inough for the next season, expecttinge 
som pilchards from you for their latter baite. Very few mack- 
rell hear with vs all this yeare. Since our bootes Came home 
from Cetchinge ma[k]rrell they haue not taken aboue 2 m. 
5 C. of fish, & that is very small ; & now we haue not aboue 
40 fishes in a boote, which is poore fishinge. I pray God send 
yt better. We keep 6 bootes at sea, & shall keep 6 before the 
13th of February; then I thinke Richard Nyle & his bootes 
Company will go away. Our Cattell, goates, & swine ar in 
good likinge,° & we haue lost none since givinge the acco on 
the Imeltory ; yett the woules are very busy at the maine still. 
Our English graine all in 15 dayes since ; but I doubt yt 
will yeld but bad, — not aboue 6 for on. Our Indian Corne 
well sett with yeares 3 but very greene ; I much doubt yt will 
not be ripe this yeare. Most men say their English graine 
yelds bad this yeare ; the all say yt was because the sommer 
proved so dry at the first sowinge. I want on to mend our 
netts very much, and I lacke a good Cupper ; for to hire any 
man heare I shall not saue by him, they take such great wages. 
You write me the price of bever is fallen. I wish I had knowen 
yt rather 4 : yt passeth heare still at 8s. per lb., & heare in 
these parts is no money, but bever serues for their money. 
Mr. Samuell Mavericke hath not paid me your ^30 as yett, 

1 Cape Ann is the eastern extremity 3 Ears. 

of Essex County, Massachusetts, and 4 Earlier. Rather was frequently 

about thirty-one miles N. E. by E. from used in the sense here given. Thus, 

Boston. in the Vision of Piers Ploughman 

3 Appearance or condition. "Their (Wright's ed, 1S65, p. 155) : — 

young ones are in good liking." — Job " I haue sued thee this seven yeer, 

XXxix. 4. Seye tliow me no ratlur" 



K3j9] WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 201 

but I haue receavcd so much goods from him as Comes to 14 
or £15. When yt is sold I shall giue account of yt ; yt is 
liquor most of yt. I haue ordered him to pay the remeaner 
to Mr. Georg Luxton, to returne yt for England. 

I haue laden abord The Fellowship of Barnestable, Georg 
Luxton master, two hodgheds of bever. In on hodghed is 
185 lb. of bever skins at 8s. per lb.; in the other hodghed, 
138 lb. of bever skins at 8s. per lb., & 30 lb. of Coote bever 
at 15s. per lb., & 10 lb. } 2 of wombs & peces of Coote bever' 
at 12s. per lb. ; all doth amount vnto 158 lb. starlinge. More, 
I haue deliuered Mr. Georg Luxton sixty pound in English 
gold, as by the bill of lading will appeare, and is directed to 
Mr. Gilbert Paige of Barnestable, merchant, for your account, 
accordinge to your order. I advized in my last for 6 axes. 
You may please to forbeare sending them ; I haue bought 
som of Mr. Luxton. I pray send by our supply hookes & 
twists to hang a double doore for a barne. You wrote me 
that the waight of bever fell shorte last. I doubt our beame 
& waight is not good, yett I do receaue and pay by him ; but 
for the better security hereafter I haue bought Mr. Luxtons 
beame, with a \ & \ & 7 lb. & 4 lb. weights, by which I will 
proue our \ C. weight. Yt I shall desire you will send me 
a quarter of a hundred weight, to proue all the rest by yt. 
You need not to sent a grinding stone, for I bought on of 
Mr. Luxton. 

Syr, I Intreat you to deliuer to my daughter Mary fine 
pound, which is to buy som nessaries for her mother & her 
syster, & to Charge yt to my acco. So, not havinge els to 
advize you at present, but end and rest, 

Your to his power, 

JOHN WINTER. 

Mr. Steven Sargent desires to be remembered vnto you. 
The bill of lodinge is in Mr. Gilbert Paiges letter. ^218. 

■ I. e. of the tellies and pieces of coat beaver. 



202 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 

To the Worshipfull Robert 
Trelawny, merchant, this 
be dd. 

in 
Plymoth, 
per the Convoy of Mr. George 
Luxton, master of the Fellowship 
of Barnestable, whom God 
preserue in safty. 

[Indorsed by Robert Trelawny :] 
Richmonds Hand, 17th Sept., 1639. 
Jno. Winter. Rd. the 4th Dec. 



[1639- 




WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 

Richmon Iland, the 12th of December, 1639. 

Worshipfull Syr : — 

Your by the Samuell Receaved the 17th of November, which 
was the day of her arrivall heare at Richmon Iland, praised be 
God, in safty. And I haue Receaved such goods out of her as 
by an Invoyze Inclosed with this letter sent you by the Samuell 
will appeare. The wines which you haue sent heare is now 
Com to a bad markett heare in this Country, by reason theris 
great store of Cannary sacke & other sacke & French wines 
brought heare this yeare. I hope yt will Com to a better 
markett in Virginia. My last was by the Fellowship of Barne- 
stable, Georg Luxton master; & by him I haue sent 2 hodg- 
heds of bever & syxty pound in English money, and is 
directed to Mr. Gilbert Paige of Barnestable for your account, 
as by the bill of lodinge sent you will appeare. I hope yt is 
Com safe to your hand by this tyme. You write the prize of 
bever is but at 7s. per lb. I have as yett receaved none heare 
vnder 8s. per lb., which is the Common prize of bever heare 
in this Country. Heare about these parts is very litle money 



1 639-] WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 203 

sturringe, but what goods I sell I haue receaved beaver for yt : 
but heare after I will take no more bever at so high a prize, 
except you advize me yt will bear a better prize in England.' 
You write me the asses weare not sett downe in the Imeltory. 

1 might mys the putting of the[m] downe, but I haue them 
downe in the Coppy of the Imeltory, & I am Certaine I advized 
you of them in 2 sundry letters how many I had aliue, which 
ar 2 she asses & on he, as but a Colt of a year f old, but now 
aboue 2 yeares old. You write me that I haue sett downe in 
the Imeltory plow stuff for on plow. I take yt I sett downe 
all the plow stuff you sent according to Invoyze, which is for 

2 plowes ; but I sett downe but on plow, with the Cale,- the 
sole, & on harrow. I formerly advized you by Mr. Luxton of 
our Crop of Corne this last season ; our wheat not yt threshed, 
but our barley, peas, & oats is threshed, but litle Increase. For 

3 bushells of barley sowed I haue 3 hodgheds h ; for lh bushell 
of oats I haue 14 or 15 bushells. But our peas proues very 
yll with vs : I had for 7 bushells sowed but 10 bushells 
againe ; but I doubt our men did not order 3 them well, for 
other men that sow peas haue good Increase, 10 & 12 bushells 
for on. Our Indian Corne was not ripe this yeare. I thinke 
we had good [and] bad neare 20 hodgheds ; but litle of yt will 
serue for bread, but the worst will serue to feed our swine. 
I thinke I shall kill 4 or 5 & twenty fatt hodgs this season. I 
make account to send som porke into the Bay to sell, being 
I haue so much vittells Com in the Samuell. Our swine at 
first coming heare would feed them seines in the woods, & 
would waigh 200 weight. Now we are faine to feed most of 
them, & they do not weigh aboue 160 lb. the best, & som not 

1 Lowering the price of beaver, then at the first court under Gorges for the 

legal tender throughout the Province, offence. 

was a more serious matter than Winter 2 This is the coulter, or sharp end of 

supposed. Such action would be likely the plough, which cuts the sod ; the 

to cause a panic, to use a modern phrase, sole being the shoe, or bottom on which 

and bring clown the wrath of the settlers the plough rests, 

upon him. It will be seen that this re- 3 I.e. manage, 
suit followed, and that he was presented 



204 T1IE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1639. 

aboue 130 lb. Since I took an Invoyze of the goods, I haue 
sold 3 yearlings heffers ; on sold for 13 lb., the other two for 
20 lb., & a steare of the heffer age ; so I haue now 4 steares 
of a yeare f old, which I doubt wilbe to young to draw this 
spring. I haue a gale 1 which is a strong beast, but I lacke a 
fellow for him ; but yf our great bull had not taken that 
myschance to put out on of his pin bones, he would haue 
matched him very well. This bull went alwaies so lame That 
was no hope of any good of him for store nor draught, so I 
killed him, & is good meat ; he did waigh 700 weight. 

I thinke our fishermen & land men, when their tymes ar out, 
will go from vs. They will not agree with me at any terms 
vntill their tymes be out ; but I hoope we shall keep 5 bootes 
to sea when the rest ar gonn. Yf they go away, their tymes 
Comes out the 13th of February. Fishing hath proved very 
yll with vs this last season, & small. We haue now about 
13 fish, & now when our bootes go to sea the haue \ C. fish 
in a boote, & som a C. ; yt is scole fish, 2 but very small. We 
Could not go to sea not aboue 2 daies in a weeke this 6 weeks. 
Since the Invoyze taken of the goods of the plantation, I haue 
sold 6 ew goates ; 4 at 50s. per head, the other 2 for .£3 per 
head. I do purpose, yf any will buy, to sell more while the 
prize is vp. 3 

You write me I refused to giue Arthur Gill a mealls meat 
after his tyme was out. In that he writes you an vntruth. 
The refuseall of this mealls meat, as I Conceaue, was this. 
After I had Recconned with him, I desired him to giue me his 
answere, whether he did purpose to Com the next sommer 
to end the worke he had begann. His answere was, he was 
to build a boote at Strattons Hands, & then he would Con- 

1 A gale is a bullock castrated, not of cattle, but it was thought it would 
when a calf, but at a later period, and be by degrees, and not to be from ye 
so is intermediate between an ordinary highest pitch at once to ye lowest, as it 
ox and bull. did, which was greatly to ye damage of 

2 Scale fish. many and ye undoing of some." Vide 

3 Not long after, the price declined. Hist. Plym. Plant., p. 376. 
Bradford savs : " All men feared a fall 



i6jq.] WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 205 

sider of yt. Being lack' 5 or 6 daies, he writes his answere 
to Mr. Sargent to tell me his mind, &, as I Conceaue, did 
scorne to write vnto me. His answere I haue formerly ad- 
vyzed you. 7 or 8 daies after, he returnes to the Hand againe, 
and never Comes neare me. I seing him so sturdy,' I sent 
not for him ; & this is the mealls meat, as I Conceaue, I did 
refuse to giue him. His wyfe had for diett, 3 moneths after 
she Came heare, fared no wors then I did my selfe, & might 
haue had yt still yf she would Com for yt ; but the dyett I 
had should seme would not pleas her; hee did not vse to 
feed so Coursly. Yt semes a litle thing ffor Arthur Gill ; but 
yf his worke weare never so sparingly, or his Carriage never 
so yll, I must take no offence at yt. He Could speake fare 
to my face, but among the Company he Could Colloge 1 as well 
as another. Our house hath bin very quiett since he went 
from yt. And for answere for giving so many meals meat to 
them that did you no servize, yt is truth ther ar divers men 
that haue mealls meat heare that do you no servize, which 
Com to buy such things as is heare to sell, & I Cannot stand 
with them for a meals meat somtymes, being they Can gett 
none els on the Hand. Besides, our men haue entertainement 
at other mens houses somtymes, when they ar put from home 
with foull weather, & they do requite yt againe when the Com 
hither. Arthur Gill was never troubled to ly abroad ; I thinke 
he lay not out of his bead 3 nights in his 3 years servize, & 
knowes not the extremity of other men. Arthur Gill, yf he 
had his breakefast dressed for him according to his ordinary, 
& to haue porke & peas for his supper, Could not worke the 
after noon because he had but bread & drinke for his dinner, 
& Caused the rest that wrought with him to do the like, 
which was a good example among our Company, & especially 
of such a man as he makes hym selfe to be. 

So, not having els to advize you with at present, but Com- 
mit you to God & rest, Your to his power, 

JOHN YVYNTER. 

1 Absent, ut ante. 3 Collogue ; i e. converse secretly. 

' Sulky. Vide Halliwell, in lo.o. 




206 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1640. 

To the Worshipfull 
Robert Trelawney, 
merchant, this be dd. 
in 
Plymoth. 
Per the white Angell of 
Bristow, whom God preserue. 

[Indorsed by R. Trelawny :] 

Richmonds Hand, 4th Dec, 1640. 
John Winter. Rd. 17th of 
Maye. 



GEORGE CLEEVE'S COMPLAINT TO GORGES. 

At Saco, June To the Right Worshipfull Sir Ferdinando 

the 24th, 1640. Gorges, Knight, &c, and to all his other 

mediate and subordinate officers for the 

administration of Justice within this Prou- 

The complaint of ince, declareing : 

George Cleeue, of 

Casco, gen', That the Complaineant, for ten years last 

Against J no. Winter, ' 

of Richmond island, past, or thereaboute, was lawfully seised and 
defendant. m peaceable posession of a certaine tract of 

land lyeing within this Prouince knowne by 
the name of Spurwinke, the which lott of land of two thousand 
acres the plaintiffe held as his owne inheritance, by virtue of 
a promise made vnto him by you, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 
being then one of the Pattentees, vnto whome, with the rest 
of the Pattentees, was assigned all the land in New England 
betweene forty and forty eight degrees of north latitude, with 
the Gouernement thereof, which promise was made vnto me 
for my encouragement before my coming into this Country, in 
any place vnposessed, as is to you well knowne. 

The plaintiffe further declareth, that aboute the time afore- 



1640.] CLEEVE'S COMTLAIXT TO GORGES. 207 

said, he ioyneing himselfe in partnershipp with Richard Tucker, 
then of Spurwinke, who had also a right of inheritance there, 
the which be bought and purchased, for a valuable consid- 
eracon, of Richard Bradshew, 1 who was formerly setled there 
by Captain Walter Neale, by virtue of a Commission to him 
giuen by some of the Lords Pattentees ; and so as appeareth 
the said Richard Tucker Was lawfully possessed of a right of 
inheritance at and in the said Spurwinke. Also the plaintiffe 
further declareth, that he, ioyneing his right by promise and 
possession with his partners right of purchase and posses- 
sion, and soe being accountable to his said partner, they both 
agreed to ioyne their Rights together, and there to build, 
plant, and continue ; which, when the plaintiffe had done, and 
was there setled for two yeares or thereabouts, this defendant, 
John Winter, came and pretended an interest there by virtue 
of a succeedeing Pattent surrupticiously obtained, and soe by 
force of armes expelled and thrust away the plaintiffe from his 
house, lands, and goods ; all which the said defendant to this 
day vniustly and vnlawfully detaineth and keepeth, contrary 
to equitie and Justice ; for which wronges and iniuries the 
plaintiffe in this Court Commenceth his action of trespasse of 
the case vpon the trouar, and demandeth for his damage two 
hundred pounds Starling: for all which the plaintiffe of this 
Court humbly desireth, and in his Majesties name requireth a 
legall proceeding, according to his Majesties lawes. 

Per me, GEORGE CLEEUE. 

This is a true coppy, witness our hands, 

THO. GORGES. 
EDWARD GODFREY. 

1 Richard Bradshaw had received a grant may appeare." The considera- 

grant of "1500 acres of Land, to be tion was, that he had been living there 

allotted aboue the hedd of Pashipps- for some years, and proposed to settle 

cot [Pejepscot], on ye north side therewith "other his friends and ser- 

thereof (not formerly granted to any vants," besides paying I2d. per year 

other); with all commodityes and privi- for every hundred acres of land in use, 

ledges proper for his necessary occa- and a fifth part of the gold and silver 

sions, as by the Counterpart of ye said which might be found within the limits 



208 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



[1640. 



CLEEVE vs. WINTER. 



At Saco, the 
25th of June, 
1640. 



The complaint of 
Geo. Cleeue of Casco, 
gen., plaintiffe, 
Against John 
Winter of Richmond 
Hand, defendant. 



To the Right Worshipfull Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges, Knight, &c, and to all his other 
mediate and subordinate officers for the ad- 
ministracon and execution of iustice within 
this Province, declareing : 



That the Complaineant now is, and hath 
bin for these seaven yeares and vpward, 
posessed of a tract of land in Casco Pay 
knowne first by the name of Machigonny, 
being a necke of land which was in no mans posession or oc- 
cupation, and therefore the plaintiffe seized on it for his owne 
inheritance, by virtue of a Royall proclamacon of our late 
Soueraigne lord King James, of blessed memory, by which 
he freely gaue vnto every subiect of his which should trans- 
port himselfe ouer into this Country vpon his owne charge, for 
himselfe and for every person that he should soe transport, 
one hundred and fiftie acres of land, which Proclamacon stand- 
eth still in force to this day, by which right the plaintiffe held 
and enioyed it for the space of foure yeares together, without 
molestation, interruption, or demand of any ; and at the end 
of the said first foure yeares the plaintiffe, desirous to enlarge 
his limitts in a lawfull way, addressed himselfe to Sir Ferdi- 
nando Gorges, the Propriator of this Province, and obtained 
for a sume of money and other consideracons a warrantable 
lease of inlargement, bounded as by relation therevnto had 
doth and may appeare. 

The Complaineant further declareth, that the defendant, 



of his grant, to the King. It is quite 
probable that he had located his grant 
on the Spurwink, and received delivery 
from Neal, as here stated, as at this 
date the territory had not been granted 
to any one, and it would have been 



easy to have had such delivery con- 
firmed by the Council. The grant to 
Trelawny, however, was made shortly 
after, and Bradshaw's delivery by Neal 
was of no legal value. Vide Records 
of the Council for New England, p. 54. 



1640] CLEEVE vs. WINTER. 209 

John Winter, after all this and foure yeares peaceable posses- 
sion, without any demand or title pretended, being moued with 
envie, and for some other sinister cause, hath now for these 
three yeares 1 past, and still doth, vniustly pretend an interest, 
and therevpon hath and doth still interrupt me, to my great 
hindrance, thereby seekeing my Ruine and vtter ouerthrow ; 
for all which the plaintiffe in this Court Commenceth his 
action of Interruption, and requireth a verdict from a Jury of 
twelue honest and indifferent men for the continuance of his 
peaceable posession for time to come, and also three hundred 
pounds starling for his dammaige to be payd him by the de- 
fendant for his wrongfull Interruption ; and for all this the 
plaintiffe humbly desireth of this Courte, and in his Majesties 
name requireth, a legall proceeding to the law, &c. 

Per me, GEORGE CLEEUE. 

This is a true coppy, witness our hands. 

THO. GORGES. 
EDWARD GODFREY. 



Prouinccof Presentments giuen in by the Grand Jury, at a 

Maync ' Court holden at Saco, the 25th of June, 1640.= 

Imprimis. We doe present Mr. John Winter of Richmond 

Island, for that Thomas Wise J of Casco hath declared vpon 

his oath that he paid vnto Mr. John Winter a noble for a 

1 This second claim of Winter to and assuming the chief power, but was 
land held by Cleeve (the present site prevented from so doing. He had pre- 
of Portland), under a valid patent from viously built a mansion at Gorgeana 
Gorges, shows how little regard was (now York), and furnished it for occu- 
paid to grants at this time. From the pancy. Thomas Gorges, his nephew, 
dates mentioned here it would seem was sent over as deputy-governor, and 
that Cleeve did not remove to the found the inhabitants living in a deplor- 
Neck until the spring or summer of able state of degradation, as the records 
1633. of this court show us. Vide Bourne's 

2 This was the first court held under Wells and Kennebunk, pp. 5 et seq. ; 
the new government established by Sir Williamson's Maine, p. 282, et passim. 
Ferdinando Gorges, who, it seems, in- 3 Thomas Wise has left no record of 
tended coming to his province of Maine, when he came to this country, nor do 

14 



210 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



[1640. 



gallon of aquauita aboute two monthes since ; and further 
he declareth, that he hath credibly heard it reported that 
the said Mr. Winter bought of Mr. George Lux-ton, 1 when 
he was last in Casco Bay, a hogshead of aquavita for £j 
starling, aboute nine monthes since. 

Mr. Joseph Boles 2 hath declared vpon his oath, that aboute 
eight monthes since he bought of Mr. Jno. Winter six 
quartes of aquavita, at 2od. the quarte. 

He further declareth, that he paid him for commodities 
bought aboute the same time aboute six pound of bever, at 
6s. per lb., which he himselfe tooke at 8s. per lb. 

Mr. Jno. West, being one of the Greate enquest, declareth 
that he bought by Wilfm Cutts of Mr. Jno. Winter a potle 
of aquavita at 2od. the quarte, and one pare of Irish stock- 



we know whence he came. He first 
presents himself to us in a court record, 
which is so curious that we may be 
pardoned for introducing it here. "To 
the petition of Thomas Wies against 
Mr. Thomas Luis, it is ordered, Tho. 
Wies shall haue of Mr. Thomas Luis 
one fadom of this cuntry beades more 
then he hath in satisfaction of one swyne 
killed p' the Indianes, & iff prove that 
hee had more killed then to have furder 
satisfaction out of such kettells as Mr. 
Luis had from the Indianes." What 
connection Lewis had with the transac- 
tion we can only surmise. Wise first 
settled at the mouth of the Saco, but 
probably came to Casco shortly after 
1636, as the second grant of land which 
Cleeve made under his patent was for 
two hundred acres at Back Cove, con- 
veyed to him and Mosier. Wise may 
therefore be reckoned among the found- 
ers of Portland. The memorials he has 
left us are brief and unsatisfactory. Vide 
Early Records of Maine, Vol. I. pp. 2, 
8, 57, 59- Willis's Portland, 1865, pp. 
59, 9S, ct passim. 

1 " George Luxon of Bittiford in 



Devonshire," says Josselyn, and master 
of " the Fellowship of 100 and 70 Tuns, 
a Flemish bottom." 

- Joseph Boles, or more properly 
Bowles, was at this time residing near 
the mouth of the Saco at Winter Har- 
bor, so called in commemoration of 
Vines's residence there in the winter of 
1616-17. He subsequently removed 
to Wells, which was becoming a place 
of note, and was in 1653 made clerk of 
the writs, or town clerk, an office which 
he continued to hold for some years. 
He also appears to have been a Com- 
missioner in 1657, and when Archdale 
came over, as representative of Gorges's 
interest, in 1660, Bowles was made a 
magistrate. He appears to have been 
a man somewhat sought for the man- 
agement of public affairs, but his use- 
fulness was much curtailed by slavery 
to the cup, which frequently brought 
him into public disgrace. Vide Early 
Records of Maine, State copy, Vol. I. 
PP- 59. 61, 301, 347, 360, et passim. 
Bourne's Wells and Kennebunk, pp. 22, 
229. Folsom's Saco and Biddeford, pp. 
55, 74> 92, 121. 



1640.] 



CLEEVE 



WINTER. 



211 



ins at 2S., and shott at 4<3. the pound, aboute two monthes 
since, for which he paid by the said Wittm Cutts in bever at 
6s. the pound, being good skin bever, which he himselfe 
tooke at 8s. the pound. 

Richard Tucker, 1 being one of the Greate enquest, declareth 
that Thomas Wise of Cascoe, coming from Richmond Island, 
and haueing bought of Mr. John Winter a fflaggett of liquor 
aquavita, for which he paid him as he said a noble, 3 askeinge 
my selfe and partner if we would be pleased to accept of a 
cupp of noble liquor ; and how that he saw Mr. Winter pay 
abord Mr. Luxtones shipp, for a hogshead of the same liquor, 
jQj starling, when he was last in Cascoe Baye. 

Michaell Mitton, 5 Gent., declareth vpon his oath as follow- 



1 Richard Tucker, the partner of 
George Cleeve from the time when 
they joined their fortunes in the Brad- 
shaw grant on the Spurwink. They 
carried on trade together, and were 
interested equally in the grant of the 
Neck from Gorges. He was evidently 
a man of far less importance in his day 
than Cleeve ; in fact, was, " as it were, 
a servant hitherto for Mr. Cleave," as 
Thomas Jenner says, in a letter written 
to Governor Winthrop in 1646, about 
which time, probably, the copartnership 
in trade was broken up, as Jenner sug- 
gests that he and his partner Cleeve 
might apply to Governor Winthrop to 
settle, " now at their departure each 
from other," a disputed account, in 
which " Mr. Cleave, by his subtill head, 
brings in Mr. Tucker 100 li. debter to 
him." Their interest in lands was not 
divided, for as late as 1662 he joined 
his old partner in a deed of land on the 
Neck, at which time he was living on 
Sagamore Creek, in Portsmouth, New 
Hampshire, where he doubtless died, 
as his widow was living there in 1681. 
Vide Maine Hist. Coll., Vol. I. pp. 62 
a seq., 547. 



- The noble was a gold coin of the 
value of six shillings and eightpence, 
or one dollar and sixty-one cents. Wil- 
lis says one dollar forty-five cents. 

3 Michael Mitton came with Cleeve 
from England when he returned in 
1637, and subsequently married Eliza- 
beth, Cleeve's only child. Cleeve made 
large grants to him, the first being 
Peak's Island, in Portland Harbor. 
He lived on what is now called the 
Wiclgery Farm, in Cape Elizabeth, — 
a beautiful point of land opposite Port- 
land, which was deeded to him by 
Cleeve, as agent for Colonel Rigby, 
January 1, 1650. That he had lived 
there previous to that date seems prob- 
able, as the land conveyed is said to 
" butt against the now dwelling house 
of him the sayd Michaell Mitton." Wil- 
lis supposes this to be Clark's Point, 
on the Portland side, which is an error. 
We can well imagine Mitton, Josselyn, 
and Cammock as being jolly camarades, 
since he was a " gentleman " and " a 
great fowler," as each of the others 
was, and at this time the marshes and 
woods of Cape Elizabeth afforded 
plenty of sport. We know that he was 



212 THE TRELAWNY TAPERS. [1640. 

eth, that he hath bought diuers times of Mr. Jno. Winter 
pouder and shott, paying him for ponder 3s. the pound, and 
for shott 4d. the pound, and likewise for Aquavita at six 
shillings eightpence the gallon. And he further declareth, 
that he hath heard Mr. Richmond 1 declare, in the house of 
Mr. George Cleeue and Richard Tucker, that he sold powder 
to Mr. Jno. Winter for 2od. or 22d. the pound. 

He further declareth that he hath made him a proffer to take 
beaver at 8s. the pound for commodities which he sold to Mr. 
Winter, so as he would take it againe from him at the same 
rate ; which the said Mr. Winter refused to doe, and payd 
him in money for the goods he sold him. 

He further declareth, that he hath heard by the generall 
voice of the Inhabitants in these partes, greiueously com- 
plaineing of his hard dealeing, both in his greate Rates of 
his Commodities, and the iniurie to them in thus bringing 
downe the price of beaver. 

Payton Cooke, Gent., taketh his oath and hath declared to 
the Greate enquest that he bought goods of Mr. Jno. Winter, 
for which he payd him in beaver at the Rates of 6s. the 
pound, and that he would not take beaver aboue the Rates 
of 6s. the pound, nor hardly soe vnles it were verie good, 
and that with much adoe. 

More he declareth that he heareth generally a complaining 
of his hard Rates for commodities, and for his practise in 
the bringing downe the price of beaver. And further, that 
the boates and pinnases that passe to and from with com- 
modities, that before they come to Richmond He they take 
beaver at 8s. the pound, but afterwards they hold it at the 
Rates of 6s. the pound. 

wont to visit at Black Point, and relate Book HE p. 75; also Maine Hist. Coll., 
startling stories of his exploits at the Vol. I. pp. 157 et seg. 
fireside of Cammock, where the flowing ' This was George Richmond of Ban- 
bowl circulated all too freely. His name donbridge, before mentioned. Willis 
appears frequently in the annals of the supposed it to be John Richmond, who 
time, but he never attained distinction, resided in the neighborhood. 
He died in 1660. Vide York Records, 



1 640. J 



CLEEVE vs. WINTER. 



213 



George Lewis 1 likewise vpon his oath declareth, that he hath 
heard and knowne beaver refused to be taken at 8s. the 
pound, because the parties could not put it away againe to 
Mr. Winter but at the Rates of 6s. per lb., and himselfe like- 
wise hath refused to worke with Mr. Arthur Mackworth 2 



1 Willis supposes George Lewis to 
have been the son of George Lewis of 
Scituate, Massachusetts. Cleeve made 
to him his first conveyance of land after 
receiving his patent from Gorges. This 
gran# was for fifty acres, and was on 
the shores of Back Cove, near the end 
of Tukey's Bridge. Here Lewis lived 
until his death. Though an illiterate 
man, he appears to have been active in 
affairs, and we find him appointed a 
constable by Massachusetts at the first 
Court held after the submission of Fal- 
mouth and Scarborough to her authority, 
July 4, 1659, which was then something 
of an honor. Like most men of his 
time, he figured unpleasantly in the 
courts ; but we should be careful not to 
place too much reliance upon charges 
so freely made in our early courts, since 
many were inspired by malice, and with- 
out basis in fact. He escaped the 
perils of the Indian War, and died 
peacefully at home in 16S2. Vide Wil- 
lis's Portland, ed. 1831, p. 174. Maine 
Hist. Coll., Vol. I. p. 260, d passim. 

1 Arthur Mackworth is supposed to 
have come to New England with Rich- 
ard Vines, when the latter came to take 
possession of his grant on the Saco 
River in 1630, but must shortly after 
have settled at the mouth of the Pre- 
sumpscot River, probably before Cleeve 
and Tucker settled on Portland Neck, 
since, in the grant to him of land on the 
northeastern bank of the Presumpscot 
by Vines, in behalf of Gorges, in 1635, 
he is said to have had a house there, 
and to have been in possession "for 



many years." The point of land upon 
which he settled was called by the In- 
dians, whose village was a short dis- 
tance above him, Menickoe, which he 
named Newton, perhaps in honor of 
his native town, a name which it has 
not retained, as the name of its ancient 
owner, slightly changed it is true, still 
clings to it with a tenacity which seems 
to defy the effect of " Decay's effacing 
fingers," and Mackey's Point and Mac- 
key's Island are still familiar terms to the 
schoolboy whose sailboat on a holiday 
loiters amid the enchanting scenery of 
that favored retreat. The Indian name 
is said to mean a clump of pines, or a 
place where a clump of these trees 
grew, and is one of the most beautiful 
spots in the bay. Here it was that 
Mackworth passed his life, rearing a 
numerous family, and serving the public 
faithfully in many official positions. He 
it was who delivered possession of Port- 
land Neck to Cleeve and Tucker by 
" turf and twig," in 1637. He was 
married in 1637 to Jane Andrews, the 
widow of Samuel Andrews, a citizen of 
London, who with her husband prob- 
ably came to the New World in the 
same ship in which Mackworth came. 
He died in 1657, having willed that 
his wife, in whom he appears to have 
had unbounded confidence, " should 
by her wisdom dispose of his whole 
estate equally, as near as might be, 
between her former husband's children 
and the children between them, and in 
case any shortness was on either side, 
it should rather be on his own children's 



214 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



1 1 640. 



vnles he might haue beaver at 6s. per lb., alleageing he could 
not put it away againe to Mr. Winter but at that Rate. 



The Grand Jury sworne to enquire for our 
Soueraigne lord the King : — 

1. Geo: Cleeue, Gent. 

2. Arthur Mackworth, Gent 

3. Thomas Page, Gent. 

4. Richard Tucker, Gent. 

5. William Cole, Gent. 

6. Mr. Thomas Williams. 



7. Mr. George Froste. 1 

8. Mr. Richard Foxill. 
Mr. Jno. West. 
Mr. Jno. Smith. 
Mr. Edward Smalc. 3 
Mr. Tho. Smith. 3 



9 
10 
1 1 
12 



Presentments.' 



side." This will does great credit to 
both Mackworth and his wife, and 
shows that the entire family lived in 
the greatest harmony. Nor was Mack- 
worth's confidence misplaced, since his 
wife carried out his wishes so well, that 
no complaint seems to have been made 
by his heirs to her acts. She lived a 
widow after his death nearly twenty 
years, dying in Boston in 1676, whither 
she had removed the year previous on 
account of the Indian war. 

1 George Frost was a resident of 
Winter Harbor, and first appears as 
appraiser of the estate of Richard Wil- 
liams, in 1635. Except serving on the 
jury, he appears to have held no public 
position, and we are baffled in our ef- 
forts to elicit information respecting 
him or his family. Vide Early Records 
of Maine, State copy, Vol. I. pp. 51-60, 
85,95, 116. 

- Edward Small was one of the 
founders, with Champernoun, Treworgy, 
John Edgecomb, and others, of Pascata- 
qua, afterwards divided into the towns 
of Kittery, Eliot, South Berwick, and 
Berwick. He appears to have been a 
man of respectable position and some 
talent. He filled few places of public 



trust, as we find his name in the records 
only as serving on the grand juries of 
this year, and as a magistrate in 1645, 
and subsequently on other juries. He 
was living in Dover in 16S5. Vide Pro- 
vincial Papers of New Hampshire, Vol. 
I. p. 56. Early Records of Maine, Vol. 
I. pp. 50-56, 106 etseq., 171, 219. 

3 Thomas Smith, Gent. Among the 
many of this name in Hotten's " Lists 
of Emigrants," it is impossible to iden- 
tify the one here mentioned. He first 
appears as one of the grand jury of 
1640, and in the Court of this year en- 
tered two suits against Captain Thomas 
Cammock and Henry Josselyn, for 
debts he claimed were due him in Eng- 
land. In his declaration he says that 
he hath "for these fiveyeares and three 
quarters past bin constrained to for- 
beare the sum of ^20 starling due 
unto him from the said defendants in 
England, and likewise hath bin to greate 
costs and charges in transporting him- 
selfe into these partes for the procure- 
ing of the said money, which as yet he 
cannot obtaine, and is therefore con- 
strained to stay here in this country 
upon the same, to the greate hindrance 
of the said plaint, his affaires in Eng- 



1640.] WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 21 5 

WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 

Richmon Iland, the 27 th of June, 1640. 

Worshipfull Syr : — 

Your by the Samuell receaved, to which I haue answered by 
2 sundry Conveniences, which was in the Samuell & by way of 
Bristow in the White Angell, on Elliot master, as also another 
left in the Bay, but I know not where he be Conveyed or not. 
I hope the Samuell is home with you longe before this tyme ; 
she departed hence the 14th of December, bound for the south 
Coliny.' Your also by the Star receaved, Narias Haukin mas- 
ter, which arrived heare the 4th of June in safty, & hath landed 
all his goods to som small things, which is wantinge, which I 
shall advize you of. At present the haue their full loding abord, 
what they Can Carry. The haue abord 1036 Cintalls of Cod, 
37 Cintalls of hake & pollocke, 38} Cintalls of Cor fish, & 10 
Cintalls of haddocke, which they ar to take for vitrei! fish, what 
will serve their turne ; also, loden abord 7 hodgheds of traine 
oyle & 12 hodgheds of peas, and we haue heare left more then 
the ship Cann Carry, near about 100 Cintalls of dry fish, but 
the most part of yt is hake & pollocke & haddocke ; very litle 

land and elsewhere." The answer was, we are uninformed. Vide Early Records 

that the debt was only for ten pounds, of Maine, State copy, Vol. I. pp. 51, 63, 

and had been partly paid, and "as for 85, 99, et passim. 

his coming into these partes it may ap- * It has been believed that this ac- 

peare it was for other greater matters" ; tion against Winter was set on foot by 

which must have been evident to the Cleeve to offset Winter's acts against 

jury, as they awarded him twenty shil- him. Besides the ill feeling between 

lings damages and the balance due, viz. Cleeve and Winter, there was doubtless 

four pounds and sixpence. His name more or less jealousy existing between 

frequently appears in the early records, the dwellers on the Neck and those at 

and once under the title, "Tho. Smith Richmond's Island. The court very 

committed to the Stockes." We find properly decided in this case that it was 

that he suffered this ignominious punish- not proper for it to attempt to regulate 

ment for "slandering Mr. Arthur Browne a man's profits in trade, and so dis- 

and Mr. Robert Sanky for saying they missed the case. Winter at the next 

had stolen a pigg," and, after arbitra- court retaliated, by bringing an action 

tion, trying to reopen the case in court, against Cleeve for slandering his wife. 
Whether he ever returned to England ' The Virginia Colony. 



2l6 THE TRELAWNV PAPERS. [1640. 

Cod amonge yt all was taken our last fishinge, and I know not 
what Course I shall take with yt for the disposinge of yt. I 
purpose to sell yt yf I Cannot gett fraight for yt, yf any buyers 
Coram. Our new ship doth go onward well now ; I haue 4 
men to worke on her still ; the frame is all vp, & the beames of 
the lower decke placed & kneed & boulted fast, & the ground 
planked & 3 strakes betwixt & vnder the bends all planked ; 
but we want many boults for to make all fast. I haue for- 
merly advized you that I wanted 20 double head boults of the 
' Count vppon the Invoyze which was sent by the Samuell. 
Our Cattell, goats, & swyne ar all in good likinge, 1 but at the 
maine the wild beasts do devour" many of our swine, & yett 
I haue a man doth nothing els but follow them. We haue 
about 5 or 6 akers of wheat & peas, & about 5 akers of Indian 
graine, and yt is all in good likinge. Theris now setled a law 
heare amonge the inhabitants of this province, accordinge to 
the Commission which is granted to the inhabitants heare 
from Sir Fardinando Gorges, by vertue of his patten granted 
from the Lords, the Coppy of yt heare read 3 before all the in- 

' I. e. in good condition. continued, for Bourne says, under date 

- The wolves caused great destruc- of a century later : " Their old enemies, 

tion at this time throughout New Eng- the wolves, so destructive in the early 

land. Bourne says: "Their hideous days of the settlement, seem to have 

howlings made night terrible to the set- caused the people great annoyance 

tiers. The little stock on the farms was In 1739 five pounds were paid; a few 

always in peril, and every precaution years afterward, eight pounds. In 1747 

was necessary to guard against their it was voted that eight pounds should 

attacks. Hitherto they had had free be paid to every person who should kill 

access to the coast, and it was impossi- one ; if he killed two, he should have 

ble to drive them away from the old twelve pounds each ; if three, sixteen 

ground, while new temptations were pounds each. The people seem to 

offered to them in the flocks of sheep have been excited and enraged by the 

and cattle which were rapidly being in- destruction which they suffered from 

troduced into their territories. Every them." History of Wells and Kenne- 

settler was interested in their extermi- bunk, pp. 8, 354. 

nation, and at this court it was ' ordered 3 The commission alluded to as hav- 

that every family between Piscataqua ing been read before the inhabitants 

and Kennebunk River should pay was doubtless the second one sent out 

twelvepence for every wolf that should by Gorges, and dated the loth of March 

be killed.' " This condition of affairs preceding. The commissioners ap- 



1640.] WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 21 7 

habitants of this provins, the 25th of this moneth. Cleucs 
served me with a warrant to appeare their at the Courte, & I 
was their to answere. He hath made a large declaration, and 
I am to giue an Answere the 26th of August, & theris a 
Court to be held vppon yt the 8th of September, and I thinke 
we shall haue a tryall pas vppon yt. I shall desire you to 
deliuer vnto my daughter, Mary Coulinge, £\0, which is to 
buy som nessessaries for my ouvvne vse. Arthur Gill Desires 
me to write to you, desiringe you would pas over his Child 
that he hath in England, yf a ship Comes hither. Arthur is 
Changed of his quallity since he went hence ; he sees the 
frace' of this Country now, and finds [yt] to be Chargable. 
He follows our worke heare very well now. 

I haue receaved from Samuell Mavericke 2 a hodghed of 
aquavite at the price of ^"i 1 8s., & he hath laid out for me for 
som other provisions about 40 or 50s., which I do take in 
parte paiment of your £?>o, and accordinge to your order I 
haue sent your letter to Mr. Cogan of Boston, 3 & haue written 

pointed by him were " my trustie and failed to elicit anything relative to this 

well beloved cosen Thomas Gorges, word. There seems, however, to be 

Esq., Richard Vines, Esq., my servant little doubt that it is from fracu, a good 

and steward general, Henry Joselin, Anglo-Saxon word, signifying wicked- 

Esq., Francis Champernoone, Esq., ness, and this would make sense of the 

my loving nephew, Richard Bonithon, passage. F 'or fracu and cognate words, 

William Hook, and Edward Godfrey, vide Tolles's ed. of Bosworth, Part II. 

Esqs , to be my Counsselors for the p. 329. 

due execution of justice in such manner - For a full account of Samuel Mav- 

and form as by my subscribed ordi- erick, vide Sumner's History of East 

nances is directed, &c " This com- Boston. 

mission may be seen in extenso in 3 John Coggan, merchant, who was 
Sullivan's Maine, pp. 413 ct seq. prominent in Massachusetts, one of 
1 It is not strange that John Winter Governor Winthrop's "pious and lou- 
should introduce a word here which ing neighbors and good friends," who, 
is not to be found in published works says Winthrop, under date of March 4, 
of his time, when we consider that it 1633, " set up the first shop " in Boston, 
must have been in familiar use, since and whom John Endicott married to 
we find it in an ordinary business the Governor's widow, Mrs. Martha 
letter from a man who cannot be sus- Winthrop, on the 10th of March, 1651. 
pected of possessing a redundant vo- Vide Mass. Hist. Coll., 5th Series, 
cabulary, nor of having an ambition for Vol. I. pp. 117, 496. Winthrop's Jour- 
literary display ; yet many queries have nal, I. 148. 



218 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1640. 

vnto him desiringe him to receaue the remeander of your ,£30, 
allowinge the money for these goods which I haue receaved 
from him. The hodghed of aquavite is sold, & is Charged 
in the Counte of the plantation, as the account will appeare. 
The oyle that Came in the Samuell is sold, part of yt, as I 
heare, in the Bay. I sent their 14 Jarrs, but I haue not re- 
ceaved any thinge yet for yt, nor the prize. I do purpose to 
send the remeander their to sell, for I haue sold but on Jarr 
heare at home since yt was landed. Heare is no money about 
these parts, nor very few Commodities to make money of, but 
Corne at harvest.' The people heare promyse well, but pay 
yll ; but I hope thear will be som better Course taken with 
them now for payment. I wish I had the depts in, that is 
owinge to the plantation, & I shall beware how I trust them 
so much againe. Provision is very plentyfull now in the Bay, 
& very Cheape. Money growes scarce their with them ; yf 
passengers Com not over with money, the prize of Cattell will 
fall spedily. 3 I would willingly sell a score of Cattell, young 
& old, yf I Could gett a good Cheapman. 3 I do purpose to go 
into the Bay shortly, yf I Can bringe yt to pas, to se If I Can 
put away any of our Cattell. I haue sent home our -\ C. 
weight. I finde him to be 2 pound to light by the weight I 
had from Mr. Lnxton, being abated out of the weight of all 
our fish doth amount vnto 44 Cintalls. Yf this weight haue 

1 A period of great depression had pounds each, sold down to five pounds 
begun at the time this letter was written, in a short time. 

and the country was losing more by 3 A chapman formerly was either a 

emigration than it was gaining. Those buyer or seller. Chaucer says, "Though 

who came brought very little money, he be a chapman or marchaunte," using 

and it became so scarce that the prices the words as synonymous. " In the 

of everything declined enormously, days of Edward I.," says Oliphant 

Owing to this scarcity of ready money, (Sources of Standard English, p. 236), 

corn and grain became a legal tender, "we find scores of French words, 

Vide Hubbard's New England, p. 246, bearing on ladies' way of life, employed 

et passim. by our writers. The English chapman 

2 This prediction of Winter proved and monger now withdrew into low life, 
true, for cattle, which sold a short time making way for the more gentlemanly 
before this date as high as twenty-five foreigner, the marchand" 



1640.] 



WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 



219 



bin alvvaies so light, we haue had a great lost by yt. Mr. Fran- 
cis Martin 1 is heare with vs, & is not setled in any place as 
yett to remean. This next weeke I shall go vp to Casko with 
him to seat him in som place their. I know not how he will 
liue heare well, except he haue brought money with him. He 
hath never a servant, & he Cannot worke himselfe, & heare is 
nothinge to be gotten with out hard labour. I haue sent home 
by Mr. Haukins on of the wild beasts skins that doth kill our 
smaller sort of pigs. On of our men which doth follow the 
swine killed him in the piggs house, among the pigs. I Can- 
not gett any good auter skins as yett, but yf their be any to 
be had out of Cenebecke River, or els wher hear, I shall gett 
them, & by the first, God willinge, I will send them. John 



1 This mention of Francis Martin 
clears up a confusion which has hereto- 
fore existed respecting Richard Martin, 
— a former resident on the west side of 
the Presumpscot River, and of whom a 
memorial still exists in the name Martin's 
Point, — and the father of Mary Martin, 
executed in Boston in 1646 for killing 
I her infant, the child of Michael Mitton. 
Willis supposed them to be one and 
the same person, but such does not ap- 
pear to have been the case, if the few 
facts known of each are compared. 
The Martin who settled at Martin's 
Point was a fisherman in the employ 
of Winter, and was so illiterate as 
to affix his mark to documents requir- 
ing his affirmation. There is noth- 
ing to show that he had more than 
one daughter, namely, Lydia, who mar- 
ried Robert Corbin, mentioned in a 
former note, and who indeed may 
have been his step-daughter, his wife 
having been a widow when he married 
her. The Martin mentioned by Win- 
throp as the father of Mary who was 
[ executed was a gentleman, a decayed 
' merchant of Plymouth, and son of 
"John Martyn," a former Mayor of 



that city. This agrees with the idea 
that Winter here gives us respecting 
Francis Martin. He was evidently a 
poor gentleman unused to work, hav- 
ing "never a servant." Winter's so- 
licitude respecting his future shows 
us that Trelawny, then Mayor of Ply- 
mouth, must have been interested in 
him, as he naturally would have been 
in a brother merchant, the son of a 
friend and predecessor in the impor- 
tant office which he held, who had 
fallen into decay. It is also quite im- 
possible to identify Lydia with the 
younger sister of Mary, as the name 
of this sister nowhere appears, though 
the account Willis gives might lead us 
to otherwise suppose. We may there- 
fore reasonably infer that we here have 
before us the unfortunate father of the 
still more unfortunate Mary Martin. 
Vide Winthrop's Journal, ed. 1S53, 
Vol. II. p. 368. Maine Hist. Coll., 
Vol. I. pp 207 et sea. Salisbury's 
Colonial Papers, Vol. VIII. pp. 212, 
218. Savage's Genealogical Diction- 
ary, in loco. Also, Letter of June 8, 
1642, infra, p. 312, which still further 
clears up the matter. 



220 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



[1640. 



Imson will allow me the money that is bad on account. 1 Phillip 
Hatch 3 promyseth to serue out the time to pay his money bad 
on account. Beniamin Stevens hath allowed me 30s. his wyfe 
had from you. John Hole is gon to the westward to serue, & 
hath not allowed me any thinge. I do not find that he is 
short any thing on my account. Edward Mylls saies he was to 
allow you no adventure 3 for his money, but saies he gaue you 
a bond of ,£10 to pay your owne money againe, & he to beare 
the adventure of the money he had before hand. 

Nycholas White 4 went away in February, and hath allowed 
me at last, recconning that which was bad on account, & also 
you shall find on the last account that he did allow 16s. 46. for 
the adventure of his money. Steven Lapthorne 5 hath paid 
me the money which he was bad on account, & the money that 
you haue paid his wyfe he promiseth payment when he doth 
Com home. He passeth home now in the Star. William 
Freythy 6 promyseth to pay me the 20s. his mother had from 
you : he is gon from vs. Rogger Satterlay hath allowed all 



1 Winter frequently employs this ex- 
pression, putting the amounts due from 
those in his service as bad on account. 

= Philip Hatch, brother of Charles, 
mentioned in a former note. He sub- 
sequently removed to Wells, where he 
became a useful citizen, and was one 
who signed the petition to Cromwell 
praying for the continuance of the Mas- 
sachusetts authority over Maine. He 
continued to reside in Wells during his 
life, leaving descendants who made his 
name familiar in the vicinity of his old 
home for more than a century. Vide 
Bourne's Wells and Kennebunk, pp. 59 
64, 666. Early Records of Maine, State 
copy, Vol. I. p. 269, et passim. 

3 It was customary for the merchant 
to charge a commission for risk taken 
in advances of money. " Mylls," how- 
ever, having given a bond, probably 
with good sureties, claimed that, as there 



was no risk in his case, there should be 
no commission. Edward was perhaps 
a brother of John Mills, a record of 
whom we find in Maine Hist. Coll., 
Vol. III. p. 70, and the same Edward 
mentioned by Savage as being admitted 
an inhabitant of Boston in 1645. Gene- 
alogical Dictionary, Vol. III. p. 213. 

4 Nicholas White continued to reside 
here after the breaking up of Winter's 
enterprise, and became possessed of 
property. He must have given up 
fishing and turned his attention to agri- 
culture, as he is called a " planter " in 
a deed given by him in October, 1661, 
of a quarter part of House Island in 
Portland Harbor. Vide Maine Hist. 
Coll, Vol. I. p. 151. 

5 Stephen Lapthorne. Vide antea, 
p. 1 12, note 2. 

6 William Frethy. Vide antea, p. 93, 
note 1 



1 640.] WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 221 

the money [which] is Comminge to him at this recconninge, 
& is bad of account .£3 us. 5fd., & is gon out of our servize ; 
but I haue his bill for the payment of yt & the man bound 
with him that he serues, & hath promysed me yf you haue 
given his vvyfe any money to pay yt againe. You may please 
to forbeare to giue his wyfe any more money. Charrells 
Hatch 1 you may se by his account what money he hath allowed, 
but he is shorte of account, & hath promysed me to serue yt 
out ; but for to giue his wyfe any more money he saies will not 
allow of yt, because she hath not written him what she hath 
receaved. She doth acknowledge but 2s. 6d. that she hath 
receaved of you, by her letter. I do find wantinge 3 pair of 
shues, 2 sounding leads, & som 8 qr. 4 & Inch blocks of that 
is vppon the Invoyze. I shall Intreat you to send by the first 
Convenience 30 double head boults, & 3 evells 2 to rid out 
dounge, & 3 Iron shovells, 1 sith, 2 lanternes. We shall keep 
fiue to sea till the 13th of February, then the 2 Hatches 3 & 
Imsons 4 tyme is out ; but I think I shall agree with them to 
stay out the whole year. I did vse 3 of Edward Wikeds bootes 
that yeare the Herculus was heare, which I desire you would 
pay for the hire of them to Edward Wikeds his partners. I 
did formerly advize you of yt, & thought they had bin paid for 
before this tyme. He wrote me that yt was vnpaid. Yf you 
haue any intent to sett a ship [over] heare this next season, 
they must be cominge away out of England by Myhelmas, or 
short vppon yt, that the may be heare about the last of De- 

1 Charles Hatch, after leaving Win- 3 Charles and Philip. 

ter's employ, removed to York, where * This error in the name of Hempson 

he died about 1655, as in this year his would seem to spring from pronouncing 

brother Philip administered on his es- the word in the English fashion, with 

tate. Vide Early Records of Maine, the PI silent. We are enabled to cor- 

State copy, Vol. I. p. 269. rect it by an indorsement upon an in- 

2 Evil ; a garden fork. Cf. sharevil voice made by Robert Trelawny, in 
and dungevil. Hence the verb to evil, which he probably gives the true spell- 
meaning to turn the ground lightly over, ing as above. The name seems to 
" Get a sharevil an' evil them beds have troubled the early scribes, as 
oer." Vide Shropshire YVord-Book, thev present it to us in a variety of 
London, 1S79. forms. 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



[1640. 



cember, or els is but litle hope of making a fishing voyage 
worth the tyme. I shall, I hope, make meanes to order yt so, 
with the helpe of the Country, to need no supply the next 
year for these people that I haue heare. 

So not havinge els to advize you with at present, I Commyt 
you to Gods favorable protection, I end & rest, 

Your to his power, 

JOHN WYNTER. 
To the Worshipfull Robert 
Trelawny, merchant, this be 
dd. 

in 
Plymoth. 

[Indorsed by R. Trelawny :] 
Richmonds Hand, 27th 

of June, 1640. 
John Winter, Rd the 10th 

of September, by the Starr. 




WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 

Richmon Iland, the 8 th of August, 1640. 
WORSHIPFULLL S\'R : 

I haue formerly advized you by Narias Haukins, & also by 
the Hearts Desire of Abson,' of all busines heare with vs, And 
at present haue litle to advize you of. I had agreed with 
John Treworthy, 2 who is heare to deall for Mr. Sandor Shap- 



1 Abson, or Abston, is a chapelry 
in the parish and hundred of Puckle 
Church, County of Gloucester, seven 
and a quarter miles northeast from 
Bristol. Mines of coal and lead ore 
were formerly worked in the parish, 
and Roman coins, urns, bricks, etc. 
have been dug up in the vicinity. An 



ancient British camp is supposed to 
have been here. Vide Topographical 
Dictionary of England, Vol. I. p. 5. 

- The name is variously spelled, as 
Treworthy, Trueworthy, Treworgye, and 
Treworgie, while Willis and other excel- 
lent authorities write Trcworgy, which 
last form I adopt. John was probably the 



1640.; 



WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 



223 



leys' busines, to Carry a hodghed of bever to be landed at 
Darthmoth for your account, and did put the hodghed abord 
with the masters Consent, and when the master was to firme" 
to the bills of lodinge for yt, wold not firme to them, but then 
tells me he knew not where he should deliver his lodinge, 
neythcr would tell me what place he would deliuer the hodg- 
hed, so that I was faine to take yt out againe, and haue yt 
heare by me still. I haue sent our fish which was left heare 
into the Bay by Mr. Georg Luxton ship, to be sold their yf 
Can gett a Cheapman 3 for yt. Mr. Sargent is gon to Cape 
An with our bootes, to take mackrell for our winter baite, and 
I haue ordered him to go to the Bay for to make sale of the 
fish, and to returne home the money by Mr. Luxton, yf sold 



brother of James Treworgy, the son-in- 
law of Alexander Shapleigh. Savage, 
Genealogical Dictionary, Vol. IV. p. 
330, says that although a John is "men- 
tioned slightly in New England before 
1649, yet a writer of so great diligence 
as Mr.' Thornton, in Genealogical Reg- 
ister, V 349, doubts the existence of 
any John." Savage also says that 
James "went to Newfoundland, perhaps 
for trade only, but died before he was 
35." We here have John before us, 
and may follow him further. He re- 
mained in the country for several years, 
residing at Sturgeon Creek, in the town 
of Kittery. He appears prominently in 
the courts of 1643 anc ' '646 in a contro- 
versy with John Heard about land at 
Sturgeon Creek, where both lived. The 
evidence in the case is entertaining. 
His name appears on the jury of 1647 
at Wells. He married at Newbury, 
January 15, 1646, the daughter of one 
Spencer, and had a son John, born 
August 12, 1649. After the Cromwel- 
Iian government had confiscated New- 
foundland, which had been granted to 
Sir David Kirke for his brilliant ser- 



vices to the crown, John Treworgy was 
appointed, April 8, 1651, one of the 
commissioners for Newfoundland, and 
actively served the Commonwealth there 
in its proceedings against Kirke ; but 
here the curtain drops upon him. Vide 
Sainsbury, Colonial Papers, Vol. XII. 
pp. 403, 415 et seq. Hatton's History 
of Newfoundland, p. 33. Early Records 
of Maine, State copy, Vol. I. pp. 10S, 
114 ct seq., 131, 160. 

Sandor Shapley we have no further 
account of. That he lived and took his 
part in the drama of life, and had 

" his daily work of body or mind 
Appointed," 

and at the close thereof took his exit, 
causing somewhere 

" the heavy sigh, 
The tear in the half-opening eye," 

we know, since John Winter here gives 
us a glimpse of a man. Very likely he 
was a son of Alexander Shapleigh, and 
brother to Nicholas, who was promi- 
nent in the affairs of the Province. 

- Affirm, i. e. sign them 

3 A chapman. Vide antea, p. 21S, 
note 3. 



224 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



[1640. 



before he goes away. The quantity of fish is 5 m. 3 C. by 
tale," wherof 21 Cintall of merchantable Cod, & 19! Cintalls of 
hake & pollocke, which the on third of yt did belonge to the 
Company for their shares. The rest was hake, haddocke, & 
pollocke, & refuse fish, which doth wholly belonge to the plan- 
tation, which was left for refuse of the shares loding. I haue 
not sold any Cattell as yett. Money is very scarce in this 
Country, and I Cannot learne of any that will buy Cattell & 
pay ready money, nor giue good bills. I would willingly sell 
the £ of them Cattell that ar heare, yf I Could gett a good 
Cheapman. I would willingly haue gon into the Bay my selfe 
this tyme, but I must stay to attend the Court at Sacco, the 
8th of September, and I doubt of gettinge home againe at the 
tyme. I would willingly sell som goats & swine, but I Can 
learne of no buyers. All things is very Cheape heare now in 
this Country. Our Cattell, goats, & swine, & all things els, is 
in good likinge, as at my former writinge. 

So not having els to advize you with at present, but to 

Commyt you to God & rest, 

Your to his power, 

JOHN WINTER. 
To the Worshipfull 

Robert Trelawney, 

merchant, this be dd. 

in 

Plymoth. 

[Indorsed by R. Trelawny :] 
New Ingland, 
Jno. Winter, Rd. the 

1 I. e. by count. " I talc them ship man to a drover." Vide Shropshire 
to forty, — 'ow many bin a ? said a toll- Word- Book, in loco. 




1640.] 



CLEEVE vs. WINTER. 



225 



Saco, in the 
Province of 
Mayne, the 
Stii day of 
September, 
1640. 



GEORGE CLEEVE vs. JOHN WINTER. 

The answeare of Jno. Winter, defendant, to the 
declaracon of George Cleeue, Gent., plaint., in an 
action of Interruption Commenced against the 
defendant at the last Courte holden here the 25th 
day of June, 1640. 



The defendant, Jno. Winter, commeth into this Court and 
saith that he defendeth all the wronges, Interruption, and 
Damage where and when he ought. And, first, he saith that 
the plaintiffe was never lawfully posessed of that tract of land 
in Casco Bay which he calleth by the name of Machigonie, 1 
but hath vniustly, and contrary to the law of our Soueraigne 
Lord the King, held the Same, as the defendant hereafter shall 
make it appeare. And whereas the plaintiffe claymes the 



1 Willis, quoting Ballard, makes the 
word Machigonie mean bad clay, from 
matcht, bad, and gon, clay land ; or, 
according to Bliss, great knee or el- 
bow, from the Algonquin mach, great, 
and chegun, elbow, which would fairly 
describe the promontory upon which 
['.inland stands. The Rev. M. C. 
O'Brien, who is well versed in the 
Abenaki, writes me as follows : " I 
am more and more confirmed in the 
opinion that Machigonie is for Machi- 
ganik, or, as Rasle would write it, 
Matsigiinik* which means a bad or 
worthless camp. It is not necessarily 
camping ground." This was in reply 
to a note from me questioning this in- 
terpretation, based upon the argument 
that it was not a proper application of 
the term, as the Neck must have af- 
forded excellent camping grounds, ele- 

* The dotted u in Rasle's words means that 
the vowel has a sound not unlike that of a short 
English 0, as in upon. 



vated as it is above the sea, with good 
shores, and in proximity to waters 
abounding with fish of all kinds. To 
this Dr. O'Brien replies so forcibly, that 
I can do him justice only by quoting 
him verbatim : "To understand Indian 
names it must be always borne in mind 
that they rarely, if ever, gave names to 
territories large or small, but only to 
spots. Now some spot on the Neck 
probably had a ruined camp, or had no 
spring near, or was not favorable for 
camping for some other cause, and was 
therefore called Machigan, a bad camp, 
or bad camping-place. This name, 
originally applied to a particular spot, 
might have been understood by the for- 
eigner as the name for a large piece of 
headland, and noted in his tablets as 
such ; but the native meant by it at 
most only a very small part of the 
ground. This remark is true of almost 
all our Indian names." 



15 



226 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



[1640. 



inheritance of the said land menconed in his declaracbn by 
virtue of a proclamacon of our Soueraigne Lord King James 
of blessed memory, which proclamacon he saith is still in 
force, and further declares that he, being desirous to enlarge 
his limitts in a lawfull way, addressed himselfe to Sir Ferdi- 
nando Gorges, the Propriator of this Prouince, and obtained 
for a Summe of money and other consideracbns a warrantable 
lease of enlargement. To this the defendant answeareth, that 
he denyeth that then there was or is any such proclamacon now 
in force,' nether hath the plaintiffe any warrantable lease from 
Sir Ferdinando Gorges, for it will evidently appeare that the 
aforesaid land was formely granted by some of the Lords Pat- 
tentees and Sir Ferdinando Gorges vnto Robert Trelawny and 



1 This plea was probably based upon 
a distinction which Hume states ex- 
isted in the reign of King James between 
proclamations and statutes, to the effect 
that, while statutes never lost their force 
until repealed, proclamations died with 
the king who made them. Chief Justice 
Campbell, however, says that this is not 
good law, and that he has been unable 
to find any trace of it in the books. 
While some such distinction between 
proclamations and statutes may have 
been supposed to exist, or may have 
been resorted to in a desperate case, in 
reality proclamations had equal force 
with Parliamentary statutes. Hume 
says: "But in reality the Crown pos- 
sessed the full legislative power by 
means of proclamations, which might 
offset any matter even of the greatest 
importance, and which the Star-Cham- 
ber took care to see more rigorously 
executed than the laws themselves." 
Disraeli, however, chattily discussing 
the subject, and it would seem but 
partially, says, "These proclamations, 
or royal edicts, in our country were 
never armed with the force of laws, only 
as they enforce the execution of laws 



already established " ; and he further 
tells us, what is doubtless true, that the 
proclamations of James the First were 
cheapened by their great number. As 
to proclamations dying with the king 
who made them, a sufficient answer is 
found in the well-known maxim that the 
king never dies. Coke states the mat- 
ter thus: "If a man give lands to the 
king by deed enrolled, a fee simple doth 
pass without these words [successors or 
heirs], because, in judgment of law, the 
king never dieth." And again : " Upon 
the death or demise of the king, his 
heir is that moment invested with the 
kingly office and royal power, and com- 
mences his reign the same day his an- 
cestor dies ; whence it is held as a 
maxim that the king never dies." From 
this it would seem that a plea based 
upon such a distinction between statutes 
and proclamations, as has been men- 
tioned, was not well taken. / r ide Coke's 
First Institutes, I. 86. Hume's Eng- 
land, (London, 1803,) VI. 419. Camp- 
bell's Lives of the Chief Justices, ed. 
1S73, I. 2S3. Disraeli's Curiosities of 
Literature, ed. 1881, IV. 285. 



1640.] CLEEVE vs. WINTER. 227 

Moses Goodyeare of Plymouth, Marchants, and livery and pos- 
session thereof giuen to this defendant to the vse of the afore- 
said Robert Trelawny and Moses Goodyeare, and that the 
plaintiffe cunningly and fraudulently by false information ob- 
tained a lease from the said Sir Ferdinando Gorges, who did 
not know that any parte or porcon of the said Robert Trelaw- 
nyes and Moses Goodyeares grant was ever called by the 
name of Machigony, nether hath the plaintiffe giuen any con- 
sideracbn vnto Sir Ferdinando Gorges for the same. And 
herevpon the said Sir Ferdinando Gorges, finding himselfe 
much abused by the plaintiffes wrong information,' hath giuen 
expresse order by his 'tre to Mr. Richard Vines, his Steward 
Generall for this Province, to put the defendant in possession 
of the said land, which the said Richard Vines hath done ac- 
cordingly, as the defendant is ready to proue ; and the defend- 
ant saith further that the President and Counsell of New 
England, and Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Knight, by their deed 
Indented,- beareinge date the first day of December, 1631, for 
the consideracons therein expressed, did giue, grant, allott, 
assigne, and confirme vnto the aforesaid Robert Trelawny and 
Moses Goodyeare, their heires, associats, and assignes for ever, 
all those lands and heriditaments with appurtnances Scituate, 
lyeing, and being along the Sea coast eastward betweene the 
land formerly granted to Capt. Tho: Cammocke and the Bay 
and River of Casco, extending and to be extended northwards 
into the Mayne land, soe furre as the limitts and bounds of the 
land granted to the said Tho: Cammocke as aforesaid doe or 



1 It is possible that Cleeve may have elsewhere, to notch the several sheets 

given Gorges wrong information; but of paper upon which an important writ- 

the old knight was surely laboring un- ing is made, to show that they are a 

der worse information, if he was acting part of one instrument. An Indenture, 

under the belief that "Machigonie" therefore, is said to be "A writing 

had been included by him in any grant containing a contract, originally so called 

which he had made to Trelawny. from the two copies being indented to 

- It is perhaps not out of place to show their connecting correspondence 
remark here that it was formerly the with each other." Vidt Nuttall's Die- 
custom, and still is, in England and tionary, in loco. 



228 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1640. 

ought to extend towards the north, with all and singular the 
premisses with appurtnances as by the said deed Indented 
more at large it doth and may appeare. Now the defendant 
being an associatt to the aforesaid Robert Trelawny, and haue- 
ing receiued order from him for the disposessing of the plain- 
tiffe of that parte of his land, did often treate with the plaintiffe 
in a freindly manner to haue him yeeld vp the posession of the 
said land, proffering him that he should be a tenant, thow if 
he pleased on such condicons as the defendant propounded, 
otherwise if he would leaue the said posession (quietly) that 
he would giue him some consideration for the charge he had 
bestowed vpon the said land, otherwise he would giue him 
nothing ; but the plaintiffe refuseing all those proffers vniustly 
continues his claime and posession to the great damage of the 
defendant, and this he is ready to affirme. And for the residue 
of the difference he humbly accepteth the power of the Court 
to heare and determine their pleas of this matter, and so 
putteth himselfe vpon the Country, &c. 

This is a true coppy: witness our hands. 

THO: GORGES. 
EDWARD GODFREY. 



GEORGE CLEEVE vs. JOHN WINTER. 
Sacoe,inthe The answeare of John Winter, defendant, to the 

Prouince of 

Mavnc, the declaracon of George Cleeue, Gent., plaintiffe, in 

S«. of Sep- . & . r , 

tember, an action of trespas vpon the case tor the trover, 

1 4 °' commenced against the defendant at the last Courte 

holden here the 25th day of June, 1640. 

The defendant, Jno. Winter, commeth into this Court and 
saith that he defendeth all the wrongs, iniuries, and Damage 

'■ From the French trmtver, to find, having found any of his goods refuseth 
" Trover in the common law is an ac- to deliver them." Johnson's Dic- 
tion which a man hath against one that tionary. 



1640. 1 CLEEVE vs. WINTER. 229 

where and when he ought. First, he saith that the plaintiffe 
was neuer lawfully seised and posessed of two thousand acres 
of land knowne by the name of Spurwinke, nor any parte or 
parcell thereof as his owne inheritance, by any lawfull Grant 
from Sir Ferdinando Gorges in manner and forme as the plain- 
tiffe declareth, for he declaring a promise to him made by the 
said Sir Ferdinando Gorges, sheweth nether the yeare, day, 
or place where and when this promise was made, nor any con- 
sideration ; which the plaintiffe ought here to have done, for 
that no man can have action lye against another vpon a bare 
promise, and the defendant saith yt Sir Ferdinando Gorges 
made no such promise as the plaintiffe declares. 

And further, whereas the plaintiffe declares that one Rich- 
ard Tucker had also a right of inheritance at Spurwinke afore- 
said, by purchase from Richard Bradshew, who was formerly 
settled there by Capt. Walter Neale by Virtue of a commission 
to him giuen by some of the Lords Pattentees, and that the 
plaintiffe ioyned his right with the right of the said Richard 
Tucker, his partner, there to build, plant, and continue. To 
this the defendant answeareth, yt Capt. Walter Neale had then 
no power from any of the Lord Pattentees to dispose of any 
land within this Prouince, but only in Pascattaway. And fur- 
ther, the defendant saith that the President and Counsell of 
New England by their deed Indented, beareing date the first 
day of December, 1631, for the consideracons therein expressed, 
did giue, grant, allott, assigne, and confirme vnto Robert Tre- 
lawny and Moses Goodyeare of Plimouth, Marchants, their 
heires, associates, and assignes for ever, all those lands and heri- 
ditaments with appurtnances scituate, lyeing, and being along 
the seacoast eastward betwcene the land formerly granted to 
Capt. Thomas Cammocke, his heires, associatts, and assignes, 
and the Bay and River of Cascoe, extending and to be ex- 
tended northwards into the Maine land, so farre as the limitts 
and bounds of the land granted to the said Capt. Thomas 
Cammocke as aforesaid doe or ought to extend towards the 
north, with all and singular the premisses with appurtnances 



23O THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1640. 

as by the said deed Indented more at large it doth and may 
appeare. Now the defendant, being an associatt of the said 
Robert Trelavvny, and principall agent for him in those partes, 
vpon receiueing a coppie of the aforesaid deed Indented, with 
orders from the said Robert Trelawny for the takeing and re- 
ceiueing liuery and posession of the said land and premisses, 
the plaintiffe did forthwith repaire to Capt. Walter Neale, 
Hen: Joselin, Lieuetenant and Richard Vines, Gent., who were 
authorised and appointed by the said President and Counsell 
to be their lawfull atturneys or atturney, they or any of them, 
to deliuer full and peaceable posession of the premisses, or 
some parte in the name of the whole, to the said Robert Tre- 
lawny and Moses Goodyeare, or to their certaine atturney or 
atturneys. Wherevpon the aforesaid Richard Vines, on the 
21th Day of July, 1632, and likewise againe on the 30th day 
of the said month, did giue liuery and posession of parte of the 
premisses in the name of the whole vnto this defendant, for 
the vse of the aforesaid Robert Trelawny and Moses Good- 
yeare, according to the true intent and meaneing of the afore- 
said deed. 

After all this that the defendant was lawfully seised of all 
the lands menconed in the aforesaid deede, and finding the 
plaintiffe vnlawfully settled at Spurwinke aforesaid, vpon parte 
of the aforesaid land granted to the said Robert Trelawny and 
Moses Goodyeare, their heires, associatts, and assignes, did 
then in a freindly manner (without force) warne the said plain- 
tiffe to leaue the posession of the said land at Spurwinke, 
shewing him withall the contents of the aforesaid deed, and 
also by order from the said Robert Trelawny, did proffer the 
plaintiffe yt if he pleased to become a tenant to the said Rob- 
ert Trelawny on such condicons as the defendant propounded 
(in some other parte of his land) yt he should enioy the same 
accordingly, which the plaintiffe then [refused] to accept of, 
but still continued his unlawfull claime ; herevpon the defend- 
ant repaired to Capt. Walter Neale aforesaid, then Gouernor 
of those partes, & required iustice of him for the remooueing 



1640] TESTIMONY RESPECTING CASCU RIVER. 23 I 

of the plaintiffe out of the aforesaid posession, and to giue the 
defendant lyverie and posession thereof, according to the true 
intent and meaneing of the aforesaid deed. Wherevppon the 
aforesaid Capt. Walter Neale required the plaintiffe to yeeld 
vp the said posession to the defendant, affirmeing yt the plain- 
tiffe had no right to that land, and soone after the plaintiffe 
left his said posession to the defendant, takeing away all his 
goods with him, without any molestacon of the defendant. 
And this the defendant is ready to affirme, and for the residue 
of the difference he humbly accepteth the power of the Courte 
to heare and determine their pleas of this matter, and so put- 
teth himselfe vpon the Country, &c. 

This is a true coppie : witnes our hands. 

TIIO: GORGES. 
EDWARD GODFREY. 



TESTIMONY RESPECTING THE NAME OF CASCO RIVER. 

At a Court holden at Saco, the 8th of September, 1640 : — 

William Gibbins,' Marriner, Sworne & examined, saith, that 
the River which runs vp by Mr. Arthur Mackworthes 5 house 
was called by the name of Casco River for seventeene yeares 
gone or there aboute. 

Jno. Mills likewise deposeth that he hath knowne the riuer 
which runs by Mr. Arthur Mackworthes house called by the 
name of Casco River for some thirteene or fourteene yeares 
gone or thereaboute. 

Henry Watts deposeth likewise that the riuer which runs 
by Mr. Arthur Mackworthes house was comonly called Casco 
River for nine yeares gone or thereaboute. 

1 "William Gibbins, Marriner," it bins was one of Levett's men, and 
would seem from this deposition, was perhaps was one of the ten whom Lev- 
in Casco Bay as early as 1623, the year ett left in charge of the "strong house " 
that Christopher Eevett was here and _which he built — perhaps at "Machi- 
passed up the Presumpscot River, gonie" — before his return home, 
which Gibbins says was called the - Arthur Mackworth. Vide antea, 
Casco, visiting the Indian village near p. 213, note 2. 
the falls. It is quite likely that Gib- 



232 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



[1640. 



Mr. Arthur Browne 1 deposeth that he liueing at Casco 
aboute six yeares gone or thereaboute, saith likewise that the 
River which runs vp by Mr. Arthur Mackworthes house was 
then called by the name of Casco River. 2 

ROGER GARDEN Register. 



The abouesayd depositions were taken at the Court, the 8th 

of 7ber, as aboue sayd. Witnes our hands. 

THO: GORGES, 
EDWARD GODFREY. 



1 Arthur Erowne. Vide antea, p. 106, 
note 1. 

2 Casco River. It is not strange that 
a river flowing into Casco Bay should 
have been called at times Casco River 
by persons who knew not its Indian 
name ; but Cleeve did not deceive 
Gorges in calling it the Pesumica or 
Presumpscot, since this was the name by 
which it was called by the natives, and 
had already been so called in the grant 
to Mackworth. It seems strange that 
testimony so important as Mackworth's 
— he having lived for a long time on its 
banks, and being more familiar with the 
facts than any one else — should have 
been left out, unless, indeed, it was 
feared that it might be damaging to 
Winter's case. No other testimony 
could have been so important to Win- 
ter as Mackworth's, could he have tes- 
tified in his favor; and the fact that 
Winter did not call him to give testi- 
mony is presumptive evidence that it 
would have been adverse to his claim, 
although, had Mackworth testified that 
he had heard this river sometimes called 
the Casco, it should not have weighed 
sufficiently with the court to have caused 
it to declare against the title of Cleeve, 
since it was so apparent that the intent 
of the grantor was not to extend the 
northern limit of the Trelawny grant so 
far. Cf. Bourne's History of Wells and 



Kennebunk, p. 87, where the dispute 
concerning the name of the Kennebunk 
River is referred to. 

3 Roger Garde, who was afterwards 
commissioned by Gorges as Mayor of 
" Accomenticus." While occupying 
this office, he was unjustly charged by 
a woman named Cornish of having com- 
mitted adultery with her, he having been 
active in procuring her condemnation 
to death for murder. Winthrop says : 
" The Mayor denied it, and it gave some 
likelihood that he was not guilty, be- 
cause he had carried himself very zeal- 
ously and impartially in discovery of the 
murder, but there might be skill in that; 
and he was but a carnal man, and had 
no wife in the country, and some wit- 
nesses came in against him of his ac- 
knowledgment to the woman," etc 
This grave charge, and probably the 
action of some of the people who yielded 
to the proneness of the times to indulge 
in scandal, greatly distressed him, and 
perhaps hastened his death ; for in a 
letter of James Parker to John Win- 
throp, a few months after this event, it 
is said, " Mr. Guard is dead, & left little 
manifestation off any breaking off spirit, 
only cried out much off the people that 
they had broke his hearte. And soe 
grew sometimes maz'd with it. Mr. 
Hull [the minister whose son the woman 
also accused] offerd to preach yet his 



[640.] WINTER'S PRAYER FOR STAY OF JUDGMENT. 233 

JOHN WINTER'S PRAYER FOR STAY OF JUDGMENT, 
AND APPEAL TO SIR FERDINANDO GORGES. 

To the right Worshipfull, the Counsellors for this Prouince, &c. 

Saco, in the Prouince of Mayne, 
the 15 th of September, 1640. 

John Winter humbly sheweth vnto this honorable Court, 
that, whereas two verdicts haue bin found against him in this 
Court at the sute of Geo: Cleeue, Gent., the first for a title of 
land at Spurwinke, wherin the complaineant saith that he had 
a lawfull right to the said land by virtue of a Pattent granted 
before the said Cleeue had posession of the said land, and that 
the Jury haue made the said Pattent of no validitie, and that 
they had no sufficient evidence wherevpon to find such a ver- 
dict, as by their proceedings being duly examined by your 
Worships will appeare ; and therefore the complaineant hum- 
bly craueth respite of Judgement, and appealeth to the Lord 
Propriator of this Prouince for redresse in this case. 

And for the second verdict found against him for a title of 
land at Casco, which he saith was found vpon misnameing or 
new nameing of the River of Casco, the Jury not duly consid- 
ering how the said River was commonly called or knowne by 
the English, before the date of the complaineants Grant to his 
principalis for the said land, which the complaineant saith 
they ought to haue done ; and therefore humbly craueth res- 
pite of iudgement in this case, and that the steward Generall' 
wilbe pleased to take order (if he thinke fitt) that there may 
be another enquest empanneld for the triall thereof, and the 

funerall sermon, & did, and the people strangely in accord with their savage 

all solemnly interred him with there surroundings, seems to have possessed 

amies." In reading this matter one at times the hearts of these early pio- 

can but be impressed with the convic- neers. Vide Winthrop's Journal, II. 

tion that the charge against Garde was 258. Massachusetts Historical Collec- 

without foundation, and that, as he said, tions, 4th Series, VII. 445. Early Rec- 

his heart was broken by the malicious ords of Maine, State copy, I. 123. 

persecution of his enemies. A spirit ' Richard Vines, 
of fantastic piety and ferocious cruelty 



234 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



[1640. 



evidences heare of such as did most frequent that place since 
the first discouery thereof, that so [this] complaineant and his 
principalis in England may enioy their right according to the 
true intent and meaneing of their Pattent ; and for redresse 
herein the complaineant appealcth to the Lord Propriator of 
this Province, humbly intreateing this honorable Court to 
consider of it, and to grant him a legall proceeding herein 
according to law and equitie, &c. 

Your Worships humble petitioner, 

JNO. WINTER. 

The Jury betweene George Cleeve, Gent., plaint., and Mr. Jno. 

„ . , Winter, defendant, 

bpurwmke. 



1. Tho: Page, Gent." 

2. Mr. Richard ffoxill. 

3. Mr. ffrancis Robinson. 5 

4. Mr. Willm Cole.3 

5. Mr. Tho: Williams." 

6. Jno. West. 5 

1 Thomas Page. "A Taylor," aged 
29, who with his wife Elizabeth, aged 
28, and two children, came hither in 
1635 in the ship Increase, "p. Cert: 
from All St's Staynings Mark lane of 
their Conformitie to the Church of 
England." Pie first settled at Saco, 
but subsequently removed to Cape 
Elizabeth. Vide Hotten's Lists, p. 5S. 
Willis's Portland, ed. 1831, I. 212. 
Cf. Savage's Genealogical Dictionary, 
III. 331, which says he came in 1636, 
and perhaps removed to Casco. Early 
Records of Maine, State copy, I. 9, 51, 
et passim. 

- Francis Robinson. We have no 
record of the date of his coming here. 
He was evidently a man of some im- 
portance. He appears in the action of 
John Bonython versus Richard Gibson 
as attorney for the plaintiff, this year 
(1640), and was one of the magistrates 



7. John Smith. 6 

8. Jno. Baker. 7 

9. Arnold Allin. 8 

10. Wittm Scadlocke. 9 

1 1. Henry Warwicke." 
Jno. Wadly." 



1-:. 



at the General Court at Saco in 1645. 
Cleeve, in a letter to Governor Win- 
throp in 1645, speaks of him as being 
at the head of a league with Henry 
Josselyn and Arthur Mackworth against 
the Rigby government. After this he 
passes from view. Vide Folsom's Saco, 
pp. 56, 5S. Massachusetts Historical 
Collections, 4th Series, VII. 365, 371. 
Bourne's Wells and Kennebunk, p. 10. 
3 William Cole was one of the pio- 
neers who, in 163S, with John Wheel- 
wright, — the arch-heresiarch, as he was 
called by his persecutors, — began in the 
virgin forests of New Hampshire a set- 
tlement, which is now the flourishing 
town of Exeter, and who may be justly 
called one of its founders. In 1641, 
finding the influence of Massachusetts 
extending even to the new home which 
was beginning to flourish on the banks of 
the Squamscot, he again turned his face 



1640.] 



VERDICT OF THE JURY. 



235 



The Jury find for the plaintiffe, the title of land at Spur- 
winke beinge ffour acres or thereaboute, with the house there- 



toward the wilderness, and, followed by 
his persecuted pastor, began a new set- 
tlement on the Ogunquit River, now 
known as the town of Wells. Here he 
was active for many years in the affairs 
of the new town, which he had helped 
to found. Bourne says that he prob- 
ably "followed Wheelwright to Salis- 
bury after 1659," but this is an error. 
His name appears to a petition of in- 
habitants of Wells addressed to the 
General Court of Massachusetts, May 
22, 1661. Wheelwright, it should also 
be remembered, returned to England in 
1656, being while there in close friend- 
ship with Cromwell, his fellow-collegian, 
whom it is said he had often tripped up 
at football, and did not return to New 
England until the summer of 1662, when 
he settled at Salisbury. Before his old 
pastor's return, William Cole, who had 
probably but a short time before re- 
moved to Hampton, where many of his 
friends had preceded him, died, May 26, 
1662, in the eighty-second year of his 
age. Vide Bourne's Wells and Kenne- 
bunk, pp. 82, 99. John Wheelwright, 
Prince Society's ed., pp. 32, 35, 40. 
Savage's Genealogical Dictionary, I. 
430. Folsom's Saco, 128. Belknap's 
New Hampshire, I. 57 etseq. 

* Mr. Thomas Williams, as he is en- 
titled in the records, probably settled in 
Saco as early as 1633, and was one of 
the most respected residents of the town, 
though but a few brief memorials exist 
of him, as that he served on a jury, or 
was special " bayle to Abraham Shurt " 
in an action, June, 1640, or was an in- 
cumbent of a town office. His fortunes 
seem to have fallen into decay in his old 
age, for in October, 1674, it appears 
that " the town hath ordered that there 



shall be two men appointed to look into 
Mr. Williams' estate to see if he shall 
have maintenances." The year of his 
death is unknown. Vide Folsom's 
Saco, p. 120. Court Records, Alfred, 
Vol. I. fol. 14. Savage's Genealogical 
Dictionary, IV. 570. 

5 John West probably came in the 
Speedwell in 1635. He appears as an 
inhabitant of Saco, in 163S, in which year 
he leased of Richard Vines a "mansion or 
dwelling house " and one hundred acres 
of land before that time in the posses- 
sion of Thomas Cole, for the term of 
one thousand years, for the annual rental 
of two shillings and "one capon." He 
appeared at the first session of this 
court (1640) as a witness against Winter 
for extortion, declaring that he paid him 
for " a pottle of aquavitae twenty pence 
the quart, and shot four pence a pound." 
He held several offices, being, after the 
jurisdiction of Massachusetts was ex- 
tended over the Province, in 1653, a 
magistrate to settle small causes, and 
also a selectman. He removed from 
Saco to Wells, probably in 1659, and 
his name appears on the petition with 
Cole, May 22, 1661, to the General 
Court of Massachusetts, for the removal 
of the injunction restraining the Rev. 
Seth Fletcher, Wheelwright's friend, 
from preaching. He died in 1663, as 
appears by his will, which was admitted 
to probate on the 5th of October of 
that year. Vide Folsom's Saco, pp. 36, 
86, 97, 167. Maine Hist. Coll., I. 71. 
Bourne's Wells and Kennebunk, p. 99. 
Hotten's Lists, p. 82. 

6 John Smith. Gent. Sullivan says 
that he " was one of the grantees of the 
Plough Patent," but Folsom shows that 
he could not have been. The latter, 



236 THE TRELAWNY TAPERS. [1640. 

vnto belonging, and giuc him eighty pounds starling for his 
damage, and twelue shillings and six pence for cost of Court. 



however, does not seem to have noticed 
the John Smith whose name appears 
in the passenger list of the Mathew, of 
London, May 21, 1635, whose age is 
given as twenty-two, which agrees with 
the statement made by the subject of 
our sketch in a deposition, June 23, 
1685, that he was then "about seventy- 
three years of age.'' As he first ap- 
pears in Saco in 1636, we have reason 
to infer that he is the one who came 
on the Mathew the year before. lie 
seems to have been a good citizen, and 
to have filled respectable positions, 
escaping the common scandals of the 
times. He was Marshal of Lygonia 
under Cleeve's presidency of the Prov- 
ince. Failing to appear at Wells in 
1654 to submit to the authority of 
Massachusetts, her Commissioners spe- 
cially empowered two of the town 
commissioners of Saco to administer to 
him the oath of submission, which was 
necessary to entitle him to the honor 
of being called a freeman. He subse- 
quently removed to Wells, where he 
was the court drummer and executed 
the sentences of flogging, and was alive 
in 1685, when he disappears from view. 
Vide Sullivan's Maine, p. 367. Fol- 
som's Saco, p. 27. Bourne's Wells and 
Kennebunk, pp. 83, 156, 191. Hotten's 
Lists, p. 82. Early Records of Maine, 
State copy, I. 6, 51, ct passim. Maine 
Hist. Coll., I. 380. 

? John Baker, first of Boston, after- 
wards of Newbury, where having "grown 
wealthy from nothing," says Winthrop, 
" fell into drunkenness and such violent 
contention with another brother, main- 
taining the same by lying and other evil 
courses, that the magistrates sent to 
have him apprehended. But he res- 



cued himself out of the officers' hands 
and removed to Acomenticus." One 
of his evil companions, however, hav- 
ing hung himself, he " was so struck 
with it as he could have no rest till he 
came and made his peace with the 
church and court." He was therefore 
reinstated, but "fell into gross distem- 
per soon after," and removed to Wells, 
where he was active in the interest of 
Rigby, but rendered himself so obnox- 
ious by abuse of the ministry and other 
improper acts as to cause the authori- 
ties to place him under bonds for good 
behavior. It is probable that, accord- 
ing to Savage's suggestion, he removed 
from Wells to the Kennebec, where he 
had a house near Arowsick Island in 
1675. Vide Savage's Genealogical Dic- 
tionary, I. 96. Maine Hist. Coll., I. 
356. Winthrop's Journal, II. 35. Fol- 
som's Saco, p. 126. 

8 Arnold Allen. We know not 
whence he came or whither he went. 
He had a wife, Mary, and served on 
this jury, and soon disappears, dying or 
removing to some other locality, where 
he seems to have left no record of his 
existence. Vide Early Records of 
Maine, State copy, I. 75-79, 84, 95. 

9 William Scadlock was among the 
earliest settlers at Saco, where his name 
first appears on a list of taxes for the 
support of public worship in 1636 He 
was Clerk of the Writs in 1653, and 
one of the grand jury in 1654, — offices 
then more important than now, — and 
played the part of commissioner in set- 
tling the boundary line between Cape 
Porpoise, now Kennebunkport, and 
Wells. The meeting of the commis- 
sioners was at the ferryman's at the 
mouth of the Kennebunk, where they 



1640.] 



VERDICT OF THE JURY. 



237 



Judgement is giuen to the plaintiffe vpon this verdict by The 
Worshipfull Thomas Gorges, Henry Joselin, Richard Bony- 



were detained several days by a severe 
storm. The landlord's aquavita:, rum- 
bullion, and flip were too inviting to be 
withstood, and the result was a merry 
time. When the storm cleared and the 
revellers came to their sober senses, a 
large bill stared them in the face ; and 
as the Cape was poor and Wells rich, 
the result was a trade, in which the 
Wells commissioners pledged their 
town to pay the tavern bill, providing 
the Kennebunk River was made the 
dividing line. By this trade Scadlock's 
town lost valuable property which it is 
said properly belonged to it. His will, 
made Jan. 7, 1661-2, is curious. Some 
of its items are as follows : " I bequeath 
unto my sunn John 3 yds. of broad 
Cloath, hee upon that Consideration to 
buy 3 yds. & an halfe of good Kersey 
of tenn shillings per yd. for a Suite for 
my sunn Samell, & silke & buttons unto 
both; — unto my daughter Rebecka 
my worsted stockins ; — unto my sunn 
William my new hatt, he bringing Sam- 
ell another of 10s. or 12s. prize; — unto 
my daughter Susanna Mr. Cotton's 
workes upon y" new Covenant of 
grace; — a booke Intitled meate out of 
the Eater to my sunn William ; — & to 
my sunn John a boke concerning Jus- 
tifying faith, & the practice of pyety to 
Rebecka, & to my daughter Susanna a 
sucking Calfe Called Trubb," which is 
the Devonshire for slut, according to 
Wright. He died shortly after the date 
of his will, which was probably made on 
his death-bed. Vide Bourne's Wells and 
Kennebunk, pp. 88 et sea. Maine Hist. 
Coll., I. 361. Sullivan's Maine, p. 219, 
where the name is erroneously spelt 
Chaddock. Early Records of Maine, 
State copy, I. 1, 61, S1-S4, 376, rf passim. 



10 Henry Warwick, sometimes spelt 
Waddock and Warrick, was among the 
earliest settlers on the Saco, where his 
name appears in 1636. Though evi- 
dently a respected and useful towns- 
man, he does not appear to have placed 
himself in the way of political prefer- 
ment, and hence does not often appear 
in the records of his time. He reared 
a family of three children, John, his son, 
being mentioned in 1674 as a resident 
of Black Point. He is believed to have 
died about the year 1672. In 1690 his 
widow was residing with one of her 
daughters in Gloucester, Massachusetts. 
Vide Sullivan's Maine, p. 219. Folsom's 
Saco, p. 124. Savage's Genealogical 
Dictionary, IV. 429. Maine Hist. Coll., 
III. S3. 

11 John Wadleigh was also one of the 
earliest settlers on the Saco, and served 
on the grand jury in 1645. He removed 
to Wells, and received from the Indian 
Sagamore Chabenocke " all his title and 
interest of Nampscascoke," covering 
nearly the entire site of the town of 
Wells, the consideration being that one 
bushel of Indian corn should annually 
be paid to the "old Webb" the chief's 
mother, during her life. Wadleigh 
took legal possession of his grant, March 
31, 1650, and, as such titles were held 
valid where no previous grants had 
been made, conveyed portions of his 
land to others. He was a selectman of 
Wells in 1653, and kept the ordinary or 
inn of the town. He was an active and 
exemplary citizen, and at his death, in 
1671, left a large property for that time, 
bequeathing to his daughter Mary his 
yoke of oxen, " Spark and Berry." Vide 
Savage's Genealogical Dictionary, IV. 
379. Bourne's Wells and Kennebunk, 



2 3 8 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



[1640. 



then, and Edward Godfrey, Esquires, and execution by them 
awarded. 

The Jury betweene Geo: Cleeue, Gent., plaint., and Mr. Jno. 
^ Winter, defendant. 

1. Henry Bode,' Gent. 

2. Capt. Thomas Cammocke. 

3. Arthur Mackworth, Gent. 

4. Mr. Willm Cole. 

5. Mr. Tho: Page. 

6. Mr. Richard ffoxill. 



pp. 21,25,32,35. Folsom's Saco, p. 120. 
Sullivan's Maine, p. 21S. Early Rec- 
ords of Maine, State copy, III. 196,' 
ct passim. 

1 Henry Boade, Gent., whom Gov- 
ernor Winthrop calls "Cosin Boad," 
was a cousin of the Rev. Timothy Dal- 
ton, as well as the Governor, and his 
relationship to these distinguished men 
gave him dignity in the eyes of the early settlers sent by Mason into his Province 
settlers. He first settled at Saco, where of New Hampshire in 163 1. He was a 
his name appears in the book of rates Councillor under the governorship of 



7. Mr. ffrancis Robinson. 

8. Jno. Smith. 

9. Jno. West. 

10. Jno. Baker. 

1 1. Arnold Allin. 

12. Tho: Withers. 3 

Vide Savage's Genealogical Dictionary, 
I. 207. Maine Hist. Coll., I. 91, 342. 
Bourne's Wells and Kennebunk, pp. 10, 
13, 25, et passim. Folsom's Saco, p. 32. 
Massachusetts Hist. Coll., 5th Series, I. 
35S et sea. ; Ibid., 4th Series, VII. 352. 
Early Records of Maine, State copy, 
I. 6, 69, 70, 123, 151, et passim. 

- Thomas Withers was one of the 



in 1636, but in 1642 removed to Wells, 
where he was empowered by Thomas 
Gorges, with Wheelwright and Rish- 
worth, to allot the town to such persons 
as they deemed suitable to become in- 
habitants. In 1643 he was appointed 
by Parliament, with Winthrop and 
Mackworth, to examine charges pre- 
ferred by George Cleeve against Rich- 
ard Vines, and was one of the Assistants 
of the Province in 1646 and 1648, and 
chairman of the first board of selectmen 
upon the incorporation of the town ; 
also a Commissioner to try small causes. 



Godfrey in 1644. After submission to 
the authority of Massachusetts, he was 
made a Commissioner, and in 1656 was 
a representative to the General Court 
of Massachusetts. But for all this, in 
his old age he seems to have fallen into 
disrepute, as the court records tell us 
that John Withers was presented in 
1671 "for an irregular way of'Contribu- 
tion, by putting in money to leade on 
others to do y e like, & takeing of his own 
money, if not more, out againe, w r by y 
lyes some suspition of fraud." With 
this last curious yet sad record we are 



He was a member of Wheelwright's obliged to complete the biography of the 

little church in the wilderness, and man. Vide Adams's Annals of Ports- 

therefore not in full sympathy with his mouth, ed. 1S25, p. 18. Bourne's Wells 

cousin, the Governor of Massachusetts, and Kennebunk, pp. 15, 159. Savage's 

He died in 1657, leaving a widow, who Genealogical Dictionary, IV. 618. Early 

soon after married and removed west. Records of Maine, State copy, II. 439. 



1640.] 



TESTIMONY RESPECTING CASCO RIVER. 



239 



The Jury find for the plain tiffe the title of land at Casco ac- 
cording to his deed, and giue him twelue pence for his damage, 
and twelue shillings and six pence for the cost of Court. 

Judgement is giuen to the plaintiffe vpon this verdict by 

the Worshipfull Tho: Gorges, Richard Bonython, Henry Jose- 

lin, and Edward Godfrey, Esquires, and execution by them 

awarded. 

This is a true copy : witness our hands. 

THO: GORGES. 
EDWARD GODFREY. 



Peter Garland, 1 marriner, sworne and examined, 
saith that the riuer running vp by Mr. Arthur 



Saco, in this 
Prouince of 
Mayne, the 

September, Mackworths house was commonly called & 

l64 °' knowne by the name of the River of Casco, he 

haueing knowne and frequented the place for fourteene yeares 
or thereaboutes. 

John Cosens,' Saylor, Sworne & examined, saith- as the 
abouesaid Peter Garland cloth. 

Sworne before vs, the Counsellors for this Prouince. 

THO. GORGES. 
RICH: VINES. X 
EDWARD GODFREY. 



1 Peter Garland, supposed to be the 
brother of George, who figured unpleas- 
antly in court in connection with Sarah 
Mills. He was living in Charlestown 
probably at this time, but subsequently 
removed to Boston. Savage supposes 
him to have removed to New Hampshire 
before 1686, about the supposed time 
of his death. From this deposition it 
would appear that he was in the waters 
of Casco Bay in 1626, or near that date. 

■ John Cousins, of Westcustogo, now 
North Yarmouth, was born in 1596, and 
lived on an island near the mouth of 
Royall's River, still called by his name. 
He purchased this island in 1645 °f 



Richard Vines, and resided upon it for 
thirty years, when, the Indian war break- 
ing out, he was forced to leave it, and 
removed to York. He served as one 
of the Assembly under Cleeve in 164S, 
while the latter was deputy-president 
of Lygonia, his name appearing, under 
his mark, on a decree against the Tre- 
lawny estate in favor of Robert fordan, 
by which all the possessions of Tre- 
lawny in Maine were lost to his heirs. 
The date of Cousins's death is variously 
stated, but it is certain that he lived to 
a great age, and left descendants, as 
several of his name were living in the 
immediate vicinity of his last place of 



24O THE TRELAWNY PAPERS 1164a 

•EDWARD GODFREY TO ROBERT TRELAWNY. 

Rl( KMOND lLAND, the 22 ,h 7tcnib., 1640. 

Worship-full Sir: — 

It may please you to tacke notis that In respect of forfli 
passeges, & I being present hcerc as a Condition thinges pass- 
ingc as they doe, you may hould me dishonest, Ignorant, or 
vniust, yf I should not wright you a fewe Lines, not eather ti> 
accuse or excuse, but to explaine the truth. This Turbulent 
fellow, Geo. Cleaues, s|)eding soe well In Ingland, & hcerc 
preuailing with some, yt, as yet, Can get noe thing for my vn- 
iust molesting booth of Mr. John Winter & myselfe: this Tur- 
bulent fellow lucre fyrst Comenced per waie of presentment to 
fynd Mr. Jo. Wynter for regrating, lore staling,' & extorting; 
then Comenced tew Actions of many hundered of jQ more 
then euer hee was worth. Tlie declarations, andswers, & pro- 
cedinges Mr. Wynter will aduise you; for booth actions hee 
hath his desycr, & this I affyrme, yf other Course bee not 
taken our pattentes ar worth nothing, for Casco possitiuely 6: 
wyttneses that ye great riuer was euer knowne to bee Casco 
riuer, yet gaue vardet* otherwise. I will not presume to 

residence some years after his death, market, in order to sell at a higher price, 

Isaac Cousins, who was killed by the or to dissuade persons from bringing 

Indians at Wells, it is quite likely, was their wares to market, or otherwise ob- 

h is son, though Hubbard suggests his struct trade for purposes of gain; — both 

ii<m with one mentioned by now common practices, and denominated 

Savage as from Rowley. Vide Maine in popular parlance torturing the mar- 

Hist. Coll., I. 85, 99. Bourne's History kct. Wright and Ilalliwell make >,■ 

01 Wells and Kenni bunk, p. 14.3. Hub- grate to mean simply to retail, and the 

bud's Indian Wars, II. 1 2S. Early former makes forestall to hinder; and 

Records of Maine. State copy, I. 7, 79, Jai that formerly /.■ regrate was 

84, 87 ; II. 113, 134, (t passim. to buy in order to sell for gain, but now 

1 Regrating and forestalling were to sell within four miles of the market. 

punishable offences under English law. Vide Jacobs's Law ' 1 1 1. 103; 

To regrate was to buy provisions or V.42S. Wright's Provincial Dictionary, 

other merchandise in a market lor the II. 704. Ilalliwell, I ',-4; II. 675. 

purpose of reselling in the same market - Verdict. Vardetsna a proper form 

at a higher price; and to fores, cording to Ilalliwell, who gives the 

to purchase merchandise on its way to same spelling. 




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1C40.] AFFIDAVIT OF VINES AND JOSSELYN. 24I 

aduise nor Councell you, but giue you my oppinion. Yf Sir 
Eardinando Gorges Cannot rectify you, then make you re- 
monstrance to the Lords Comitioners, get a Comition to those 
yt haue pattentes, other wyse noe help : for heere planters 
would haue all Couion.' I wyll not yet leaue Cleaues ; hee 
saieth hee will now for Ingland : a fayre riddance, & I thinke 
shall haue some frennd to meet with him. I would this Cun- 
tery ware rid of him. In hast I Rest 

Your to bee Coiiianded, 

EDW. GODFREY. 
To the Worshipful Robert 
Trelawny, merchant, 
thes present 
in 
Plmouth. 



AFFIDAVIT OF VINES AND JOSSELYN. 

We, Richard Vines and Henry Joselin, two of the Comis- 
sioners for the Province of Mayne, in New-England, vpon the 
intreaty of Mr. John Winter, marriner, haue measured a par- 
cell of land in Spurwinke River, in N: England aforesaid, in 
Controversie betweene Mr. George Cleiues and the saide Mr. 
Winter, which Land, according to the informacon of John Wil- 
kinson 2 and John Milles, who were both at the inclosing of the 
saide ground for the boundes therof, wee finde that all that 
parcell of land that was inclosed at Spurwinke aforesaid by 

1 That is, have it decided by a com- little is known of him, though his name 
mission of patentees, for the planters occasionally occurs in the early records, 
would have all the land common ; a He enjoys, however, the distinction of 
statement not at all borne out by the having been the first town officer of 
decision referred to by Godfrey, nor by Black Point, having been made con- 
any subsequent one. stable in June, 1640. He died in 1666. 

■ John Wilkinson probably came with Vide Maine Hist. Coll., I. 88; Ibid., 

Winter when he returned to begin the III. 37. Early Records of Maine, State 

plantation at Richmond's Island and copy, I. 9, 50, 106; Ibid., II. 101. 
Cape Elizabeth, March 2, 1633. But 

16 



242 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1640. 

Mr. Cleiues is two acres lesse eighteene pole, accounting six- 
teene foote and halfe to the pole. Likewise vpon veiw of a 
Stock of oaken boardes in difference betweene them, we be- 
leiue the Stock was thirteene Score foote, or nere ther abouts. 
And wheras the said Cleiues and his partner, Richard Tucker, 
hath taken oath that Mr. Winter forced them from ther pos- 
session at Spurwinke aboue saide, now John Wilkinson and 
John Milles, who were at that present servants with the said 
Winter, doe affirme vpon oath, that they never knew or heard 
say that the said Winter did by any violence cause the said 
Cleiues to depart, otherwise then by fayre warning. 

Given vnder our handes this third day of October, 1640. 

RICH: VINES- X 
HENRY JOCELYN. 



WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 

Richmon Iland, the 7 lh of October, 1640. 

Worshipfull Syr: — 

You may please to take notize of our procedings. Mr. 
Sargent returned home out of the Bay with our bootes three 
weekes since, & having taken about 15 hodgheds of mackrell 
for our winter baite, the haue gon to sea ever since the 
Came home, 6k haue not taken aboue 5 m. 5 C. of fish, & yt is 
very small, as yt hath vsually bin at this tyme of the yeare. 
Mackrell & herrings ar very scarce with vs heare. We haue 
kept our netts adrift ever since our bootes Came home, & had 
very little baite, some nights \ C. mackrell & herringe, & som 
nights but 40, & this 3 or 4 nights none at all, so that we 
begin to spend our salt baite. Our bootes now bringe home 
1 C. fish in a boote, & som but % C. in a clay, which is but 
poore fishinge : I pray God send yt better. When Mr. Sar- 
gent Came out of the Bay was but 8 Cintalls of the fish sold 
in the Bay, which was sent their by Mr. Luxton, which I for- 
merly advized you of, & what is sold since I know not. I 
haue not heard out of the Bay since our bootes Came home. 



j64°.] WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 243 

I haue sold & deliuered ten of the Cattell that Narias Haukins 
brought in the Starr vnto Mr. Thomas Gorge 1 and Mr. Rich- 
ard Vynes, for the vse of Syr Fardinando Gorge, who ar hcare 
for the orderinge of his busines for this Province, and the haue 
Charged their bills upon Mr. Moses Goodyeare, of Plymoth, 
the elder, & is by order of a letter of Credit sent to Mr. Vines 
from Mr. Moses Goodyeare for payment for tenn head of Cat- 
tell yf the buy them heare, which is by order of Syr Fardinando 
Gorge given unto Mr. Goodyeare. The letter I haue to shew. 
The bills do go for on hundred pounds starling for the tenn 
heffers, payable after 30 daies sight ; but I giue them .£5 heare 
in other goods which the haue receaved of me towards the 
hundred pound, so that the prize of the Cattell is but £95 
starlinge, and yf this money be not paid accordinge to the 
tyme, I haue vnder their hands to deliuer me the Cattell 
againe with the Increase of them. I do beleaue Cattell will 
be Cheape in this Country very shortly. I would willingly 
sell yearlings heare now for ten pound prize per head, which 
ar better then them which I sold for £13 & £15 per head the 
last yeare. Heare ar all sellers of Cattell now that haue them, 
but no buyers. 2 Our new ship is all planked vnto 2 or 3 
strakes of the hire worke 3 of on side, which they do forbeare 
before the beames of the hire deck be placed. Arthur Gill 
hath not bin with vs this thre moneths & more, & doth not 
purpose to Com any more to worke with vs, for he writes me 
he hath vndertaken to build a ship in the Bay 8 or 9 score 
tonns. Our Cattell, goats, & swine in good likinge, & our 
English graine all in a moneth since, but we doubt our Eng- 

1 Thomas Gorges, cousin to Sir Fer- died soon after his arrival. Thomas 

dinando, came to this country, as Coun- Gorges remained here until 1643. Vide 

cillor of the Province and Deputy-Gov- Williamson's Maine, Vol. I. pp. 278, 

ernor, in the summer of 1640. He came 2S3. Hazard's State Papers, Vol. I. 

fresh from his legal studies at Westmin- pp. 458, 470. Folsom's Saco, pp. 44, 54 

ster, his name having been substituted ct scq. Maine Hist. Coll., Vol. I. p. 73, 

on the list of Councillors for Sir Thomas et passim. 

Josselyn, "the old knight," who accom- ■ Vide antea, p. 21S, note 2. 

panied his son John on his visit to Henry 3 Now technically expressed by the 

at Black Point in 1638, but who probably term top-work. 



244 TIIE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1640. 

lish wheat will not yeld well this yeare ; our Indian Come very 
good Corne this yeare, & ripe & now taking in. 

I am now to advize you of the wrongs that you ar like to 
receaue by Cleeues, who goeth on still to worke all the mys- 
chefe he Cann to take away parte of your pattent by his and 
his partners false oaths. In this Court at Saco in their decla- 
ration the Joyned themselues partners for Spurwinke, but 
seinge they Could find no evidence for their vniust practize, 
Tucker putts him selfe out of being a partner for the land at 
Spurwinke, & becomes a witnes, & yett taking a false oath, as 
heare is to be proved ; for he hath taken oath that the land at 
Spurwinke which Cleeues did Cleere was 4 akers or there- 
about, which the Jury haue given in their verdict accordinge 
to his evidence, & now I haue preveiled with two of the Com- 
missioners to measure yt, and the find yt to be but 2 acres 
wantinge 18 pole, allowinge 160 foote to every pole; and hath 
also taken oath for a stocke of bords, which as he sweares did 
Contnd 6 C. foote, & now the ar Judged by the two Commis- 
sioners to be but 260 foote, but yett that stock of bords was 
sawen almost to an end by your servants which I left heare in 
possession the first yeare, which was by name Thomas Alger,' 

1 Thomas and Andrew Alger. The age. Andrew, after the death ofWin- 

Algers, of whom there were four, were ter, went to Saco, but returned about 

doubtless relatives, perhaps brothers. 1654 and joined his brother Arthur, 

Andrew and Arthur we know were, and settling upon a tract of land which they 

are said to have come from Dunster, in had jointly purchased of the Indians 

the county of Somerset, while Thomas in 1651, lying west of the Trelawny 

came from Newton Ferrers in the grant, which they named, after their 

county of Devon. They were all in English home, Dunster, now known as 

Trelawny's employ ; Thomas and Tris- Dunstan. Here the brothers continued 

tram.it would seem, returning to Eng- to reside — Andrew serving as constable 

land after a period of service here, while in 1661 — until the breaking out of the 

Andrew and Arthur remained in this Indian war in 1675, when, in an attack 

country. Thomas did not long remain on their garrison-house, they were both 

in England, but returned here and took mortally wounded. Besides two daugh- 

up his residence in Taunton, where ters, Andrew left three sons to perpetuate 

he married and remained awhile, but the family name, one of whom removed 

subsequently removed to Bridgewater, to Massachusetts, where the name of 

where he ended his days at a good old Alger is well known, being borne by 



1640.] WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 245 

John Baddiver," & Andrew Alger, and for that Case I did stop 
them that he should not Carry them away, being as I did 
Conceaue did belong vnto you. Also he hath taken oath 
that I did force him away from Spurwinke, which is very vn- 
iust for my selfe, nor any servant that was heare did not offer 
to force him away, but he tooke his owne tyme to go when he 
would, & Carried away all his goods with out any molestation 
of any man, as by the examination of these 2 servants, which 
I left to dwell in the house after he was gon to looke vnto your 
swine & other busines which was there to be don, as by their 
examination will more plainely appeare 2 ; and yett the Commis- 
sioners haue given Judgment and granted execution before this 
land or bords wear measured, or these parties examined, ac- 
cordinge as the Jury gaue their verdict vpon this false infor- 
mation ; yett before Judgment was given I did petition the 
Commissioners to forbeare Judgment before this weare truly 
examined. 

And for the parcell of land which he Claymeth at Casko, 
Judgment is past vpon yt & execution granted, and as I Con- 
descendants there of both Thomas and account is the first one sent home, and 
Andrew, above mentioned by Winter, covers the year beginning at the date 
Vide Maine Hist. Coll., I. 213, 295; of the arrival of Winter and his men, 
Ibid., III. 27, 28, 105. Hubbard's In- March 2, 1633. These two servants 
dian Wars, II. 51. Early Records of must have come with him at this date, 
Maine, State copy, I. 79-S4, 106, ct and their names were John Wilkinson 
fassim. and John Mills. He had taken posses- 

1 John Maddiver('). This name sion the year before, 1632, and in July 
took on so many forms, as Madinde, of that year had given Cleeve warning 
Madeford, and Maddine, that we are to depart, but immediately after re- 
inclined to take this to be but another turned to England, leaving Thomas and 
form. If this view is correct, he was Andrew Alger and John Madcliver (?) in 
probably a relative of Michael, who possession. When he returned in 1633 
continued to live here and left de- he brought men and material to start 
scendants. the plantation. This fixes the date of 

2 It will be seen by referring to the Cleeve's departure from the Spurwink, 
account of the plantation (antea, p. 40) since John Wilkinson and John Mills, 
which was sent to Trelawny by Win- "who were at that present servants 
ter with his letter of June 18, 1634, with the said Winter,'' testify that he 
that there is a charge for money due departed without violence and t>y "fayre 
" for my selfe and 2 servantes." This warning." 



246 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



[1640. 



ceaue the marciall hath given him the possession by the Juries 
mystakinge of the name of the River, takinge their evidence of 
som of the Jury which haue not known the place, weare not 
sworne for not aboue 5 or 6 yeares at the most, and yett I Can- 
not vnder stand any ground the haue for naminge of that River 
which the Call the River Casko, but that yt hath been Called 
so since Cleeues Came their ; and for myne owne parte before 
was within this 4 yeares I heard of no River to be their but 
alwaies an arme of the sea, & the River that is their is very 
little by report of them that haue gone over yt ;' but the other 
River, which I take to be the River of Casco, & hath alwaies 
bin Called so by all sea men that ever I heard speake of yt, 
& I haue bin in the river thirtene' yeares since, and made vse 
of our saine their for baite, & did not know at that tyme any 
other River in that Bay. 

And I brought in 4 witnesses, wherof 3 of them did know 
the River before the pattent was granted, & yett was no notice 
taken of them. The Jury had also the pattent with them to 
purvse yt & the writings when the possession was given ; yett 
all this will do no good, but they must giue Cleeues the land. 
I haue two witnesses more that haue taken oath since the 
Court was, before som of the Commissioners, that knew this 



1 It seems a sufficient answer to this 
to say that this arm of the sea, or what- 
ever it may be, has always been called 
by common consent a river, and so ap- 
pears on every map of the locality which 
has been printed. It is true that the 
tide flows up Fore River, as it is now 
called, for several miles, and it also flows 
up the Presumpscot at least two miles 
above where Mackworth's house stood, 
which was said to stand on its bank. 
Two streams flow into Fore River, 
which may or may not be called a con- 
tinuation of it ; viz. the Stroudwater 
and Capisic, both of which were once 
probably larger than they now appear. 
Cleeve's grant was doubtless up the 



Capisic to the falls, now nearly dry, just 
below the pond. From this point his 
line extended directly to the lower falls 
of the rresumpscot, a distance of about 
four miles. In the grant the distance 
is said to be " near about an English 
mile " ; but it should be remembered 
that at this time a dense wilderness lay 
between the two rivers, and it is quite 
likelv that Cleeve had never traversed 
it, but had an indefinite idea of the dis- 
tance from the Indians. Certainly the 
description of the grant to Cleeve is as 
accurate as in other grants made at this 
time. 

' This shows that Winter was in our 
waters as early as 1627. 



1640.] WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 247 

River before the pattent was granted, & their be a great many 
more that did know this River before the pattent was granted, 
which ar in England, & som that ar in this Country also, yf I 
Could Com to speake with them. I shall giue you the names 
of som that ar in England, yf they be not dead, that did know 
the River of Casko before your patten was granted. You 
haue alwaies thought that Syr Fardinando Gorge would order 
yt so to giue you your right of your pattent,' but I se yt goes 
otherwise by his Court which is heare ; for I appeald to Sir 
Fardinando Gorge, being lord proprieter for this Province, 
before Judgment was given, but the answere of the Commis- 
sioners was that Sir Fardinando Gorge was heare in their per- 
sons, & their was no appeall for me. Therefore I thinke is 
but litle right to be expected from this Court, but must seeke 
to the lords pattehtes from whence your patten was granted. 
Their is an exception made in' Syr Fardinando Gorges pattent, 
that he shall not vvronge any of the pattens formerly granted 
by the lords pattentes, but I se no notice taken of yt. Yf 
Cleeues Can hold this, then he will make Syr Fardinando 
Gorges patten good which he hath granted vnto Cleeues. You 
wrote to me you weare about to Complaine vnto the Lords to 
Recover your right, but that Sir Fardinando Gorges did stop 
you, promisinge to se you righted. I wish you had made your 
Case knowen to the lords pattentes, then I doubt not but you 
would haue had your right, and I should haue bin free of all 
this trouble. Mr. Godfrey Recovered £20 dammage vppon 
Cleeues for his wronge sute that he had against him to Call 
him in to England/ but Cleeues makes account that his Case 

1 When Sir Ferdinando granted Tre- Iimitts and bounds graunted to Cap- 
lawny the two thousand acres in addi- taine Thomas Camock doe or ought to 
tion to the first grant, he probably extend towards the north," which was 
thought that this would settle the diffi- but one mile. Hence the persistency 
culty ; but to Winter, certainly, the with which he urgedhis principal in Eng- 
importance increased daily of stretching land, who probably knew little about the 
his northerly line away to the Presump- exact positions of the different points in 
scot, nearly ten miles in a straight line dispute, to press Sir Ferdinando to undo 
from the mouth of the Spurwink to the what he had done for Cleeve. 
lower falls, instead of "soe farr as the ' Vide Letter of Vines to Winthrop, 



248 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1640- 

is- good still vpon me, beinge he heares nothinge of yt from 
you. Mr. Godfrey saies that he stopt the Court, & doth 
Charge me for Charges of Clearinge the busines of Court be- 
twixt 40 & 50 shillings, but yf I expect dammage must seeke 
yt out of the Court. Cleues hath bin heare with the marciall 
to serue his execution, but our men forced them away, & did 
not serue yt, & now he is gon as they say to gett strenght of 
men to haue my body or goods by force, which I doubt will 
Case much trouble & hinderance in our busines, yf the Coun- 
try force me to pay this execution. Heare ar divers which ar 
Cleues Creditors that gape 1 for this money, & I know not how 
yt will be gotten from him againe, beinge he is so much in 
dept. Captaine Cammocke is now Cominge for England. 
He hath not yt pd me your .£3 which you lent him. Theris a 
difference still Betwixt vs about the land against Spurwinke. 
He still Claimes a myle vp the River Spurwinke, & had an 
acktion against me the last Courte at Sacco for cuttinge of 
gras on that side of the River where we haue vsually Cut gras, 2 
but now yt is put vnto 2 men to be serveyers of yt. I desire 
you will be pleased to advize me by the first what Course you 

Mass. Hist. Coll., 4th Series, Vol. VII. " We have no proof that Cammock 

, ever sought to change his eastern line 

» To gape is to stand vacantly staring of one mile up the westerly shore of the 

with the mouth open, as well as the Spunvink to a mile in a straight line 

eyes. The first Saturday in the year from its mouth, except a statement of 

and the one after May-day were called Winter to that effect in a former letter. 

gauby-far, i. e. gapy-fair days ; as on The record is plainly against this state- 

these days country servants, " chaps and ment, as according to his grant, and the 

wenches'," or putties (gapies) as they "banding out" by Neal, he could not 

were called, went to town to spend their legally do so ; and besides, in every 

wages and see the sights, suggesting the case, he vigorously maintained his right 

pertinent remark, "I dunna know whad to hold to the river. Winter does not 

yo' wanten i' toun, — nuthin to do but to appear to advantage in his claim to land 

'■■i-aup at the shop-windows." Winter °" the western bank of the Spurwink, 

probably had this ludicrous picture in vvhere he so plainly had no title, and 

view when he suggested to Trelawny, '»<= suggestion naturally occurs that he 

who was familiar with the gauiy/ar, the was not a pleasant neighbor, 
analogy between Cleeve's creditors and 
the gaubies of Devonshire. 



1640.] WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 249 

will take with Cleeues about this busines. I would haue sent 
the hodghed of bever by this ship which I haue formerly ad- 
vised you of, but yt I doubt I shall be forced to pay this exe- 
cution. Then I haue not where with at all to pay yt. I Cannot 
sell no Cattell, goates, nor swine. Heare is no money in the 
Country, & but litle bever, & the Country hath nothinge heare 
to make money of. Most of the Cattell that Came heare this 
yeare ar still vnsold, & the sett them out to winter them heare 
& pay 30s. p' head for the kepinge of them the winter, & I do 
beleaue the next yeare the will be very Cheape, because their 
is such great store in the Country, & increase so fast & kill 
none. 

So not having els to advize you at present, I Commite you 
to God & rest 

Your to his power, 

JOHN WINTER. 

Syr, before I had Inclosed my letter heare was on Mr. 
Burdhead,' a mynister at Acomenticus, which desired me to 
Inclose a letter in my packett to be Conveyed to his frind, 
havinge no acquaintance to Convay yt, which I shall desire 
you will be pleased to Convey yt as safe as you Cann. 

1 The Rev. George Burdett, of Yar- had left in distress, and there ended his 
mouth, county of Norfolk, England, infamous career. Those who are curi- 
Ile first settled in Salem in 1635, and ous to learn more of him may consult 
there preached until 1637, when here- Old Naumkeag, pp. 77 el seq.; Win- 
moved to Dover, New Hampshire, throp's Journal, I. 276, 298, II. 10; 
where he remained but a short time, Mass. Hist. Coll., 4th Series, VII. 10, 
removing thence, on account of a disa- 335; Bourne's History of Wells and 
greement, to York. Instead, however, Kennebunk, pp. 5 et scq. ; Lechford's 
of leading his flock into paths of right- Plain Dealing, p. 105 ; Belknap's His- 
eousness, he proved to be a wolf among tory of New Hampshire, I. 35; Hub- 
them, and the records of his misdeeds bard's History of New England, p. 361 ; 
stain the pages of history. So obnox- and the Early Records of Maine, State 
ious did he become, that he was forced copy, I. 90 et scq. 
to return to England, to the family he 



250 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



[ 1 640. 



MEMORANDUM 

Enclosed in Letter of Winter to Trelawny, October 7, 1640. 

Herin I giue you the names of som men in England that 
did know the River of Casco before your pattent was granted, 
and I make no question but these Can advise you of many 
more about Waimoth : therwere divers which did know yt. 
Therweare 4 ships of Weymoth 1 did fysh at Casko that yeare, 
that I did fish, which is about som 13 yeares past. The mas- 
ters names of the ships weare these : Henry Russell & Josheph 
Russell, brothers, William Lash, & on Master Guyer. 

The names of these which I did know about Plymoth. 

Imprimis, Ambros Bauden of Holberton, 2 mariner, which 
was my apprentice. 

John Tayler of Jaime, marriner, which was with me a bootes 
master when I did fish at Casko. 



1 Weymouth, a seaport in the county 
of Dorset, where vessels were fitted out 
to fish on this coast. The "divers ships 
of Weymouth," which Levett says he 
saw fishing in Casco Bay in 1624, came 
from this port, and were not ships under 
the command of Captain George Wey- 
mouth of unpleasant memory, as some 
have supposed. 

- Ambrose Bauden of Holberton, a 
little parish in the county of Devon, 
commanded and owned the vessel in 
which Cammock and his wife came to 
the New World, and in payment for 
their passage received a lot of land near 
the mouth of the Spurwink, including 
what is now known as Higgins's Beach, 
upon which, having retired from the sea, 
he settled. Travel across the Spurwink 
increased, and as there was no bridge, 
it was necessary to carry passengers 
across in a boat. Finding that an hon- 



est penny might be earned by establish- 
ing a ferry over the river, he obtained 
an appointment from the Court to 
"keepe the Ferry over Spurwink River 
to Mr. Robt. Jordan, to fetch passengers 
from thence as occasion semeth." This 
was in 165S. Eleven years before, he 
had been accused of a grave crime by 
Cleeve ; but from all that we can learn 
it did not impair his usefulness, and may 
have been, like many other charges of a 
criminal nature so freely indulged in at 
this time, without sufficient foundation. 
Be this as it may, he continued to live 
on his farm, ferrying travellers across 
the river, until incapacitated by blind- 
ness, in 1670. When the war broke out, 
in 1675, he was one of the first victims. 
Vide Maine Hist Coll., I. 214; III. 15 
et set]. Early Records of Maine, State 
copy, I. 132; III. 318, etpassim. Mass. 
Hist. Coll., 4th Series, VII 378. 



1640.^ 



WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 



251 



Bennett Wills of Plymoth, which was boteson with me when 
I did fish at Casco, & was a bootes master. 

Thomas Alger of Newton Ferrers,' which dwelt at the house 
at Casko = about 10 yeares since. 

Edmond Baker of Newton Ferrers, which dwelt at the house 
at Casko with Thomas Alger about 10 yeares past. 

Nycholas Rouse of Wembery, which dwelt at the house at 
Casko with Thomas Alger 10 yeares past. 

And I make no doubt, yf these men be livinge, Can advise 
you of divers others about Plymoth & Barnestable. 3 



1 Vide antea, p. 244, note I. West- 
cote, in his View of Devonshire in 1630, 
speaking of Alger's native town, from 
which several of our early colonists 
came, says : " Then is Newton Ferrers, 
which derives his two names in this 
sort, one from the late or new habita- 
tion, in respect of some other towns 
near it, and the other from the posses- 
sor, Ferrers You shall have his epi- 
taph, found in the Abbey of Tutbury ; 
you may chance to find more sense 
therein than I can. 

* Hie jacet Henricus de Ferrariis comes, hujus 

Ecclesie fundator, imajo nomine cujus 

Anno milleno Domini quater atque viceno 

Tutburieqne novo domns est fundata patrono.' " 

2 " The house at Casko." There was 
a house at Casco then as early as 1630, 
some time before Cleeve left the Spur- 
wink, since Alger, Baker, and Rouse 
dwelt in it that year. It will be re- 
membered that Christopher Levett says 
that in 1624 he had a house at "York" 
built and fortified "in a reasonable good 
fashion, strong enough against such 
enemies as are these savage people." 
York, he says, was "about two leagues 
to the east of Cape Elizabeth." The 
name Casco was, at the time Winter 
writes, applied to this very region, 
especially to the neck where Cleeve 
resided. The " /iousi at Casko " was 



probably the house built "in a reason- 
able good fashion " by Levett, and may 
have been on the mainland or one of the 
adjacent islands. Winter in a subse- 
quent letter alludes to Levett's grant as 
an island, and, although we know that 
it must have included the mainland as 
well as the " four islands which make 
one good harbor," the presumption 
seems a fair one that he built his house 
on one of the islands. The reason for 
the name of House Island has never 
been given, although it bore this name 
as early as 1661. It seems highly prob- 
able that its name was derived from 
this house built by Levett in 1624, and 
long occupied by fishermen, who fre- 
quented the vicinity and had stages 
erected upon it for curing their fish, 
even at this early day. 

1 Barnstaple has been briefly alluded 
to in a former note, but is so often men- 
tioned in these letters, and was so inti- 
mately connected by commerce with the 
early history of the coast of Maine, that 
a more extended notice of it as it ex- 
isted in John Winter's time nny not 
seem out of place. Westcote, A. D. 
1630, says that " Barnstaple, or Bar- 
staple, is a very ancient borough, near 
the mouth of the Taw, and thereof may 

be said to derive its name It is 

one of the eyes of the Country, and the 



252 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1640. 

WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 

Richmon Iland, the 19* of October, 1640. 

Worshipfull Sir: — 

My last was by this Conveyance the 7th of this moneth, 
wherin I haue advised you of all passages at that tyme. Now 
I am to advize you of another busines which hath happened 
since my last writinge. The nth of this moneth I went with 
a boote to Casco Bay to the ship of Bristow, to Convay my 
letters. Whiles I was lacke, 1 their Comes a boote with 30 
men in Armes, with a warrant from Mr. Gorges & som other 
of the Commissioners, and the Martiall with them, to take my 
body or the goods heare on the Iland by force, for the satisfy- 
inge of Cleues execution. The execution not served on me nor 
the goods, pretendinge that the Martiall 2 was beaten of the 
Iland by force. But no such matter ; our men never stroke 
him, but Carried him out of our house betwixt 3 or 4 of them, 
he refusing to go out when the bid him to departe out of the 
house. He told them he would not, so that was the cause they 
bore him out. So he departed & went away in the boote that 
he Came in. Now this boot with the 30 men in armes, when 

northern emporium The inhab- a woman and her child drowned in this 

itants trade into foreign countries ; es- river ; upon which woeful accident and 

pecially in regard of the situation to woeful spectacle he was presently moved 

Spain and the islands For antiquity, to erect this bridge for the security of 

fair buildings, and frequency of people, travellers, and piously performed it " 

it may pass equal to some of greater Of its antiquity, he says that it "was of 

fame." Of its two bridges, one, he says, good esteem in the time of King Athel- 

" was begun by two maiden sisters, who, stane, 924, of whom it obtained divers 

by spinning and teaching young children liberties, freedoms, and immunities, 

their skill, finished the two first piers, which to this day (with augmentation 

and there was sometime to be seen a from other princes) they now enjoy." 

charter .... whereby it appeal eth that Vide View of Devonshire, pp. 294 etseq. 

the licence was given unto them to seek ' " Whiles I was lacke"; i. c. while 

and implore the benevolence of good and I was wanting from home ; the common 

charitably disposed people towards the form in Devonshire. Vide antea,^. 1671 

finishing thereof" ; and the other was note I. 

erected by a judge who, "coming from = Robert Sankey was Marshal, 
his house .... toward this town, found 



1640.] WINTER TO TRELAWNV. 253 

they Came neare the Hand, was healed' by Mr. Sargent & som 
more of our men with him, demandinge of them what was their 
intent to Com with so many men armed. Their answere was 
that they weare Come for my body or goods on the Hand. "Mr. 
Sargents answere was vnto them that I was not heare on the 
Hand, & for to take any of the goods the should not so longe 
as they weare able to resist yt, neather shall you Com a shore 
vpon the Hand, for I know not your intent : we do heare that 
you haue made your bost that yf you Cannot haue Mr. Winter 
nor the goods, that then you will burne the Hand & the house 
over our heads : therfore I Charge you Com no neare, yf you 
do, take that Comes. Answere was made in the boote by the 
Martiall & som others, that they would mainetaine yt,° yf the 
Could not gett me or goods to satisfie the execution. This be 
som of our me[n] ready to affirme vppon their oath. I haue 
written to Mr. Gorges 3 about this busines, but I haue no an- 
swere as yett. These men lay about the Hand & about Spur- 
winke 2 or 3 daies & nights, which did Cause our me[n] to 
leaue all busines to preserue our goods, & kept watch by night 
for feare of firinge our house & the Hand. They weare a shore 
a whole weeke following from sea. The Martiall with all these 
men weare at Spurwinke & treaned 4 to breake open the dore 
of the house to Com in to put Cleeues in possession of the 
house, but their was John Burrage s within to keep the posses- 
sion, & told them yf they did breake open the dore they should 

1 Hailed. Cleeve left at Spurwink at this time 

3 I. e. hold possession of it. (1640), as Cammock declares that he 

3 Thomas Gorges, cousin to the Lord went there to warn him not to cut hay 

Proprietor, Sir Ferdinando, who arrived on his side of the river, as Winter had 

that spring and assumed the office of ordered. In 1662 he leased of Henry 

Deputy-Governor of the Province, the Josselyn a farm adjoining John Libby's 

duties of which he administered vig- at Hlack Point (Prout's Neck), where 

orously, yet equitably, as historians of he resided till his death, which occurred 

the times all testify. Vide anlea, p. 243, shortly after, as letters of administration 

note 1. upon his estate were granted on Sep- 

•> Threatened. tember 29, 1663. Vide Maine Hist. 

5 John Lurrage, after the death of Coll., III. Si. Savage's Genealogical 

Winter, continued to reside in the vicin- Dictionary, I. 30S. Early Records of 

ity. He was living in the house which Maine, State copy, I. SS; II. 349. 



254 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



Li 640. 



take what Comes ; so the departed from the house, but our [men] 
thinkes the ly still in vvaite to gett the possession of the house 
at Spurwinke. This brings vpon vs much trouble & hinder- 
ance of our busines. I haue heare in inclosed a deposition for 
the acknowledgment of Casco River. I haue in my former by 
Mr. Kinge, the master of the Bristow ship, sent you the decla- 
rations & answeres, the deposissions of the men that tooke oath 
for Casco River, the presentments, my petition to the Com- 
missioners, a bill of exchange for on hundred pound vpon Mr. 
Moses Goodyeare for 10 heffers, the names of the Juries, with 
their verdict. I shall desire to haue your answere about this 
busines by the first Convenience. So, Committinge you to 
God & rest, 

Your to his power, 

JOHN WYNTER. 

To the Worshipfull Robert 

Trelawny, merchant, this 

bedd. 

in 
Plymoth. 

[Indorsed by R. Trelawny:] 

Mr. Winter, acquainting me 
of Cleeues proceedings. 




WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 



Riciimon Iland, the 21" 1 of October, 1640. 

Worshipfull Sir: — 

I haue formerly by this Conveyance advized you all needful]. 
These few words ar to advize you since my last I haue goote 
an Indian Coote of Auters skins. They ar the best I Could 
gett heare in the Country. I haue laid waite amonge all the 
traders with the Indians in this Country, & Cannot gett a 
better, and to my thinkinge I pay deare for this. I haue in 



1641] JOHN WINTER'S RECOGNIZANCE. 255 

trucke given for him 5 Jarrs of oyle & 4s. in money. I wish 
he" may be to your liking, & then I Count him not deare. I 
haue sent him by Mr. William Kinge, = master of the Exchange 
of Bristovv, by whom I haue sent my letters also. Thereis a 
Commission sent by him which Came from the admyralty of 
England, for the examining of some people heare in the Coun- 
try, for your brother Edward Trelawnycs busines.' Yt is di- 
rected vnto you from the Commissioners, and I haue Inclosed 
a letter in the box to your brother, which I shall desire you 
will Convey yt vnto him. So not els at present, I Commyt 
you to God & rest, 

Your to his power, 

JOHN WYNTER. 
To the Worshipfull Robert 

Trelawny, merchant, this 
be dd. 

in 
Plymoth. 




A COPPIE OF MR. JNO. WINTERS RECOGNIZANCE. 
Agamenticus.j Memorand the first day of April], 1641 : Mr. Jno. 

in the Province , TT . , r t-» • i 1 t 1 i 1 1 r 

of Mayne. Winter ot Richmond Island cometh before vs, 

Tho: Gorges and Edward Godfrey, Councellors 

of this Province, and acknowledged himselfe to owe vnto our 

1 This employment of the masculine 3 Edward Trelawny's business seems 
pronoun was sanctioned by common not to have been successful, several law- 
usage, which made it refer indifferently suits having already resulted. We are 
to a feminine or neuter noun, or even left in the dark as to the particular case 
to one in the plural. for which this evidence was wanted. It 

2 Probably the same Captain William may have been for the long pending liti- 
King mentioned in Sainsbury's Colonial gation between him and Thomas Babb, 
Papers, Vol. V. p. 107, and possibly by of VVapping, mentioned by Sainsbury, 
Hotten, p. 404, as captain of the Change, VI. 173; IX. 261. ( Vide antea, p. 82.) 
although this would have made him 4 Agamenticus, afterwards called Gor- 
quite an old man at the date Hotten giana by Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and 
gives. made his seat of government for the 



2$6 



THE TRKLAWNY PAPERS. 



[1641. 



Soueraigne Lord the King one hundred pounds starling, to be 
levyed of his goods & chattalls. And Mr. Thomas Page of 
Saco acknowledgeth himselfe likewise to owe to our said Sou- 
eraigne Lord the King fiftie pounds starling, to be likewise 
levyed of his goods and chattalls to his Majesties vse if this 
condicon be not performed. 

The condicon of this recognizance is such, that if the within 
bounden Jno. Winter shall personally appeare at the Generall 
Courte to be holden at Saco on the 25th day of June next, 
then and there to answeare to such things as shallbe obiected 
against him in his Majesties behalfe, for resisting the Prouost 
Marshall ' (by force of amies) in the levyeing of an Execution 
for Mr. George Cleeue, That then this recognizance to be frus- 
trate and voyd, or els to remayne in full force and virtue. 

The abouesaid Jno. Winter and Thomas Page doe farther 
engage themsclues to vs, the said Tho: Gorges and Edward 



Province of Maine ; but later named 
York, from the English town of that 
name taken by Cromwell's forces after 
a severe struggle in 1644. The Indian 
name is said by Ballard to be Anghemak- 
ti-koos, that is, Snow-shoe River, a pond 
forming the source of the river upon 
which the town is seated being shaped 
like an Indian snow-shoe. The first 
settlement was made in 1623, on the 
eastern bank of the river at its mouth, 
by a company sent over by Sir Ferdi- 
nando, "and afterwards," says William- 
son, " no other plantation of Gorges had 
so constantly and so fully his patronage 
and favor." Vide Williamson's Maine, 
I. 231. Mass. Hist. Coll., 3d Series, 
VI. 79. Belknap's New Hampshire, 
I. 8. Maine Hist. Coll., I. 47. Hub- 
bard's New England, p. 224. Sulli- 
van's Maine, pp. 237-241. 

1 Robert Sankey. He was born in 
1605, and came to this country in 1635 
willi Samuel Andrews and his wife 
Jane, who afterwards married Arthur 



Mackworth. He was doubtless an 
old acquaintance of Mackworth, as 
he appears as one of the witnesses to 
the deed to him from Vines, immedi- 
ately after his arrival. On the first 
page of the York Court Records ap- 
pear two items respecting him. The 
first is an order directed to the "Con- 
stable of Saco" to seize his "goodes 
and chattells" to satisfy a claim of 
Edward Trelawny, for " forten lis and 
one shilling," and another showing that 
he was himself appointed Constable by 
the same court. In 1640 he was made 
Provost Marshal by Gorges, and was a 
a conspicuous figure for a brief time in 
the new government, but was cut off 
by death in the midst of his honors a 
few months after his appointment. / 'ide 
Drake's Founders of New England, 
p. 24. Folsom's Saco, p. 121. Maine 
Hist. Coll., I. 69. Savage's Genealogi- 
cal Dictionary, IV. 14. Early Records 
of Maine, State copy, I. pp. 6, 9, 50, 
67-70. 95. 98- 



[641.] WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 257 

Godfrey, that the said Jno. Winter shall and will forthwith de- 
liuer to Richard Vines, Richard Bonython, and Henry Joselin, 
Councellors of this Province, so much goods as shall amount 
to eighty pounds starling, to remaine in the custody of the 
Courte, for the levyeing of an Execucbn vpon a Judgement 
giuen to Mr. George Cleeue against the said Jno. Winter, ex- 
cept the said Jno. Winter shall at the next Generall Courte 
reverse the said Judgement and Execucbn, And in considera- 
cbn thereof we the said Tho: Gorges and Edward Godfrey 
doe hereby promise and engage our selues to the said Winter 
that the said Execucbn shalbe stopped, and the said Jno. 
Winter to be no way troubled or molested in or concerneing 

the premisses till the said Courte. 

ROGER GARDE, Register. 

[Indorsed in handwriting of Jno. Winter:] 
Mr. Jno. Winters recognizance. 



WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 

Ile of Shoulds, 1 the 21 th of June, 1641. 

Worshipfull Syr: — 

Your of the 8th of March Receaved, but haue not receaved 
the letters you advize me, which you wrote 2 daies before. 
My being heare at present is to gett som pich & som liquor 

1 The Isles of Shoals, from which Smith visited them a few years later 

Winter dates this letter, lie about seven and gave them the name of Smith's Isles, 

and a half miles from the mainland, which he says " are a heape together, 

south-southeast from Portsmouth Light, none neere them against Accominty- 

and consist of eight barren islands, cus." Christopher Levett writes, in 

whose craggy shores baffle the angry 1623: "The first place I set my foot 

billows of the Atlantic, which buffet upon in New England was the Isle of 

them unceasingly. They were noticed Shoulds, being islands in the sea about 

by all the early navigators hither, two leagues from the main. Upon 

Champlain saw them in 1605, and these islands I neither could see one 

called them Isles asscz hautes; and good timber tree, nor so much good 

>7 



258 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1641. 

Caske," & som other nessessaries for our new ship before the 
ships depart hence. I haue much desired to make our ship 
ready to take the Company of these ships, but Cannot bring 
yt to pas. Our Carpenters haue bin very slacke in their 
worke, & we ar in a straite in this Country for Carpenters 
worke. The worke very sparingly, 2 & we speake vnto them 
for yt, the answere is, yf you do not like vs we will be gon, 
the knowing our worke must be donn & no other to be gotten. 
Our new ship was lancht but the 15th of this moneth ; I hope 
she will proue a good ship. She swimbed 3 as vpright as might 
be when she was lancht, and very styff of her side. We had 
much worke to do on her when she waslancht ; both decks to 
Calke, the hatches to make, her head to sett vp, & our masts 
to make, & her boote to build. We haue all things in place, 
but all lies on the Carpenters to dispach yt. We haue had 2 
ship Carpenters & 2 house Carpenters to worke ever since the 
last of March, besides our owne Carpenters, & would haue gott 
more yf I Could haue gott them for money. Arthur Gyll did 
promise me to Com againe to worke, but did not. After our 
hier decke 4 is Calked & our maine mast in, I do purpose to 
gett in our fish as fast as I Cann whiles the Carpenters ar 
doing the other worke. We shall not haue fish Inough to 

ground as to make a garden." In the 195; A Voyage into New England, 

same manner Richard Mather in his Maine Hist. Coll., II. I ; Young's 

Journal speaks of them : " But this Chronicles of Massachusetts, p. 473 ; 

evening [Aug. 14, 1635], by moonlight, and for a particular account, "The 

about ten of the clock, we came to an- Isles of Shoals," by John S. Jenness. 

chor at the Isles of Shoals, which are ■ These were wanted to keep fresh 

seven or eight islands and other great water in for a sea-voyage, 

rocks, and there slept sweetly that night = Slowly. This is a common form of 

till break of day." In spite of their expression in Devonshire. " Spare- 

barrenness, they were a welcome sight growing is a constant description of 

to the early voyagers to New England slow-growing plants," says Elworthy. 

after a long and perilous passage across 3 This form of spelling is not peculiar 

the Atlantic. Though still largely in- to Winter. Halliwell has the word 

habited by fishermen, they are becom- swimbing, and it may be found in many 

ing a favorite resort to pleasure-seekers, old authors. 

Vide Voyages of Sieur de Champlain, * I. e. upper deck. 
II. 69; Smith's Generall Historic, II. 



1641.] 



WINTER TO TRELAWNV. 



259 



lode her, I do thinke, and to buy any more I am loth, the prize 
being high, & my doubt of late Coming to the markett, but I 
will gett what fraight I Cann. We haue neare about 60 C. of 
dry fish, & but 3 hodgheds of traine, & about 10 hodgheds of 
peas ; no Cor fish. This is all the lading we haue as yett. 
Dry fish sold heare at 31 Riles the Cintall. Our fishermen ar 
all Cleare except Maddiver, & most of them Come home in 
the ship. I haue shipt on bootes Company againe, & will gett 
on more yf I Cann gett honest men. I know not what I shall 
do with our Vittells, having but few men, for Cattell, goats, & 
hodgs ar very Cheape, and Cannot sell any. Heare is no 
money to be goott for any thing that I haue to sell, & very 
litle beaver, & that is but bad, & to trust them I am weary of 
yt, for they are never so good as their word. I do beleue yt 
will be the myddell or 20th of July before our ship will be 
ready, do the best we Cann. By her, God willing, I shall 
write you at large. So being in hast, I Commyt you to God 
& rest, 

Your to his power, 

JOHN WYNTER. 
To the Worshipfull Robert 

Trelawny, merchant, this 
bedd. 

in 
Plymoth. 
Per Convoy of the George 
of Barnestable, whom God 
preserve. 

[Indorsed by R. Trelawny :] 

Richmonds Hand, 21th June, 1641. 
John Winter, Rd the 
17th of August. 

' This oil was not produced from out question will enrich the inhabitants 
whales, but made from the livers of of New England quickly ; and is there- 
codfish. Says Morton, "Greate store fore a principall commodity." Vide 
of traine oyle is mayd of the livers ol New English Canaan, Force's Tracts, 
the Codd, and is a commodity that with- Vol. II. p. 59. 




260 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1641. 



PETITIONS OF JOHN WINTER. 

To the Right Worshipfull the Councellors for the Prouince 

of Mayne, &c. 

Saco, the 25* of June, 1641. 

Your humble petitioner Jno. Winter sheweth, whereas 
George Cleeue hath commenced & prosecuted two seuerall 
actions at ye Generall Courte holden the 8th day of Sep- 
tember last past, and hath obtained a verdict, Judgement, & 
Execution in either of them against your petitioner, That he 
hath (as he conceiueth) sustained greate iniurie, hardship, 
and illegall proceeding against him, haueing of himselfe small 
knowledge in the processe of the lawes, & being destitute of all 
honest helpe or direction to mainetaine and impleade the Jus- 
tice & innocency of himselfe & causes : relyeing fully vpon the 
integrity of such who should be empannelled, and deputed as 
iust, sufficient, & impartiall Jurors in the seuerall actions, who 
haue proceeded very weakely ' against your said petitioner, as 
he is able to make to appeare. 

Where vpon your petitioner was moued to forbeare 2 [&] 
avoyd the levyeing of any such Execucon or Exc[uc6ns] vpon 
his person or estate for the present, hopeing for a future op- 
portunitie to make his case & aggreuances knowne more fully 
to the Right Worshipfull Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Lord Pro- 
priator, as likewise to you his worshipfull Commissioners, from 
whome he doth not doubt but he shall find all lawfull remedy 
& redresse in these his sufferings. An this your petitioner 
sheweth was the only cause wherefore he hath deferred to 
yeild himselfe & estate into the hands of your officers, not out 

■ I. e. with feebleness or weakness of and several brought suit against Winter 

mind. Dryden's line, therefor. 

2 This is a singular use of the word 
" Against pretended justice weakly [all, - . . 

forbear. I he forbearance in this case 

well illustrates Winter's meaning. This consisted in resisting, vi et armis, the 

charge of incompetency, coupled with officers sent by the court to levy upon 

other charges, greatly angered the jury, his property. 



1641.] PETITIONS OF JOHN WINTER. 26 1 

of any stubborne rebellious or vnreuerent disrespect to you or 
your authoritie, who is ready now and allwayes to demeane & 
behaue himselfe in a befitting manner to the gouernement 
here estated with all submission & obedience, and hath not 
either by himselfe or any other in his behalfe committed or 
suffered to be done any thing what soeuer that may sauour of 
rebellion against the lawes of our dread Soueraigne Lord the 
King (whom God preserue) or the articles of the Commission 
here published. 1 

And whereas your petitioner did at the said Courte present 
vnto you a petition for appeale vnto the Lord Propriator, who 
as he supposed might haue reserued vnto himselfe in partic- 
ular some prioritie & singular right in cases of this nature, 
which appeale (as it then appeared vnto some of you) was 
wrongfully directed ; and if soe, your petitioner sheweth that 
then he did direct his appeale vnknowingly, but not without 
iust and lawfull causes, and hopeth that his want of knowledge 
therein may not prooue a disadvantage to his most lawfull 
defence in his so iust actions. 3 

Your petitioner againe sheweth that whereas there was a 
verdict brought in against him, then defendant in an action 
of the trouer, wherein the Jurors did find for the said Cleeue, 
then plaintiffe, the proceeding as he conceiueth was erronious 
& vniust, the said Cleeue producing no other evidence therein 
but himselfe & Richard Tucker, his copartner & fellow agent 
in the cause, as the said Cleeue hath acknowledged in his 
declaracoii, being both of them conioyntlie interested in the title 
of land from the beginning, according to clayme equall sharers 
in the pretended Damages, & to this verie day haue con- 
tinued as equall partakers in all rights & aduantages, as is well 
knowne to many, & resolued by all ; wherevpon your peti- 

1 These are the articles before re- - To understandthis, reference should 
ferred to, and related to the government be made to Robert Jordan's letter to 
of the Province. They were read to the Trelawny, dated July, 1642, where it 
people, and doubtless posted in public will be seen that Winter's appeal from 
places. They may be found in Sulli- the court at Saco caused great corn- 
van's Maine, pp. 413 cl seq. motion. 



262 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1641. 

tioner affirmeth their testimony to be insufficient in an action 
of the Trouer, & the proceeding erroneous, knowing no cause 
why they should be tollerated to make oaths mutally one for 
the other as they did at the said Courte, the said Cleeue then 
makeing oath in an action of the case for & in the behalfe 
of the said Tucker against Tho: Purches, defendant ; and your 
petitioner is able to prooue the particulars then affirmed by 
the said Tucker to be most false," and humbly craueth that in 
all goodnes and clemency you would be pleased to devoyd, 
repeale, & reverse your Execucon, then granted out against him 
and his estate, & that it may be lawfull for said petitioner to 
appeale vnto the most Honorable Lords of [the] high com- 
mission for the State to whom as your petitioner [be] lueth it 
doth soly belong to iudge of causes & cases of [such] like 
nature, & to no other inferiour power whatsoeuer. 

Further, whereas there was a verdict found & Execution 
granted out against your petitioner for a title of land in Casco, 
your petitioner sheweth that the enquest then empannelled & 
sworne did proceede against euidence in that behalfe, be- 
taken[ing] themselues vnto their owne vncertaine knowledge 
as the [plaint] then declared, which your petitioner affirmeth 
was & is contrary to all legall order & against the dignitie of 
our Soueraigne Lord the King. And as is well knowne vnto 
you the worshipfull Councellors, as likewise to the whole 
Country, Capt. Thomas Cammocke, one of the enquest 
mooued with envy against your said petitioner, did by the 
vttmost of his endeuour not only weaken, but altogether make 
voyd, the honest & lawfull evidence produced by your peti- 
tioner, affirming by sundry oaths at the time of the enquest, 
That he would assoone beleiue a dogge or an Indian as Jno. 
Mills, then a deponent in this behalfe, the said Mills being 
not attained nor convicted [of] periury, but accounted a loyall 

1 This case, Tucker r-. Purchas, was by Sir Christopher Gardner in the 

to recover the value of a " warmeing name of Purchas. It may be found in 

panne," and also "a new foweling Early Records of Maine, State copy, 

peece," alleged to have been borrowed I. 78 el sc<]. 



(64I-] PETITIONS OF JOHN WINTER. 263 

subiect to our Souereigne Lord the King, for which oathcs 
the said Capt. Cammocke was presented and found in the 
behalfe of our dread Soueraigne," wherevpon your petitioner 
doth alleage, and present this his bill of errours & taynt 
againgst the whole Jury, a taynt in one being a taynt in all, 
wherein the verdict shall proceed according to the act of 
malice, and doth humbly require that you would favour him 
so furre in his iust cause, as to reverse & call backe your 
Execuctin granted out against him in this behalfe, and that it 
may be lawfull for him herein, as in the other case, to appeale 
as is aboue expressed, or if otherwise in your wisedom you 
can or may iudge the errours & taynt" to be of force & legall 
validity, and shall therevpon giue way to a new traversing 3 of 
the seuerall actions, your petitioner wilbe contented there- 
with, reserued that he may haue other more able & indifferent 
Jurors, for he hath iust cause of exception against the former. 

Veram Copia. 

ROGER GARDE, Register. 



To the Right Worshipfull the Councellors for the Prouince 

of Mayne. 

Saco, ye 25 th of June, 1641. 

Your humble petitioner Jno. Winter sheweth, that whereas 
at a Courte holden here the 8th day of September last, two 
iudgements were giuen vpon verdicts (vnto George Cleeue, & 

1 The gallant Captain doubtless held was fined one shilling for swearing one 

the word of an Indian in contempt, in oath, and Mr. Arthur Browne two shil- 

which he was not alone. Roger Wil- lings for two oaths. 

Hams, who knew them well, says, "Their 2 I. e. the taint of giving a false ver- 

Treacheries exceede Machiavills," and diet. The conviction of such a crime 

also likens them to " Wolves endowed is said to attaint the reputation of ju- 

with mens Brains." An oath was a rors, and render them infamous. 

luxury which cost money at this time, 3 Traversing in law is formally deny- 

and seems to have had a fixed value, ing what is alleged ; hence, to traverse 

In the case here referred to, Cammock an indictment is to deny it. 



264 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1640. 

executions therevpon awarded) against this complaineant for 
titles of land and damage, as by the records doth appeare, 
Now this complaineant then finding himselfe much wrongd 
through diuers errours in the proceedings, and himselfe being 
but an agent in the causes for Mr. Roberte Trelawny and 
others in England, did forthwith dispatch his 'tres' to the said 
Roberte Trelawny concerning the premisses, and now heareing 
of a packett in the Massachusetts (to him directed from the 
said Roberte Trelawny) doth verily beleiue that order is taken 
by our Lord Propriator & the said Roberte Trelawny for the 
peaceable ending of these suites, and therefore humbly in- 
treateth this worshipfull Bench that the said proceedings may 
be stayd till the complaineant shall receiue the said 'tres, or 
els to afford him that ffavour as to assigne him a day to haue 
other trialls for the said titles, he being able & ready to prooue 
diuers errours in the proceedings against him, contrary to law 
and iustice. Your humble petitioner, 



Vera Copia. 

ROGER GARDE, Register. 



JOHN WINTER. 



DEPOSITIONS. 



The examinacon of Peter Hill, 3 Saylor, taken before me, Rich: 
Vines, one of the Commissioners for the Province of Mayne, 
the 20th of Nouember, 1640. 

The deposition This deponent sweareth yt he was a seruant at 

ot Peter Hill. * J 

Richmond Island when Geo: Cleeue departed 
from his house at Spurwinke. He further saith that Mr. 

1 Abbreviation for letters. the Saco River. In 1648 his name ap- 

= Peter Hill doubtless came with pears as one of the Assembly under the 

Winter's company, which arrived at Rigby government, of which assembly 

the island in March, 1633. After leav- George Cleeve was Deputy President, 

ing Winter's employ he settled on land and in 1653 was allotted land in the di- 

leased of " Mistress Mackworth," on vision of town lands among the inhab- 



1640.] DEPOSITIONS. 265 

Winter did neither by himselfe nor any of his servants force 
the said Cleeues from his house at Spurwinke, but that he 
departed from thence at his owne leysure without molestacon. 

The examinacon of Oliuer Weekes,' saylor, taken the day and 
yeare aboue written. 

The deposition The deponent sweareth that he was a servant 

of Oliver W eekes. L 

to Mr. Cleeue when he went from Spurwinke 
house, and that he never heard that Mr. Winter did force the 
said Cleeue from thence, only he told the said Cleeue that if 
he dwelt there he must turne tenant to Mr. Roberte Trelawny 
and then he might Hue there quietly, but Cleeue said he would 
be tenant to never a man in New England. 

He further saith that the said Winter did lend the said 
Cleeue a boate to transport away his goods, the which boate 
was Bilged in that imployment, and that he doth beleiue that 
Winter had more damage in his boate then Cleeue had in his 
goods, for this deponent did helpe carry away the first boate 
loade of goods wherein the damage was done, and if Mr. 
Cleeue would haue bin ruled by him, he needed not haue lost 
any goods, for the boate roade at her porte two dayes and one 
night with the goods abord, and the said Cleeue would not 
suffer this deponent to carry the goods ashore, where they 
might have been safe. 

itants of Saco. He was also one of the ■ Oliver Weeks does not appear to 

jury on the death of Mary Haley, an have continued living here. We find 

account of which appears in Folsom's him before the court a short time be- 

History of Saco. His descendants are fore the date of this deposition, where 

numerous, and many of them have at- he was charged with being a common 

tained prominence. An interesting let- swearer, and bound over to the next 

ter of his son Roger may be seen in court ; but there is no evidence in the 

Bourne's History of Wells, page 201, records that he appeared there, nor 

and a biography of his grandson Joseph, have we met with any trace of him 

on page 355. He died in 1667. Vide after the date of this deposition. Vide 

Maine Hist. Coll., I. 99. Folsom's Early Records of Maine, State copy, 

Saco, pp. 86, 98, 101, 107, 179, et passim. I. 91. 
Early Records of Maine, II. 129 ct seq. 



266 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1641. 

Saco, June 25"', 1641. 
The depositions of Andrew Alger, 1 Jno. Wilkinson, 5 and Jno. 
Mills, taken before Rich: Vines, Esqr., & other of the 
Councellors of the Province of Mayne. 

Andrew Alger and Jno. Wilkinson, sworne & examined, say 
that they, being servants to Mr. Jno. Winter when Mr. Cleeue 
left Spurwinke, doe not know that Mr. Winter did ever en- 
force the said Cleeue to departe. 

Jno. Mills, sworne & examined, saith that he came out of 
England with Mr. Winter some 8 yeares since or there aboute 
as his servant, and that Mr. Cleeue was then paleing the field 
at Spurwinke, 3 wherevpon he saith that Mr. Winter warned 
the said Cleeue from Spurwinke, telling him it was Mr. Tre- 
lawnies land, but saith that he never knew the said Cleeue 
was enforced away by Mr. Winter. 

ROGER GARDE, Register. 



MACKWORTH vs. WINTER. 

to the worshipfull the commissioners of this province of 

Maine. 

June the 2Sth, 1641. T ne plaintiffe declareth that whereas hee 

Apd : Saco. 

Arthur Mackworth, & divers other honest men were remaunded 

Gent., Plaint. „ . . . ~ , . _ . 

John winter, Mariner, & returned by the Commissioners of this 
Courte to serve vpon a Jury to trye the 
matters in difference betweene George Cleeves, Gent., plain- 
tiffe, and this defendant, at a General] Courte houlden here 
the eighth of September last, att which time the plaintiffe 
and the Rest of the Jury, being vpon theire oathes, indeavoured 
to the vttermost of theire powers to trye the truth of the issue 

1 Vide antea, p. 244, note I. nitely settles the time when Cleeve re- 

2 Vide antea, p. 241, note 2. moved from the Spurwink and became 
5 That is, in 1633, which, with the the first settler of Portland. 

statements of others all agreeing, defi- * Vide antea, p. 232, note 3 



1641.] MACKWORTH vs. WINTER. 267 

according to the evidence giuen in Courte, and haue therein 
discharged theire consciences, yet notwithstanding this de- 
fendant hath charged the plaintiffe and the whole Jury with 
an Attaint in the Courte the 26th of this present moneth, to 
the vtter dishonour and disgrace of the plaintiffe, and to the 
vtter subuertion and Ruine of him, his wife and children, for 
ever. For all which wronges and Iniuries the plaintiffe in this 
Courte commenceth his action of Slander against the defend- 
ant, and craueth for his damage a Thousand pounds starling, 
and a leagall proceeding according to the Lawe. 

ARTHUR MACKWORTH. 
[Indorsed by Robert Trelawny :] 

Arthur Mackworth, Gent., Plaint. 

Mr. Jno. Winter, Defendant. 



To the Right Worshipfull the Councellors for the Prouixce 
of Mayne, &c 

Saco, June 6"', 1641. 

Your humble petitioner Jno. Winter sheweth, whereas he 
hath vnwarily & contrary to his intier = meaneing deliuered & 
presented vnto this worshipfull Courte a certaine demon- 
strance ' which he had taken and drawne for his particular 
contentment, wherein there was contained an appeareance 
of slander against the Jury empanelled in the action of the 
Trover, whereat they seeme much aggrieued, being as is 
much likely instigated by George Cleeue, his adversarie in 
the cause ; he doth hereby acquaint & make knowne vnto 

• This document, unique in its soph- having been instigated to perjure them 
istry, was doubtless the production of selves by Cleeve, that " he hath a ten- 
Edward Godfrey. He had a hard case, der care and respect towards their fame 
and was bound to make use of every and reputation," is spiced with a humor 
legal artifice at his command. The savoring of the sardonic. 
naivete with which Winter is made = I. e. entire. 

to declare, immediately after charging J This form was in common use when 

the jury with the criminal weakness of Winter wrote, but is now obsolete. 



268 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1641. 

you that he hath a tender care and respect towards their fame 
and reputacon, and would not willingly staine them in any 
thing, only in his iust cause, as it seemed to him it might be 
in some sort sufferable for him to moue the Bench to the con- 
sideration of the appearance of infection, or an act of malice 
causeing not only himselfe, but likewise many others, to sus- 
pect some vneuen dealeing in the cause ; and this he thought 
might be done without offence, the better to mooue the wor- 
shipfull Bench to grant to a new traverse in his suite, & for no 
other reason ; which he humbly prayeth you to consent vnto, 
and that he may be by you acquitted from all further troubles 
or questioning in this behalfe. Otherwise your petitioner 
must be constrained to proue the taynt or hazard a ffine vnto 
our Soueraigne Lord the King, which he should be loath to 
vndertake, if it otherwayes may be, &c. 

Your humble petitioner, 
Vera Copia. JNO. winter. 

ROGER GARDE, Register. 



Jno. Winter sheweth these errours in the first action. First 
in the wittnes, because one, secondly because a partie, thirdly 
because a dangerous one. Secondly in the verdict, because the 
Jurors haue found rem not fundamentam rej, the land but not 
the issue, the right but not the fact ; and that it is for the 
Judges to pronounce and singularly to determine ius ad legem, 
and all that is expected from Jurors is to proceed, inquire, and 
giue-in, factu' allegatu' et probatum, and that they haue giuen 
Damage vpon a disseisure, whereas the law in case of the partie 
can only giue restitution to possession. 

Jno. Winter Sheweth in the second action these contrarie- 
ties to law : first, that the action of Interruption is not sufficient 
to proue of title of land ; secondly, that in all Interruptions there 
is required force, & violent deteynor ether in or vpon or from 
any land possessed ; and that bare words doe not hold in actions 
of this nature ; Thirdly that in & concerneing lands possessed 



I&4I- 



AWARD IN CLEEVE vs. WINTER. 



269 



the possessor may not bring his action against any partie, be- 
cause all that the law can doe is to giue possession, and it is 
accounted a meere occasion of trouble, an act of malice, to 
demand or sue for any thing we all readie enioy ; ffourthly, 
that the Jury haue proceeded contrary to the evidence giuen 
in that behalfe. 

Vera Copia. 

ROGER GARDE, Register. 



AWARD IN THE CASE OF CLEEVE AND WINTER. 

A coppie of an award betweene Mr. Jno. Winter and Mr. 
Geo: Cleeue, made by Mr. Roberte Jordan, Minister,' Mr. 
Arthur Mackworth, Mr. Arthur Browne, and Richard 
Ormesby, 2 Mr. Stephen Bachiler, Minister, 1 vmpire. The 
parties bind themselues each to other in a thousand pound 
starling to stand to the said award. 

Whereas the Jury haue found £So starling damage, with 
foure acres of ground and the house at Spurwinke, for the 



■ All that we have concerning Rob- 
ert Jordan previous to his appearance 
at Richmond's Island is the following 
item, extracted from the Register of 
Matriculations of Oxford University : 
"Collegium Baliolense, 1632 , Junii 
l5to. Robtus Jordan Wigorn. fil. 
Eduardi Jordan de Civitate Wigor- 
nice, pleb. an. nat. 19 " ; — and the state- 
ment of Winter that for two years he 
had been living with Thomas Purchase, 
his kinsman. From the above item we 
learn that he was the son of Edward 
Jordan of the city of Worcester, of ple- 
beian rank, and at the date of his ma- 
triculation, 1632, was nineteen years of 
age, and from Winter's statement, that 
he came to New England in 1639. 



In coming to Richmond's Island he 
veritably took the tide of his affairs 
at flood, and, verifying the words of 
the almost inspired Shakespeare, was 
thereby borne on to fortune ; for finding 
the charms of Sarah Winter too potent 
to resist, he soon yielded to them, and, 
by his alliance with her, erelong be- 
came the sole proprietor of Robert Tre- 
lawny's large estate in New England. 
Having been bred a clergyman of the 
Church of England, he had probably 
been preaching in the country during 
the two years previous to his settle- 
ment on the island; but be this as it 
may, he promptly took the place which 
Richard Gibson had failed to appre- 
ciate, and prosecuted his ministerial 



270 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



[1641. 



plaintiffe, hitherto granted on both partes that the house and 
land shalbe due to Mr. Winter, and sixty pounds starling to 
the plaintiffe, presently to be made good. 



labors with vigor. He was a man of 
ability, and under other conditions might 
have perhaps ranked among the lead- 
ing divines of the New World; but at 
this time the church for which he labored 
found an unkindly soil in New England, 
and would not take root, toiled the hus- 
bandman never so faithfully. Hence, 
discouraged by opposition, and the word 
within him perhaps becoming " choked 
by the dcceitfulness of riches," he finally 
gave up the ministry and devoted him- 
self to his private affairs. He appears 
a frequent litigant in the early records 
of Maine, and not always favorably. 
Once especially does he appear in 
a very unenviable position. He con- 
tinued to reside on the Trelawny estate, 
exercising great influence in the affairs 
of the Province, until the breaking out 
of the Indian war, when he fled to Ports- 
mouth, where he ended his career in 
1679. Many of his descendants still 
reside on the ''ould plantation." For 
particulars concerning him reference 
may be had to the "Jordan Memorial," 
Boston, 1S82. Willis's History of Port- 
land, ed. 1865, pp. 42, 54, 5S, ct passim. 
Provincial Papers of New Hampshire, 
I. 260. Mass. Hist. Coll., 4th Series, 
Vn.339, 364, 371. Sullivan's History of 
Maine, 316. Folsom's Saco, 79. Hutch- 
inson Papers, Prince Society's ed., II. 
147. Williamson's Maine, I. 299 et scq. 
See especially Rev. Edward Ballard's 
article on the early history of the Prot- 
estant Episcopal Church in the Diocese 
of Maine, in Maine Hist. Coll., VIII. 
182. Reference should also be had to 
the Early Records of Maine, II. 7, 320 
ctseq., 333; III. 3S7. 

2 Of Richard Ormsby, who agitated 



or debated this matter in behalf of 
Cleeve, history has preserved but little. 
He does not appear as a resident of 
Saco, but in 1645 we ml d n ' m living 
at Salisbury, where a son, Thomas, was 
born to him. He could not have re- 
mained here long, for in 1652, in the 
division of " Ploughland," we find his 
name recorded among those to whom 
land was allotted in Haverhill, which 
then seemed a promising settlement. 
How long he remained here we have no 
means of knowing, as in 1663 or 1664 
he deceased at Rehoboth, his will hav- 
ing been probated in the latter year. 
It has been aptly said that a rolling 
stone gathers no moss, and it is perhaps 
owing to the roving disposition of 
Ormsby that he appears no more prom- 
inently in the affairs of his time. Vide 
Maine Hist. Coll., I. 5S. Chase's His- 
tory of Haverhill, Mass., p. 77. New 
England Historical and Genealogical 
Register, VI. 1S6. 

3 The Rev. Stephen Bachiler was 
born in England in the year 1561, but, 
having trouble on account of his non- 
conformity to the Established Church, 
he removed to Holland, whence after a 
residence of several years he returned 
to London, and on the 9th of March, 
1632, at the age of seventy-one years, 
took passage on the ship " William 
and Francis" for New England, where 
his daughter Theodate with her hus- 
band was then living. On his arrival in 
Boston he at once proceeded to Lynn, 
where his daughter resided, and there 
began his ministry, but within a few 
months was arraigned before the court 
in Boston, and " required to forbeare 
exercising his gifts as a pastor or teacher 



1641- 



AWARD IN CLEEVE 



WINTER. 



271 



Whereas there hath bin found by the Jury in an accon 
of Interruption a title of land for the plaintiffe, the same I 
ratine.' 



publiquely in our Pattent," on account 
of irregularity of conduct. lie how- 
ever continued to reside in Lynn until 
1636, when he removed to Ipswich, 
where a grant of land was made him; 
but intending to establish a church in 
Yarmouth he set out on foot for that 
place, a distance of nearly a hundred 
miles, in the severe winter of 1637. 
This project failing, owing to the poverty 
of his company, he went to Newbury ; 
but having permission from the General 
Court to settle a town at Winicumet, 
afterwards called Hampton, he and his 
son-in-law removed thither in 1639. He 
was residing at Hampton when acting 
as umpire in this matter between Cleeve 
and Winter. It was about this time, 
when at the age of eighty, that he com- 
mitted a heinous offence, which he at 
first denied, but finally acknowledged 
and was excommunicated by the church 
therefor. He was, however, two years 
later admitted to the communion, but 
not allowed to exercise the duties of the 
ministerial office. Though invited to 
preach at Exeter in 1644, the court re- 
fused to allow him to accept the call, 
and he remained without a charge. He 
was residing at Portsmouth in 1650, 
where, at the age of eighty-nine, he 
married his third wife, Mary, who 
shortly afterwards, in October, 1651, 
was sentenced, as appears by the York 
Records, for adultery, to " receave 40 
stroakes save one at ye First Towne 
meeting held at Kittery, 6 weekes after 
her delivery, & be branded with the 
letter A." The erring and disgraced 
old man, now ninety years of age, de- 
termined to return to England, hoping 
there to find the rest which he could not 



find here, and left our shores in 1651. 
On arriving in England, his first care was 
to establish a home ; and although he 
had obtained no divorce from his dis- 
graced wife in New England, he at once 
sought a new matrimonial alliance, and 
was united to a fourth wife, with whom 
he lived nine years, dying at Hackney 
in 1660, being within a few months of 
one hundred years of age. Among his 
numerous descendants in this country 
may be mentioned New England's 
greatest son, Daniel Webster. Prince 
calls Bachiler "a man of fame in his 
day, a gentleman of learning and in- 
genuity," but he was evidently a man 
of turbulent passions, which he could 
not control, and hence his life was one 
of continual trouble and unrest. Vide 
Lewis's History of Lynn, pp. 139, 159. 
Winthrop's Journal, I. 93, 210, 313; 
II. 53, 216, 259. John Wheelwright, 
Prince Society, p. 55. Mass. Hist. Coll., 
4th Series, VII. 10, 364, ct passim. 
Lcchford's Plain Dealing, p. 85. Pro- 
vincial Papers of New Hampshire, I. 
85, 146, 14S, ct passim. Early Records 
of Maine, State copy, I. 182, 197, 208, 
224. 

1 The land awarded Cleeve was of 
course that which had been conveyed 
to him by Sir Ferdinando, lying be- 
tween the present Fore and Presump- 
scot rivers, including the site of the 
present city of Portland. The verdict of 
the jury and final award of the referees 
are alike creditable to their judgment 
and sense of justice, and show conclu- 
sively that, with all the facts before 
them, they regarded the claim of Winter 
to land beyond Fore River as baseless; 
yet despite all this, in the unsettled 



272 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1641. 

Whereas also there is a scandall obiected by Mr. Winter 
against Mr. Cleeue from words of defamacon, it is ordered that 
the said Mr. Cleeue shall Christianlie acknowledge his fayle- 
ing therein against Mr. Winter's wife, for present before the 
arbitrators, and afterward to Mries. Winter. 

Agitated by VS, STEPHEN BACHILER. 

ROBERTE JORDAN. ARTHUR MACKWORTH. 

RICHARD ORMESBY. ARTHUR BROWNE. 



Sam, the2Sth Wheras diuers differences haue heretofore bin 
of June, .64.. betweene Mn Geo . cleeue and Mr. Jno. Winter, 

the parties haue now agreed to referre themselues to the 
arbitracon of Mr. Roberte Jordan, Mr. Arthur Mackworth, 
Mr. Arthur Browne, and Richard Ormesby, for the finall 
ending of all controuersies betweene them, and bind them- 
selues each to other in an assumpsit of one thousand pounds 
starling to stand to the award of the said arbitrators, and if 
the said arbitrators shall not fully agree, then Mr. Stephen 
Bachiler to be an vmpire for the finall ending of the said 
controuersies. 

GEO: CLEEUE. 
JNO. WINTER. 

Vera Copia. 

ROGER GARDE, Register. 



ROBERT TRELAWNY TO JOHN WINTER. 
[For] Jno. Winter. 

London, the 29 th of June, 1641. 

Laus Deo.' 

I have by Sundry Conuayances Aduizd you of the Receipte 
of yours by Mr. Kinge, with the Autor Coate that I sould for 

times which followed, this claim was suits disastrous to Cleeve, who was 
revived by Winter's successor, then oc- worn out with age and conflict, 
cupying an influential position, with re- ' Laus Deo. This manner of head- 



1641 1 TRELAWNY TO WINTER. 273 

5 li. If yow Cann gitt any more of that goodnes, buy them & 
send them me. Those dreste in the Countrye, If Cleane, are 
Estemed ;' the Rest will alsoe sell If Reasonably bought [and] 
they are sound skins. I allsoe Aduized you of the Hercules 
Intended Voyage to you for a fishinge Voyage. As soone as 
shee had Ended her fishinge Voyage att the Newfoundland, 
shee goes for New England : hee depends one you for boates 

6 baite, of which I pray haue especiall care. I hope my new 
ship by this tyme wilbe fully Loaden for Bilbo.' I haue 
Causd an Insurance to be made on Her. God send Her well. 
In sundry formers I haue Aduized you that Sir Fardanando 
Gorges had Entertaynd your appeale, & had giuen Order 
that all proceedings should be stopte ; soe I hope yow shalbe 
cleare of that Clamor. Yett for the House & Plancke att 
Spurrawinke, If you Cann End itt for any Somme vnder 
2o' d , I saye twenty pounds or vnder, you maye doe itt, and 
for the Land of his house where hee dwell, I wish you there 
to haue a new Tryall, and you to be the Pleantife, & Produce 
all such wittneses as you haue thatt Cann speake two us, & 
the Saluages themselues, Methinks, should be good wittnesses 
for you in this Case that Cann speake to the Names of the 
Places ; but Here in you must bee Carefull, for Cleeues wilbe 
Ready to Corrupte the Saluages If you doe not make Sure 
of them, butt the Inglish will make it manifest, ould Plant- 
ers. You should make Choyce of such a tyme when English 
fishermen are here, or when you Can gitt most to speake 
two us. 

iug a letter was common to the age, had often had a lively experience of 

which forced religious sentiments to this. The savages were connoisseurs, 

flower in pious phrases. Examples and selected the best furs, which were 

may be found in Hazard's State Papers, dressed with great care and made into 

I. 256; Carlyle's Oliver Cromwell, I. robes or coats for the use of their chiefs 

132, et passim. and their women. These were of course 

' Many of the beaver-skins purchased in high esteem, especially if clean and 

by the traders had been worn by the sound. 

savages, and an early writer says were " The ship which Winter was build- 
often shipped from the country in a iug at the island, 
filthy condition. Doubtless Trelawny 

iS 



274 THE TRELAWNY TAPERS. [1641. 

Inclosed is the Coppie of Sir Farda Georges Laste letter 
to his Coussen and Counsel], wherein you may see what 
directions hee giues to them, and what oppinion he hath of 
Cleeues. Hee hath Ordered that they take more Care for 
the futture, and in another of his speakes his ovvne knowl- 
edge of Casco Riuer ; but that I hope they will Leaue you 
and all my tennantes in Peace & Ejict Cleaues one your New 
tryall from his dwellinge. Capt. C[am]oke, I find, proues 
an vnworthie man. Hee is here. If I Cann meete with 
him I will haue him aRcsted for my monny. Keepe the 
posseson of what you haue had on either side.' I will sum- 
mun him to appeare to make things perfaicte If I Cann haue 
him mett with all. I Perceaue hee is of Littell Deserte and 
hath Joyned with Cleaues to Trouble me. 

In Cause Justice be not donn you, send me ouer a Certifi- 
cate, and I shall send a warrant hence from the Parlament to 
Bringe them all ouer here to Answer itt, where I beleiue 
the will not Justifie there doeings. All things, thankes be to 
God, goes well in Parlament. Many Plotts & Traysons haue 
binne discouered. The Kinge is very Gracious. Hope within 
very few dayes wee shall settell Religion in peace, and Restore 
the subiecte to his Ancient Liberty & Righte of Propcrtye. 
The Parlament is Like to Continue for many years. 2 I Re- 

1 That is, keep possession of what guishing in the Tower, and the public 
you hold on either side of the Spurwink. mind had hardly recovered from the 
We know that Trelawny had not the shock of the brave Strafford's cruel ex- 
shadow of a title to land on the west edition. Had the royal cause been 
side of the Spurwink River, yet Winter triumphant, the position which Tre- 
had trespassed clearly upon Cammock's lawny occupied would have enabled 
land by cutting hay and by locating one him to carry out all that he threatens in 
of his men upon it, and in this letter is this letter. Charles, whose position 
ordered to keep possession of the land was so precarious, was truly " very gra- 
upon which he was notoriously a tres- cious " to all who favored his cause, and 
passer. Certainly no support for such in a time when everything went by favor, 
advice can be found in any modern either royal or parliamentary, the most 
system of ethics. powerful was certain to triumph. Know- 

■ When Robert Trelawny wrote this ing, as we now know, that the royal 

letter, he was a member of the Long cause was tottering on the brink of a 

Parliament. Archbishop Laud was Ian- precipice soon to fall into an abyss of 



1641-1 



TRELAWNY TO GOVERNOR GORGES. 



275 



solue within few dayes to go & see my wife & Children, which 
I haue not done allmost these 9 mo. I haue not elce but my 
loue to you & Mrs. Winter, & to your daughter, & all your 
Comp[any]. Pray God euer to bless you, Preserue & keepe 
you. Soe to God I Commend you & Rest, 

Your Assured Lo. Frind, 

ROBERTE TRELA\V[NY]. 



ROBERT TRELAWNY TO THE GOVERNOR AND COUNSELL 
OF THE PROVINCE OF NEW SOMERSETSHIRE. 



Gentellmen : — 

One the Receipte of the Coppies of those procceedings that 
weare be for you in the Case betwixt me, Mr. Wynter my 
Agent, & George Cleeues, I Repaird to Sir Fard Gorges, who 
was then Here, and haueing boath of vs parused them, wee 
weare much startled att the procceedings. Butt in New Plan- 



ruin, we could hardly account for the 
confident tone of this letter, did we not 
also know the fluctuating condition of af- 
fairs at this time, the royal cause being in 
the ascendency to-day, and the popular 
cause to-morrow, the King all the while 
being confident of final success on ac- 
count of the dissensions existing between 
his Presbyterian and Independent op- 
ponents, who were held together by a 
single bond, namely, hatred of the dog- 
ma of Divine right, promulgated by 
James and religiously fostered by his 
unfortunate son, Charles the First, — a 
bond, however, which proved to be of 
terrible strength. We are instructed 
by this letter how blind the immediate 
actors in this momentous drama were 
to the true condition of things about 
them. The signs of coming events 
were never more plainly to be read 



than at this time. A great revolution 
had begun, and forces which no human 
power could control were at work de- 
stroying the established order of things, 
and making way for a new, if not better 
order ; and yet the writer of this letter, 
doubtless as wise as his compeers, com- 
placently writes to his agent in New 
England, that he hoped that " within 
very few dayes wee shall settell Reli- 
gion in peace, and Restore the subiecte 
to his Ancient Liberty & Righte of 
Propertye." A few months later he 
was himself languishing in Winchester 
House, "a Prisoner according to the 
sadness of the Times," from which 
death alone released him, and the end 
was the death of his royal master on 
the scaffold, — one of the most pathetic 
episodes in history. 



276 THE TRELAWNY TAPERS. [1641 

tations formes and Legalityes are not Exactly to be Expected ; 
but Just things are, and must be. Certainly I must desire 
your fauor to saye that I haue much Cause of Complaintes, & I 
am Confidente on a Reuiew of the procceedings itt will more 
Euedently appeare vnto you, and in your owne Consientes you 
are, I doubte not, sufficiently Sattisfied, that Cleeaues was a 
tresposser to me & still is for Cominge & Residinge against 
my will one my Lands ; for Casco Riuer, I am sure, is very well 
knowne to many of you to be that Riuer that Comes downe 
out of the Mayne Lande, & not that Littell brooke & Cricke 
where Cleeaues is now planted, & the truth of this was all 
soe Manifested be for you by Wittneses that knowe the 
Countrye Longe be for Cleeues putt foote within itt, & all 
Mapps haue Euer discribed itt to be soe that If a Jury 
against such euidences and against your Owne Certaine 
knowledge giues in a Vardicte one afalce & New Xaminge 
of a place you Bht not to haue Receaued itt soe as to procceed 
one itt, other then to the Indittinge of such offenders, and in 
that att Spurrawinke itt is playne the Land was myne, and 
how then Comes that I am found Trespasser to him and 
Judgd to Giue him 80 li ? If any builds a house one my 
Lands hee doth itt to his owne preiudice, and besides the 
Loose of his Charges I may Sue him for a trespasse, & If 
hee Leaues any goods one itt I may take itt for dammage 
faisant. But my procceedings haue not binne such with 
Cleeues nore euer shalbe with any man, for hee had his owne 
tyme to withdrawe him selfe, & Reapte the full fruttes of 
his Labers there, & had hee not Continewed to haue donn 
me new and greater wronges, I had Inlarged my hand to him 
for ye stocke of plancke. But that which is my greatest greu- 
ance is that affter an appeale made (which you Reiected), you 
graunted execution to Raise that monnye one those vniust 
Yedictes, and gaue power to your Martiall with 30 Armed 
men to enter one my Lands and houses to take away my 
goods by force, to threaten the burninge of my Plantation, 
the Imprisonment of my peopell, & the Caryinge awaye of my 



1641.] TRELAWNY TO GOVERNOR GORGES. 277 

Good. What nam these offences haue with you I knovve 
not, butt itt is Here Judged to be amakeinge of warr one the 
Kings peopell, which wee here Call treeson, but I maye not 
agrauate. Sir ffardo Nando Gorge hath Recceaued my ap- 
peale, and hath promised to doe me Justice Here, and [says] 
you shall doe itt me there ; and in this I now Rest, and hope 
shall I Receaue soe much fauor from you as to be assured of 
the Reuersinge of those Verdicts one a Reuiew, for which 
porpose I haue ordered Mr. Winter to attend you for your 
Answar. And now giue me Leaue to tell you that If you 
shall giue Countenance to such fellowes as Cleeues to Mollest 
& Clamor, such men as for the Aduance of that Plantation 
doe Aduenture the're Estates & fortune for noe Considerable 
proffitte you must expecte few. Naye, I dare saye noe men 
of quallitye will sett [downe amo]ngst you, and how Longe itt 
wilbe before you Cann expecte perfection to the Countrye 
without them, you that are such may Judge. I haue bine all 
most 9 monthes att this Parlament, which in the oppion of 
most men is Like to Continew for many yeares. All thinges 
doe now, thainkes be to God, begine to goe well. Many plotts 
& Conspiraseyes boath here & in Scottland haue bine discou- 
ered. The E of Strafford is beheaded ; diuers others I be 
Leiue will shortly follow him, of which I thinke the Arch- 
bishope of Canterburye' willbe nexte, & I hope wee shall 

1 Laud, the friend of Strafford and forms brought down upon him a storm 

one of the ministers of Charles the First, of popular passion which swept him to 

He had not the commanding intellect of ruin. In reading this letter one would 

Strafford, but was tireless and unscru- hardly suspect that the writer was 

pulous in his zeal for the advancement in sympathy with Strafford, who had 

of Episcopacy. He is justly described lately been beheaded, and Laud, whom 

by Guizot (Ilistoire de la Revolution he believed would soon follow him to 

d'Angleterre) as pursuing " incessantly, the block , and yet the downfall of these 

with an activity indefatigable, but nar- two important pillars of the Anglican 

row, violent, and harsh, whatever fixed Church must have caused him great 

idea dominated him, with all the trans- grief. Cut we must remember that he 

port of passion and authority of was writing to a jury in Puritan America, 

duty." His tyrannical attempt to es- of whose sentiments he was in doubt, 

tablish an absolute conformity to rites It could do no harm, and might do 

and ceremonies modelled after Romish much good, to treat the downfall of 



78 



l ill I Ul I AWNY PAPERS. 



[1641. 



within few daycs settel] Religion in peace & Restore the Sub- 
[1 1 te to his Anciente Liberty & Right propertye, which God 
Graunte, to whose saufe keeping I Comend you & Rest, 
Your Very lo. frinde & sarvt, 

ROBTJ TRELAWNY. 
I send you the other Letter by another Conuayancc. 
'N, the 29th of June, 1641. 



WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 

RlCHMON [LAND, tlic 20, ,h of July, [641. 

W'uKsnirFULL Syr: — 

Your of the 8th of March last receaved & never a letter els 
since the Barnestablc ships Came out of England. I receaved 
by Mr. Baple of Barnestable 30 double head boults, but they 
would make but on boult most of them ; also receaved from 
him on syth, 2 lanternes, 3 shovells, & 2 evells.' By your letter 



these unpopular ministers with indiffer- 
ence. This letter was plainly d 
by policy, and was intended to in 
the jury in America with the idea that 
its author was an influential member of 
Parliament, whose position was secure, 
and whose power could not be disre- 
garded with impunity, especially in the 

mturc, when the troubles which 
were preventing the government in 

tnd from exercising its authority 
in America were settled. We can 
hardly estimate to-day in free America 
the potency of such a letter as this from 
an influential member of the liritish 
Parliament, in 1641, to a provincial jury, 
unless we are fully acquainted with the 

ry of the times. Says Hume: 

1 ere scarcely occurs an instance in 

all tli that the so' 

the ministers were ever disappointed in 

the i>sue of the prosecution Timid 



juries and judges who held their offices 
during pleasure, never failed to second 
all the views of the Crown. And as the 
practice was anciently common of fin- 
in •, imprisoning, or otherwise punish- 
ing the jurors, mi n ly at the discretion 
of the court, for finding a verdict con- 
trary to the direction ol these dependent 
judges, it is obvious that juries were 
II ity to the lil 
subject" Other writers concur 
in this, and Campbell, in his •' 1 i 
the Chief Justices of England," gives us 
examples of this truckling of judges to 
tl royal power, so that 

we may correctly opine what might have 
this case, as well as others, 
had the royal party triumphed in the 
le then taking place in Ki 
n prerogative and popular rights. 
1 I.e. forks. Vide aitfea, page 221, 



1641.J WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 279 

I vnderstand you receaved my letters by Mr. William King, 
which did advize you about the busines that Cleeues doth 
trouble me. I haue had a great deall of trouble, wrong, & 
hinderance in that action, which hath hindered our procedings 
much, as you will as I doubt heareafter know. After this 
execution was out for me, I was faine to keep my selfe many 
times out of the way. I would haue gon into the Bay before 
Chrismas last to gett Carpenters to helpe to end our ship, but 
I vnderstode the laid wait for me still. I wrote to Arthor Gyll 
often to procure me som Carpenters, but none Came from 
him. Then I saw none Came, the beginning of February I 
tooke passage & went into the Bay, & then Could gett but 2 
Carpenters & a Joyner ; and in my passage homewards we 
weare taken with a Contrary wind & put into Accomenticus 
Rode. Mr. Gorge,' who is heare Chefe Commyssioner vnder 
Sir Fardinando Gorge, hearinge of my beinge in the rode, 
sent abord his officer with 5 or 6 men more to Command me 
ashore, & their was no more abord the boote but my selfe & a 
boy ; so I was forced to go ashore with him then. When I 
came to him, he bound in a band of a hundred pound, & a 
surety with me in 50ft to make my appearance to Sacco Court 
the next general! court after, & also gaue the officer of Pascat- 
taway a warrant to bring me before him yf he could light on 
me. The vnderstod that I was to the westward the laid out 
all waite the Could to take. Now for all this that he bound 
me to appeare to the Court, he would not stop the execution 
that I myght follow my busines before I must pas my word, 
& bring into the Court so much money as the execution did 
go for, which was 80II. Then they did forbeare, which was 
about 2 moneths before the Court. And being at the Court, 
I did petition the bench to forbeare the servinge the execution 
before I had som word out of England, or to giue leaue to an- 
other travers before the execution did proceed, but the would 
not, but would giue way to an Arbitration which I was forceed 
to do ; for the went about to trouble our men, also to hinder vs 

1 Thomas Gorges. 



2 SO 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



[1641. 



as" much as the Could. Mr. Georg being Cheff Commyssioner 
granted out a warrant to Command Mr. Sargent, Georg Bunt, 
Cha«rells Hatch, & Phillip Kingston' to Com to the Court & 
was in the tyme when I had great need for them at home, my 
selfe being wanting, 3 our ship but then lanched & was not 
brought into the harbor, but yf I did giue way to the arbitra- 
tion, this warrant would be stopped, so I gaue way to yt, for 
I know not what trouble they would put vppon our men, 
being the weare presented by the grand inquest for matters 
for the King as they did alledge. And all this trouble is 
Cleeue doing, & I know no reason he hath for yt, except his 
desire to be to worke his malice to hinder our procedings, hop- 
ing to bring vs to the pas he is him selfe. 3 This province is 
very poore, And I see no meanes the haue to gett them selues 



1 Philip Hinkson, or Kingston, was 
probably a brother to William, the cap- 
tain of the Hercules, and after leaving 
Winter's employ went to Saco, where 
in 1653 he signed his submission to 
Massachusetts, and thereby earned the 
precious title of freeman, which the Com- 
monwealth arrogated to itself the right 
to bestow. In the allotment of land 
the same year, his house is mentioned 
as being at " Puding point." He lived 
but a short time after this date, as we 
know from the fact that his widow is 
mentioned as contracting a second mar- 
riage. Vide Folsom's Saco and Bidde- 
ford, pp. 86, 98, 181. 

2 I. e. absent. 

3 This statement cannot fail to arrest 
the attention of one who has followed 
the development of the trouble be- 
tween Cleeve and Winter to this point, 
and perhaps as well illustrates the 
blindness with which men pursue their 
own objects — seeing only the mote in 
their neighbor's eye — as any on record. 
Winter had driven Cleeve from his first 
settlement in the wilderness, and taken 
the house he had laboriously erected, 



and was now pursuing him farther, 
claiming the territory upon which he 
had again built and improved, and to 
which he had as valid a title as it was 
possible to make ; yet because Cleeve, 
by proper legal methods, was endeavor- 
ing to obtain, after a trial by jury result- 
ing in his favor and a final reference mu- 
tually agreed upon, what had been fairly 
awarded him, Winter wrote in cool 
blood that he knew no reason why he 
should do so, "except his desire to be 
to worke his malice to hinder our pro- 
cedings, hoping to bring vs to the pas 
he is in him selfe." The latter portion 
of this paragraph indicates that Cleeve 
was in straitened circumstances, while 
we know that Winter represented the 
power of wealth and influence. The 
costs of this suit to obtain compensa- 
tion for the house and other property 
taken from him must have been consid- 
erable, and his creditors were pressing 
their claims upon him for payment, as 
we know by a previous statement of 
Winter's, wherein he likens these cred- 
itors to the gapers of the gauby-far. 



10-41.] WINTER TO TKELAWNY. 28 I 

Cloths. The plant Corne & keep som pigs & goats, but they 
& the wolues eat yt all ; yf the had any to sell, heare is none 
that hath any money to buy ; they weare wont to gett som 
bever, now the haue but litle, & som none at all & les money. 
Their pay is Corne at harvest, & then very hard to be gott yf 
a man Chance to gett yt. A great many of them will be with 
out Corne or bread 2 moneths before harvest Comes againe, 
& yett they that haue but litle to do will not vvorke vnder 8, 
9, or 1 os a weeke, & may hap worke a weeke in a moneth, & 
when they worke they will do but litle. They ly Idle so long 
that when they Com to worke the Cannot hold out. 

Now for our procedings heare at the plantation. You may 
please to take notice that our Cattell, goats, & swine ar all in 
good likinge, & the Corne which is in the ground in good likely- 
hood. You will perceaue by the Imeltory of all that is heare. 
I would willingly haue sold most of our Cattell, goats, & swine, 
but heare is no buyers for want of money. The people in this 
Country that their meanes lay in Cattell, and held their estates 
to be worth 400II but a yeare \ since, now is not held to be 
Sort, & yett yf he would sell yt at that rate, he knowes not 
wheare to gett a Cheapman' that will pay him for yt. Fish- 
ing this yeare hath proved heare but bad with us, but a great 
deall the worse that our men would not follow yt. The 10th 
day of May most our mens tymes weare out, then they would 
walke & would not go to sea no more, and yett att that tyme 
reasonable good fishing : then I gott so many of them to keep 
3 bootes to sea, & did agree with them that they should haue 
the third of the fish the tooke, & I promised to take their fish 
from them as the prize went in the Country, which was 30 
Rialls per Cintall, but yf they had all staid to geather I do 
beleue we might very well haue taken 100 Cintalls of fish 
more then we haue. Our Company this yeare haue bin broken 
twize. The last of January both the Hatches & Imsons tyme 
Came out, but I did agree with them to stay to the end of the 
fishing, & they had the third fish, & I also take their fish at 

1 A chapman, i e a buyer. 



282 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1641- 

the prize of the Country ; also when your man John Vivions 
tyme came out, I did agree with him to stay till the end of 
fishing, & I giue him a myd shipmans hire, & now he is to 
Com home in the ship & is to haue so much wages as the 
other mydshipman haue by the moneth. I pray vse him 
frindly. He hath served out his whole apprentize heare, 
which hath bin a hinderance to him to breed him a sea man. 
Your servant Hingston greeues at yt to stay so long heare. 
He is but an vn willing servant. You may please to send for 
him home the next yeare. I haue promysed him yf he will 
be dilligent this yeare that he shall go home the next year. 
John Vivion was but reasonably Clothed when his tyme Came 
out. You may please to amend yt when please God to send 
him home. I had much to do with the Company that Com 
home in the ship to stay them, but they would needs be gon, 
because the ship was not ready for them. When their tymes 
Came out the pretended that you promysed them that the 
ship should be ready against their tymes did expire after their 
3 yeares servize : which I made no doubt yf I Could haue got 
into the Bay before Chrismas to gett more workemen, which 
wear then to be gotten, but that should have bin ready neare 
at the tyme. Our Carpenters heare worke very sparingly, but 
yett they must haue great wages, & the must not be spoken 
vnto to hasten their worke. Yf the be, presently they ar out 
of patience & they will be gon, so that he which hath occa- 
sion for worke men heare in this Country is in a straite, & 
knowes not which way to helpe himselfe, being the know 
heare is no other to be gotten. Those men that did not go 
to sea after their tymes weare out, that did stay with vs, I 
promysed them to giue them halfe wages before the ship was 
lanched, & after the ship was lancht they weare to enter into 
whole wages, and I sett them about the rigging. Their names 
ar these : Georg Bunt, Booteson," & his son, Richard Fild, and 
Paull Mychell.= William Harell & Antony Clarke went from 

1 Boatswain. try and continued in the business of 

2 Paul Mitchell remained in the coun- fishing. In the spiing of 165411c and 



1641.] WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 283 

vs & Came not to vs againe before the ship was ready to take 
in fish, yett I promysed these six men which weare two bootes 
Company yf they would follow their fishing, they should haue 
the third fish, and I would giue them for their thirds of the 
fish the price of the Country. These men that Comes home 
in the ship that went to sea after their tymes weare out, I 
promysed them that they should enter into pay after the gaue 
over fishing, which was the last of May. The would go to sea 
no longer. The ship was lancht the 14th of June. We made 
vse of the men after the gaue over going to sea for to dig the 
docke & to fetch trees for waies to lanch the ship vppon. 
These men of the last fishing for their three bootes was Mr. 
Sargent & his 2 servants, William Lukes, Penticost Hayman, 
& John Vivion. I haue hired a man which is to Com home 
master Sargent's mate ; his name [is] Dugles. I take him to 
be a good sea man. He is both a marriner & a good gun- 
ner. Theris never a on els in the ship that knowes how 
to handell a pece of ordinance, and he is to haue fforty shil- 
lings per moneth. He did enter into wages the 26th of June, 
& he is to be Cleare at Bilbow : yf he go further in the ship 
he is to make a new agreement. Richard Joy, the Carpenter, 
is a good workeman, & hath ended his worke well, but he is 
very spare. 1 His boy hath don pretty good servize in tending 
the Carpenters & doing som other worke. He was in the 
steed of another. Yf he had not bin heare, I must haue gott 
another, which would hardly haue don the servize he hath don. 
We haue loden abord the ship 57 m. 5 C. 1 qr. 21 fishes, 
Conta. 866J Cintalls ; 1 m. 2 C. hake, pollock, & refuse fish, 
Conta. 12 Cintalls; 3 hodgheds of traine ; Si hodgheds of 
fish peas. They haue put abord good store of woode, but to 

three others lost their lives on a fishing word as scanty or thinly scattered, so 

voyage. Letters of administration were that a spare-growing plant or spare 

granted upon his estate, April 5, 1654. workman means a plant scanty of 

Vide Early Records of Maine, State growth, or a workman scanty of energy, 

copy, I. 264. Vide Specimens of English Dialects, 

' Spare is the Devonshire for slmv. Series II, p. 155; Grose's Glossary, 

Skeat gives the original sense of the 149 ; Skeats's Etymolog. Diet , in loco. 



284 TIIE TRELAWNV TATERS. [1641. 

Cutt timber to put abord to lade the ship the would not, I 
could not perswade them to yt. The ship I beleue would 
haue Carried 500 Cintalls of fish more then is abord yf we 
Could haue gott yt : I haue hired so many of our men & 
others to keep 2 bootes to sea. I giue them great hire, more 
then I would haue don, but that I haue provision heare at 
the plantation more then they other people Can spend,' & yt 
will spoyle yf not vsed, I giue them the third fish, & the to 
make the best benyfitt of yt that the Cann, only the promyse 
me the refuse' of yt before the sell yt : yf I had no provision 
I hope the land will maintaine this Company for bread, & I 
know yt will maintaine aboue 30 persons with vittells hear- 
after, & I beleue more, for I see no hope theris heare for sell- 
ing any Cattell, goats or swine. You wrote me you had an 
Intent to sell the plantation : I wish you had a good Cheap- 
man for yt, I should be very glad for yt. I take yt to be the 
best plantation in the land, takinge yt every way, both for sea 
& land. The Hand is a great priveledge to the plantation, & 
at present very well stockt with all sorts of bests that is need 
full, as by your Imeltory will appeare. I thinke this Country 
will hardly aford a Chapman for yt, except the gentell men 
in the Bay will Joine togeather to buy yt : yt would be a very 
good Commodious place for them now they do fall into fish- 
ing trade, but I doubt most of them haue perished their 
estates heare in plantations, as by the generall report goes : I 
haue receaued your money from Mr. Samuell Mavericke all 
to 50s., which 50s. he saies he paid yt to Mr. Coggin 3 in parte 
payment of the rest, & did purpose to pay him the remeaner. 
But when I was in the Bay Mr. Coggin was at Virginia, & 
I Could not speake with him. I demanded of him 33II. ac- 
cordinge he wrote me, & he saies was promysed so much, 
but he was faine to put yt into Courte to haue yt, & then 
the Court did order him but 30II., & he tells me he was glad 
to gett that. 

Syr, I Intreat you to pay vnto my daughter Mary iott., & 

1 I. c. can consume. * I. e. the refusal of it. 3 John Coggan. 



1641.] WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 285 

Charg yt to my account. You shall do well to send 3 or 4 
youths or men for the land, for to hire men heare it is very 
deare, & the stocke of Cattell, goats, & swine incresinge, will 
aske much labour to provide meat for them : you may please 
to send over a good woman servant that Cann Mylke & keep 
a deary, & bake & bru for the house, for my wyfe Cann do yt 
no longer. She hath worren out her selfe in labour. We haue 
a maid heare, but Can do but litle servize. She Cannot mylke 
a Cow, nor bake, nor brue. My wyfe is faine to do yt all. 
Som tymes theris on of our men to helpe her, but doth not 
Mylke well. Yt weare as good their weare never a servant 
maid heare, yf she Cannot do nothing, but what she must be 
loked after. My wyfe Cannot trust this maid to serue a few 
pigs, but she must se yt donn, or els they will go with out 
their meat, or she must do yt her selfe, & doth most Com- 
monly rather then she will trust vnto her, then she is sure yt 
is donn. 

I shall Intreat you to send me by the first Convenience 
these provisions for myne owne vse : 20 yards of good myxt 
Cersy' for my selfe for Cloths & a Coote, 20 yards of Read 
Cersy for Cootes & wastcotes for my wyfe & my selfe ; on 
dozen pair of shues of the 7 & 8 syse for my wyfe & daughter; 
on dozen A of good Cersy stockins, wherof on dozen of them 
for women ; 60 or 70 yards of good doules ; = 3 hatts, on for 
men, the other 2 for women, with bottens, 3 silke, & bayes 4 to 

1 Kersey was a coarse woolen cloth, smart Jane, and the demure Sarah, — 
which is supposed by some antiquari- John in his "sober" suit of kersey with 
ans to have derived its name from Ker- waistcoat of scarlet, and Jane and Sarah 
sey in the south of Suffolk, where the with petticoats of likestartling tint, show- 
manufacture of woolen cloth was an- ing brightly against the dark gray rocks 
ciently carried on, which seems probable, with the lighter gray of the sea beyond, 
though neither Webster nor Worcester the mystery of which seems heightened 
alludes to such derivation. This red by the consciousness of distance from 
kersey was for petticoats for Mrs. Win- home and friends, — a fair picture re- 
ter, and long lapelled waistcoats for tained but for a moment on the fickle 
himself. A fine picture these Winters glass of the imagination, 
made two centuries and a half ago, going = Dowlas. Coarse Brittany linen, 
to listen to the young preacher just out 3 Buttons, 
of Old England, — the grave John, the ' Baize. A thin, coarse woolen stuff. 



286 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1641. 

line my Cootc, & to line 2 sutes of Cloths. We ar all of vs 
almost out of Clotfrs ; yt is tyme to renue them againe. 

Syr, for my first 3 yeares servize I gaue you account home 
the yeare 1639, but I haue had no allowance for yt as yett. 
Yt lies in the stocke of the plantation. I haue never made 
vse of any thing since I Came hither for myne owne particu- 
lar. I desire you will be pleased to take yt into your Consid- 
eration which way I shall be paid of yt : And for this last 2 
yeares servize I haue Charged yt the account of the planta- 
tion. I haue Charged nothing to account for my wyfe & 
daughters paines the haue taken heare since they came hither. 
I know is no servants in the house haue taken more paines 
then they haue, neyther will any servants Com hearafter that 
will take the Care & paines that they haue taken. I desire 
also that you will be pleased to take yt into your Consider- 
ation. 

For your 27I1. 10s. that I haue receaved of Mr. Samuell 
Mavericke, you may please to Charg i6h\ 2s. of yt to myne 
owne particular account, & the remeanner which is 1 ill. 8s. 
I haue Charged yt to the account of the plantation debitor, 
and was for a hodghed of aquavite which he sent me the last 
yeare, & . I did Charg yt to the account of the plantation 
Creditor, as you will find by the last yeares account. 

So not having els to Advize you at present, but Commyt 

you to God & rest, 

Your to his power, 

JOHN WYNTER. 




1641] WINTER TO TKELAWNY. 287 

WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 

Richmond Iland, the second of August, 1641. 
Syr : — 

I am now to acquainte you that I receaved you letter this 
present of the Sth of May, by way of Bristow." I wish yt had 
Com to my hand before the Court heare held at Sacco ; I know 
yt would haue donn me much good in my busines against 
Cleeues, which haue receaved such great wrongs and hinder- 
ance by his occasion. Heare is on Mr. Robert Jorden, a 
mynister which hath bin with vs this 3 moneths, which is a 
very honest religious man by any thing as yett I can find 
in him. I haue not yett agred with him for stayinge heare, 
but did refer yt tyll I did heare som word from you. We 
weare long without a mynister & weare but in a bad way, 
& so we shall be still yf we haue not the word of God 
taught vnto vs som tymes. The plantation at Pemequid ' 

' Bristol has been briefly alluded to through some Mineral of Iron and are 
in a former note, but is so often men- souereign for sores and Sicknesses, being 
tioned here, and so intimately related to washt in or taken inwardly. The Beer 
the early history of New England, that a brewed thereof is wholesome against the 
more extended notice may not seem out Spleen." And he naively concludes his 
of place. A quaint account has been account of this wonderful water by say- 
given by the author of "English Wor- ing, "If it should chance that the Cru- 
thies." "Bristol," he says, "or Bright- dity of the waters trouble the Stomach, 
stow, i.e. Illustrious Dwelling, is divided there is a remedy in this City, and that 
by the River Avon, and pleasantly Scitu- is Bristol Mill; (a Prov.) or Sherry-Sack, 
ated on the Rising of a Hill. The Build- which Courteous Inhabitants present 
ings are fair and firm, the Streets cleanly to all Strangers when visiting their 
kept. The City answereth to its name, City" Vide English Worthies (un- 
chiefly for having bred many Eminent paged), and for a full account Evans's 
Persons. It is a Liberty of itself, though History of Bristol, 
it standeth both in Somersetshire and = Pemaquid is a peninsula lying be- 
Glocerstershire. There are Diamonds tween the Damariscotta River and the 
(though somewhat dim) produced of Muscongus Sound, and is first pre- 
St. Vincents Rock near to this City. Of sented to English readers by Strachey 
Manufactures : Gray Sope was anciently in his account of the Popham expedition 
made in this city. Under St. Vincents in 1607. The meaning of the Indian 
Rock in the West of the City there is St. word is supposed to be nearly equiv- 
Vincents Well, the waters whereof run alent to our word promontory The 



2SS THE TRELAVVNY PAPERS. [1641. 

would willingly haue him, or the desire he might be their 
on halfe of the yeare & the other halfe to be heare with 
vs. I know not how we shall acord vppon yt as yett. He 
hath bin heare in the Country this 2 yeares & hath alwaies 
lived with Mr. Purchase, which is a kinsman vnto him. He 
was at Sacco Court when our busines was in question with 
Cleeues, & I thinke he hath advized you how the busines was 
handled their against me, & also he was at the Court when 
this busines was first in action. I haue advized you for the 
most parte how the busines went with vs, but yett I forgott to 
acquainte you howe that Mr. Gorge did threaten me in the 
Court, that yf our men did not obey his warrant & Com before 
him, he would raise the whole Province vppon vs and fire the 
ship yf the tooke the ship for their safe guard. Our men that 
do Com home in the ship do expect to haue their monethly 
pay as long as the haue bin vppon the ship, but I se no reason 
the should haue wages for the tyme they weare bordinge of 
their fish, which was a leven daies in all in putting abord. 
Henry Hancocke the Carpenter doth begin his wages the first 
of August, but he did worke with vs 2 moneths & 16 daies 
before that tyme after his three yeares weare ended, & except 
I would promyse him that he should haue his wages Charged 
home on a bill or pay yt to him heare for the tyme he did 
worke on the ship before she was ready to go to sea, he would 
not worke at all, but would be gon from vs. I pray God send 
the ship well home in safty. She hath had many Curses from 
these Idle men that Comes home in her. Yf I had bin in 
England & should haue had so many Croked words from them, 
I would not haue Carried on of them to sea with me, If I myght 

territory was purchased in 1625, by referred to " Pemaquid Tapers and An- 

John Brown, of the Sagamore Samoset, cient Pemaquid," Maine Hist. Coll., 

and became an important station for Vol. V. ; " Pemaquid in its Relations to 

trade, in which Abraham Shurt was the our Colonial History," Ibid., Vol. VII. ; 

leading spirit, extending his traffic all " The Pemaquid Country," Ibid., Vol. 

along the coast as far west as the Mas- VIII. ; and Johnston's History of Bris- 

sachusetts Bay. For an account of this tol and Bremen, 
most interesting locality, the reader is 



1640.] 



ACCOUNTS OF JOHN WINTER. 



289 



haue had him for nothinge. I speake in generall from the 

best to the worst. 

So being in hast, the ship being ready to depart, I Commit 

you to God & rest, 

Your to his power, 

JOHN WINTER. 

To the Worshipfull Robert 

Trelawny, merchant, this be 

dd. 

in 

Plymouth. 

[Indorsed by R. Trelawny :] 
Richmonds Hand, 
2 Aug. 1641. 




ACCOUNTS OF JOHN WINTER, 1639-40. 

[Indorsed in handwriting of John Winter :] 

A booke of accounts for the Plantation 
at Richmon Island from the 15th of July, 
1639, to the 17 th of June, 1640. 

[In Robert Trelawny's handwriting:] 
Receaued this 10th of Sept., 1640, 
by Narius Hawking, mr. of ye Frindshipe. 

Jno. Fletcher & Jno. Hempson had at fish going out . . . 

for the aduenture of itt at 30s. per lb. is 

to his mother since 2 pecke of rye is 

His Mr. Claymes £S 14s. from him by Couenant, for which 
I ame bound, & soe he must serue itt out. 



£ s. d. 
6 10 00 
1 19 00 
o 03 00 



'9 



2Q0 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



[1640. 



February 13 th , 1639. 
Trustrum Alger Debitor 

for sundry Commodities in the house 
& money pd for him to Rennold 
Ginkin 

for 5jC i is. oyd. , & is for soe much due 
to ballance the account for his last 
years wages pd him heare is . . . 

February 13 th , 1639. 

John Lebby 1 Debitor 

for sundry Commodities in the house 

from the 15th December, 1636, to the 

day aboue written 

for 3,£ Ss. 2d J, & is for soe much due 
vnto him to ballance his account for 
his third years service pd him heare 



9* 



February 13 th , 1639. 
Nycholas White Debitor 

for sundry Commodities in the house 
from the 7th of July, 1639, to the day 
aboue written 

for money bad uppon the last years 
account 

for 13s. Sd.f, and is for so much due 
vnto him to ballance the account for 
his third years service pd him heare 



6 6£ 



February 13 th , 1639. 

William Freythy Debitor 

for sundry Commodities in the house 
from the 1st of Nouember, 1639, to 

the day aboue written 

for money bad uppon the last account 

for ijC iSs. 3d., & is for so much due 

vnto him to ballance the account 

for his third years service pd him 

heare is 



1 15 
1 6 



1 18 3 



1 John Libby was a Kentish man, and the first 
air which he drew came from the salt sea which 
washes the shores of the little fishing hamlet of 
Broadstairs. Far back, his ancestry is traced by 
a curious will, the humor of which generations of 
antiquarians have enjoyed as they would the flavor 
of rare wine 

" In cobwcbbed bottles mellowed by old age." 
Bred by the sea, and doubtless to the calling of 
a fisherman, the spirit of adventure strong within 
him as it always is in those who "do business in 
the great waters," what more natural than that, 
when Trelawny wanted hardy men for his enter- 
prise in the far off New World, John Libby should 
be foremost of volunteers, as ready to share the 
perils as the profits of the adventure? Southgate 



February 13"', 1640. 
t ? Contra Creditor 



for so much due vnto him for his third £ 
years service 8 



s. d. 



$ Contra Creditor 

for so much due vnto him for his third 
years service 5 



$? Contra Creditor 

for so much due vnto him for his third 
years service 



# Contra Creditor 

for so much due vnto him for his third 
years service . 5 



supposes him to have come hither in 1659 or 1660, 
but we now know that in if^g he had been in the 
country three years, and we may reasonably suppose 
that he came with John Winter in the barque Agnes, 
which arrived at the island on May 24, 1636. After 
the close of his service with Winter, he settled at 
Scarborough, and became one of the principal 
planters there, serving as town constable in 1664, 
and selectman in 1669, closing thirteen years later 
an honorable career. His name is still preserved 
in the little river which flows to the west of whal 
was Caromock'sj afterwards Prout's, and still Inter 
Libby's Neck. — so named from his family, some 
of whom have continued in possession of it to this 
day, — and more permanently still in a numerous 
posterity who honorably uphold the family name. 



1640.] 



ACCOUNTS OF JOHN WINTER. 



291 



February 13 th , 1639. 
Beniamin Stevens 1 Creditor 



for sundry Commodities in the house 
from the Sth of July, 1639, to the 
day aboue written, & money pd for 
him 

for money pd your wife in England by 
Mr. Robert Trelawnay 

for i£ 7s. 6id,, & is for so much due 
to ballance the account for his third 
■ service, & money owed him 
for his second yeare service pd him 
heare is 



£ ■■ d- 



'■'. 



5 '7 9i 



The 20th Sept., 1640, Eenja: Stephen's wife c*fest 
she hath had of me 50 sh., of which shee is charged 
but 30s. Soe he owes 20s. 

[Above note is in Trelawny's handwriting.] 

February 13 th , 1639. 
Thomas Shepherd Debitor 

for sundry Commodities in the house 

from the 22th of July, 1639. to the 

day aboue written 2 16 sJ 

for money bad uppon account on his 2 

first years services pd him heare is . 3 * 5% 



February 13 th , 1639. 
Prissilla Bickford 2 Debitor 

for sundry Commodities in the house 
in her 3 yeares servize 3 

for xxs. pd her mother by Mr. Rob- 
ert Trelawney 1 

for money Receaved of Mr. Robert 
Trelawnay befor she Came out of 
England 2 



February 13 th , 1639. 
Edward Mylls 3 Debitor 

for sundry Commodities in the house 

from the 29th of July, 1639, to the 

day aboue written 6 3 Si 

for 2li. is. 3jd., & is for so much due 

to ballance the account for his third 

yeares service pd him heare is . . 213^ 



8 5 

1 Benjamin Stevens was living here some years 
after this date, as his name appears as one of the 
witnesses to the will of Jonas Baley. It is quite 
probable that Edward and Thomas, living in Casco 
Bay in 1666, were his sons. Savage mentions a 
Benjamin, but he cannot be identified with this 
man, though he may be the same. I'ide Early 
Records of Maine, State Copy, II. 37S, and Sav- 
age's Gen. Die:., IV. 184. 

= Priscttla Bickford is the girl who gave Madam 



$ Contra Creditor 

for so much due vnto him for his third 
years service 

for 17s. 9id. due vnto him ou the last 
account for his 2 yeares service . . 



17 

5 '7 



94 



$ Contra Creditor 

for so much due vnto him for his third 
yeares servize 



# Contra Creditor 
for so much due for her 3 yeares ser- 
vise at z\\. per yeare is 



$ Contra Creditor 
for so much due for his third yeares 



S 5 



Winter so much trouble; yet, in spite of this, it 
would appear that she served out her three years. 
It would be interesting to know whether she re- 
turned to her mother in Old England, or married 
and became the mother of one of the first families 
of New Englnnd. 

3 Edward Mills was probably a relative of John 
and James, who were also in the employ of Winter. 
He subsequently removed to Boston, where be was 
living in 1645, but of his later life we know nothing. It 



292 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



[1640. 



February 13 th , 1639. 
Richard Martin Debitor 

for sundry Commodities in the house £ s. d. 

from the 13th of August, 1639, *° 

the day aboue written 4 9^ 

for 19s. 2jd., & is for so much due to 

baJlance the account for his third 

years pd him heare is 19 2} 



February 13 th , 1639. 

Steven Lapthorne Debitor 

for sundry Commodities in the house 
from the 29th of July, 1639, to the 
day aboue written 5 3 07 

for ili. 5s. i id. bad of account the last 
yeare 1 5 n 



6 9 06 



February 13 th , 1639. 
John Hole 1 Debitor 

for sundry Commodities in the house 
from the 24th December, 1639, to 
the day aboue written 1 12 8 

for 3I1. 7s. 4d., & is for so much due 
to ballance the account for his third 
yeares service pd him heare ... 374 

June the 22 th , 1640. 
Phillip Hatch Debitor 

for sundry Commodities in house from 
the 31st of August, 1639, to the day 
aboue written ...-...* 4 18 8 

for 5I1. 4s. 2$d. bad on the last account 5 4 z| 

Noate. — I have pd 3 tymes 3s. to Nic: Ball, 
his Mr., for his wages 3 yeares, & must paye one 3s. 
more. 

[This note is in Trelawny's handwriting.] 

June the 22 th , 1640. 

William Lukes Debitor 

for sundry Commodities in the house 

from the 4th of July, 1639, to the 

day aboue written 3 08 7! 

for money pd by Mr. Trelawny to your 

sister in England 2 10 

for money pd him heare 1 15 

for 3I i. 6s. sd. is for so much due to 

ballance the account Charged you 

per exchange is 



3 6 5 



is not improbable that he is the one mentioned in 
Hotten's Lists as having embarked in the Primrose 
at London for Virginia in 1635, then aged thirty. 
Ifsn, he probably found his way to the island in 
one of the vessels frequently passing between the 
Virginia colony and Winter's settlement. 
* John Hoole settled at Kittery, aud was made 



I? Contra Creditor 

for so much due vuto him for his third £ 
years servize 5 



$ Contra Creditor 

for so much due vnto him for his third 

years servize 

pd in money to balance the account . 



$ Contra Creditor 

for so much due vnto him for his third 
yeares servize 



$ Contra Creditor 
for his third years wages 



$ Contra Creditor 

for his portage money for the second 

years servize 

for his share of fish & traine & peas . 



9 6 



a freeman in 1669 at the session of the court at 
York, July 6. In 1673 he filled the office of con- 
stable of Kittery, and was a grand-juryman in 1675 
and 1676. He was overlooked by Savage, and his 
name escaped the indefatigable Folsom. / 'uie 
Early Records of Maiue, II. 160; III. 173, 238, 
302, 318. 



1 640. 1 



ACCOUNTS OF JOHN WINTER. 



293 



June the 22 th , 1640, 
Robin Sanders J Debitor 
for sundry Commodities in the house £ s. d. 
from the 8th of July, 1639, to the 

day aboue written 4 °3 3^ 

for money pd him heare in full bal- 
lance of his years servize .... 2 1 8fr 

° 5 

June the 22 th , 1640. 
Henry Hamock Debitor 

for sundry Commodities in the house 
from the 15th of July, 1639, to the 

day aboue written 4 5 b h 

for gli. 14s. sid., & is for so much due 
to ballance the account Charged you 

per exchang is 9 *4 5? 

M 
June 22"', 1640. 
Georg Bunt Debitor 

for sundry Commodities in the house 
from the 8th of July, 1639, to the 

day aboue written 1 " 10} 

more pd him in money 1 10 

for 15H. 3s. 2&d., & is for so much due 
to ballance the account Charged you 

per exchang is 15 3 2 h 

18 5 3 
June 22 th , 1640. 

William Harell Debitor 

ffrom the 30th of November, 1639, to 

the day aboue written, for sundry 

Commodities in the house .... 3 4 4! 
for 7I1. 15s. S|d , & is for so much due 

to ballance the account pd him heare 

is 7 15 B\ 



V? Contra Creditor 
for his yeares wages 



£ s. d. 
6 5 



$ Contra Creditor 
for his second years wages . . . . 



# Contra Creditor 

for his portage money & his sonnes 

wages 

for his share of fish and traine . . . 



$ Contra Creditor 

for his portage money the second 

yeare 

for his share of fish & traine .... 



I 15 

9 5 


1 


11 


i 



'Contra Creditor 



for his share offish & traine . 



June 22 th , 1640. 
Charrells Hatch Debitor 

for sundry Commodities in the house 

from the 7th of July, 1639, to the 

day & yeare aboue written ... 10 4 3] 
for money had vppon Account the last 

year 4 1 6J 

Noate. — I have pd 3 tymes 3s. to Clemt. Penny- 
well" for his Service with him, & mustpaye one 30s. 
more & 25s. 6d. to his wiefe in money & 2J bush, 
of rye. 

[This is in Trelawny's handwriting.] 

1 Robert Sanders was probably a brother of 
Edward. But little is recorded of him ; nothing, in 
fact more important than an action against Henry them, though perhaps relatives. The name Clem- 
Watts for debt, in the York Court Records. ent appears to have been a family one, and has 

2 Clement Pennywell, or Pennell. There were [ been handed down to our own times. 



Pennells living at Saco not long after this date, but 
we have not been able to connect this man with 



294 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



[1640. 



June 22 1h , 1640. 

John Imson I Debitor 

i'or sundry Commodities in the house £ s. d. 
from the 7th of July, 1639, to the day 
aboue written 764 

June 22 th , 1640. 
Richard Nyle Debitor 

for sundry Commodities in the house 
from the 7 tli of July, 1639, to the day 
aboue written 5 16 S 

for us. 6d., & is for so much due to 
ballance the accounts pd him heare 



682 



June 22 th , 1640. 
Richard Fild Debitor 

for sundry Commodities in the house 
from the 15th of July, 1639, to the 
day aboue written 

more pd him heare in money . . . 

for gli. 13s. id., & is for so much due 
to ballance the account charged you 
per exchange is 



June 22 th , 1640. 
Paull Mychell Debitor 
for sundry Commodities in the house 
from ye 15th of July, 1639, to the 

day aboue written 3 

for 7I1. 8s. 6d., & is for so much due to 
ballance the account Charged you 

per exchange is 7_ 

11 

June 22 th , 1640. 

John Burrage Debitor 

for sundry Commodities in the house 
from the 8th of July, 1639, to the 
day aboue written 2 

June 22 t!l , 1640. 
Pentycost Heyman Debitor 

for sundry Commodities in the house 
from the 10th of January) 1639.1 to 
the day aboue written 

for money pd him heare 

for 7I1. is. 1 id., & is for so much due 
to ballance the account Charged you 
per exchange is 7 



n 6f 



16 ni 



1 Trelawny spells this name Hempson, and in 
later records it appears to have become Helson, 
the correct spelling perhaps being Helmson, pro- 



t? Contra Creditor 
for his yeares servize 



£ s. d. 

5 



$ Contra Creditor 

for his portage money for his third 
years servize 2 

for his share of fish & traine for tyme 
he served 4 



$ Contra Creditor 

for his portage money for his second 



yeare 

for his share of fish & traine 



$ Contra Creditor 

for his portage money for second years 

servize 

for his share of fish & traine . . . 



•5 
5 



Contra Creditor, 1639-40 



for his yeares servize 



tf Contra Creditor 



for his portage money . . . . 
for his halfe share offish & traine 



nounced with the / silent. Such examples are 
common. The name must have puzzled his con- 
temporaries, if the suggestion of Folsom is correct, 



1640.] 



ACCOUNTS OF JOHN WINTER. 



295 



June 22 th , 1640. 
Rogger Satterlay Debitor 

for sundry Commodities in the house £ s. d. 
from the nth of July, 1639, to the 
day aboue written 5 1 9'; 

pd his wyfe in England by Mr. Robert 
Trelawny 10 4 9 

June 22 th , 1640. 
Antony Clarke Debitor 

for sundry Commodities in the house 
from the 20th of July, 1639, to the 
day aboue written 5 \ 

pd him in money heare 12 

for 4I1. 13s. o£d., & is for so much to 
ballance the account Charged you 
per exchange 4 m $ 

June 22 th , 1640. 
Edward Tieby Debitor 

for sundry Commodities in the house 
& money paid him from the 1st of 
August, 1639, to the day aboue 
written 2S4 

for £ 2 45. id. pd him heare is . . . 241 

4 12 5 

Jonas Beyley Debitor, the 22 th of June, 
1640. 

for sundry Commodities in the house 

from last of July, 1639, to the day 

aboue written 6 5s 

for som other Comodities after this 

former 4 S 

for 4li. Ss. io£d., & is for so much due 

to ballance the account pd him heare 4 S io| 

5 
June 22 th , 1640. 

Steven Sargent Debitor 

for sundry Commodities in the house 

from the 13th of August, 1639, to 

the day aboue written 5 3 8J 

for money pd him heare 2 

for 42I1. us. 6d., & is for so much due 

to ballance the account Charged 

you per exchange 42 n 6 

49 15 z£ 

June, 



that it was also spelt Hallsome. He settled at 
Black Point, and in 1658 married Joane, the daugh- 
ter of Henry Waddock, the first innkeeper and 
ferryman of Saco, at whose house he had probably 
received entertainment when visiting that town, 



1 ■ Contra Creditor 
for his portage money for his yeares 



servize 

for his share o!" fish & traiue , 



# Contra Creditor 



for his portage money . . . 
for his share of fish iS: traine 



$? Contra Creditor 

for his portage money for his last 
yeares servize 

for money which he was to hmie in a 
former account for his £ share of 
pollocke 

for his halfe share for the tyme he 
served to the Plantation .... 

^ Contra Creditor 

for his last years servize in 1639 & 
1640 



9 5 2 



$ Contra Creditor 

for his portage money 22 

for his 3 shares for him selfe & his 

servants of fish & traine .... 27 15 2J 

1 ' 1 I ■ 1 



John Wynter Creditor 

for my last years wages 40 

for my share the last yeare .... 9 5 $ 

49 
then the centre of trade for all the region about it. 
With her he lived man; ■ irs, rearing n family, 
and was living in 1681, after which time h 
does not appear in any records which have been 
preserved. 



296 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1640. 

Account of the Clothes, other nessessary, deliuered to the servants 
from the i8' h July, 1639, to the 22 th of June, 1640. 

To William Mellin.' 

For 6 ounzes of tlireed & 4 nelds. 

" a sute of Cammas. 

" 1 lb. 8 ounzes sope. 

" 3 pair of stockins. 

" 3 pair of shues, a pair of bouts, Cost 8s. 

" 5 C. sparrow bills & 2 C.i bradds & nyne thongs. 

" the -J" 1 parte of i- foote of leather. 

" 2 shurtes, 1 knyfe, 1 pair yarning gloues. 

" a sute of Cersy= Cloths, & 2 wastcoates. 

Cloths & necessaries to Phillip Hingston.3 

For 2 pair shues, 3 pair of stockins. 
" a Camnas sute, & 2 shurtes, & a sute of Cersey. 
" 3 yards Cape Cloth for a shorte Cape, 2 yards Cape Cloth for a pair 

of boote-breches.4 
" 1 lb. 8 ounzes of sope, for 3 C. sparrow bills, 1 C. £ bradds & 8 thongs 

& leather, 1 lb. S ounzes. 
" 1 pair of haling hands, & I yard J of list. 
" a munmoth Capp,s & 2 wastcotes, for 4 nelds. 6 

Cloth & nessessaries deliuered to Thomas Hammocke. 8 

For 4 pair of stockins, 2 pair of shues. 
" 6 C. Sparrow bylls, 2 C. bradds, 10 thongs, & 1 lb. 10 ounzes of 
leather, & 1 pair of boates.? 

1 William Mellin, or Mellen, appears 4 Boot-breeches were large, loose 
to have left no record, though several breeches coming just below the knee, 
Mellens, Melius, and Mellings were liv- where they were gathered and fastened 
ing in New England about this time or by a strap. 

subsequently. Savage says: "Of no s Monmouth cap. Vide antca, p. 68, 

family in the land is investigation more note 7. 

difficult, the spelling more various, the 6 Nelds, or neelds, needles. 

dates more perverse, the deficiencies »We, Hermia, like two artificial gods, 

more numerous." Have with our neelds created boih one flower, 

2 Kersey. Vide antca, P- 285, note I. B ° th on one sampler." 

3 Phillip Hinkson, like so many others Midsummer Nights Dream, iii. 2. 
who were in Winter's employ, became ? Boots. 

a planter, settling at Saco, where he 8 The chameleon assumes no greater 
died shortly after 1653. Vide Folsom's variety of hue than Hammock's name 
Saco, p. 1S1. Sullivan's Maine, 362. assumes variety of form, for it appears 



1640] ACCOUNTS OF JOHN WINTER. 297 

For a sute of Camnas & a sute of Cersy, 1 wastcoate, threed 5 lb., 1 pair 
haling hands, ih yard of list. 
" 1 lb. 4 ounzes £ of sope, for 1 knyfe. 
" 4 pair yarning gloues. 

Cloth & nessessaries to John Vivion. 

For 2 pair of shues, 3 pair of stockins. 
" a sute of Camnas, & a sute of Cersy, & a wastcoote. 
" 1 Calue skin for a barvell, 1 a pair of boutes. 
" 4 C. sparrow bills, 3 C. bradds, 8 thongs, & 1 lb. 6 ounzes of leather 

for 2 pair haling hands, & list to line them. 
" i £ Cape Cloth to make a pair myttings, 2 & | lb. of threed, 1 

Coverlett. 
" 2^ yards Cape Cloth to make him a pair of boote breches, 2 shurtes, 

1 knyfe, for a locke for his Chest bought from Mr. Lucksons men. 
" 1 lb. 12^ ounzes of sope. 

Necessaries deliuered to Solomon. 

For 3 pair Jarning gloues, 1 1 Cape Cloth to make a pair Myttings, 2d. in 
threed. 
" a pair of bootes that Cost 8s. to Nycholas Mathew. 
" 1 Calue skin for a barvell. 



Account of Disburments for the vse of the plantation at Richmon 
Island, beginning the 1 5 th of July, 1639, to this 22"' of June, 1640, 
by me, John Wynter. 

Imprimus paid vnto Nycholas Mathew for his portage 

money for 5 moneths after his 2yeares weare £ s . d. 
ended, which I did levell the account J for, 18 8 

as Hamuck, Hammatt, Hannuct, Ham- which the clerical litigant was unsuc- 

mett, Hamott, and even Hamweth. cessful, however. He died in 1676, 

He resided at Black Point, and after leaving but a small estate. Vide Early 

the death of John Burrage he married Records of Maine, State copy, II. 320; 

his widow. His name appears among III. 321. Maine Hist. Coll., III. Si. 

those who signed the submission of the Savage's Genealogical Dictionary, II. 

town to Massachusetts in 1658. The 345. 

same year, among numerous lawsuits ' A leather apron. 

brought against his townsmen by Rev. = Mittens. 

Robert Jordan is one against him, in i Equivalent to balance the account. 



298 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1640. 

For 6 lb. of twine sent me by Mr. Samuell Mav- £ s . d. 

ericke at is. 6d. p lb. is g 

" 3 stock locks, I pouch lock, 1 shakkell locke,' 

& 1 lock for a Chest deliuered John Vivion 

bought of on of Mr. Luxtons men, 6 4 

" 1 1 C. nailes at is. 8d. p C. & 10 C. nailes at 

Sd. per C. bought of on of Mr. Luxtons men, I 5 
" hodghed No. 1 Conta. 185 lb. of bever skins 

at 8s p lb. loden abord the Fellow ship, 

Georg Luxton master, is 74 

" 1 other hodghed No. 2 Conta. 138 lb. of bever 

skins at 8s. p lb. is ^55 4s., & 30 lb. of Coote 

bever at 15s. p lb. is .£22 10s. more. In the 

hodghed No. 2, 10 lb. of wombs,-' & peces of 

Coote bever at 12s. p lb. is £6 6s., all is S4 

Loden abord the Fellow ship of Barnestable, 

Georg Luxton master. 
For 7 axes 15s., & a pece of new Rope forbootes 

boulings & a fore halliers 3 Conta. 14 C. 

weight at 6s., bought of Mr. Luxton, all is 1 I 

" money sent by Mr. Georg Luxton, master 

of the Fellowship of Barnestable, 60 

" a grinding stone 3s. 4d., & a lanterne is. 3d., 

bought of Mr. Luxton, all is 4 7 

" money pd Mr. Luxton for fraight of 2 barrells 

of lines put abord the Fellow ship by Mr. 

Gilbert Paige of Barnstable, 12 

" 6 saile nelds 6d., & 1 axe more 2s. 6d., and a 

barrell of meall £2, all is 2 3 

Pd Robin Martin 4 for Cutting our great bull, 6 

Pd a Myll Wraight s to sett our Myll in temper to 

grind, 7 

1 The stock-lock was a large lock en- staff exclaim, " My womb, my womb, my 

closed in a wooden case, and was prin- womb, undoes me 1 " 

cipally used to secure doors ; the 3 I. e. bowlines and halyards, 

pouch-lock was so named from its J Robert Martin, of Badcombe, regis- 

shape, and was similar to the modern tered at the port of Weymouth, on the 

padlock ; and a shack-lock was a lock 20th of March, 1635, for New England, 

for fetters. at which date he was aged forty-four. 

- The "womb" was that part of the He subsequently removed to Massachu- 

skin covering the belly of an animal, setts. Vide Hotten's Lists, p. 286. 

and was inferior in quality, and hence Savage's Genealogical Dictionary, III. 

less valuable than the part covering the 163. 

back. Shakespeare uses this word in 5 A millwright, 
the sense of belly, where he makes Fal- 



1640.] 



ACCOUNTS OF JOHN WINTER. 



299 



For a beame & a pair of scales & 53 lb. of weights, £ s . 

bought of Mr. Luxton, 14 

" money pd Mr. Richard Gibson, our mynister, 

for 6 weeks servise after his 3 yeares were 

expired, 5 

" 95 ducks at .jd. p cluck from Benjamin At- 

well 'is ill 

" foull from Myhell Myttinge 2 of Casko, geese 

at is. pece, 4d. a pece for ducks, & 2d. a 

pece for taill, which amounted to 8 13 

" 32 ducks at 4d. p duck is 10s. Sd., & 14 geese 

at is. p goose is 14s., from John Boudens of 

Blacke Pointe, all is 



For 1 hodghed aquavite bought of Mr. Georg 

Luxtons men, 
Pd Trustrum Alger for his third years servize as 

by the former account will appeare, 
" John Lebby for his third years servize as by 

the former account will appear, 
" Nycholas White for his third years servize as 
by the former account will appear, 



7 IS 



Si 



1 Benjamin Atwell. By this record 
we learn for the first time the. Christian 
name of the first husband of " Widow 
Atwell," who married Richard Martin, 
to whom she brought the farm of her 
deceased husband, which included the 
promontory, afterwards called Martin's 
Point, upon which the United States 
Marine Hospital now stands. Benja- 
min Atwell must have died not long 
after this date. His son Benjamin was 
killed by the Indians on the old farm 
at Martin's Point. Vide Maine Hist. 
Coll., Vol. I. pp. 144, 208, 219, it passim. 
Hubbard's Indian Wars, Vol. II. pp. 

139. HS'tnq- 

■ This literally confirms the state- 
ment of John Josselyn, that Michael 
Mitton "was a great Fowler." Epi- 
cures may well bemoan these days of 
old, when ducks were sold for four- 
pence, and teal for twopence in the 
gates of Casco Bay. 



3 John Boaden was perhaps a brother 
of Ambrose. We know that he remained 
in the country and resided in the Prov- 
ince, as he was presented to the court 
at Saco, July 5, 1670, " for not frequent- 
ing the place of God's publique worship 
on the Lord's days." Nor was this the 
only instance, as he had before been 
presented, and was also the next year 
presented for the same offence, for 
which he was fined and admonished, 
with apparently but little effect. He 
evidently had no affection for ministers. 
Presentations to the court for non- 
attendance upon public worship were 
frequent. Even the genial John Josse- 
lyn, Gent., did not escape, for while visit- 
ing his brother Henry at Black Point 
he was several times presented for this 
offence, which he refrains from mention- 
ing either in the Voyages or Rareties. 
Early Records of Maine, State 
copy, II. 172, 201, 23S. 



300 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1640. 

Pd William Freythy for his third yeares servize 

as by the former account will appeare, 
" Beniamin Stevens for his third years servize 

as by his former account will appear, 
" Thomas Shepherd for his third years servize 

as by the former account will appear, 
" Prissilla Bickford for ballance the account for 

her three years servize as by the former 

account will appear, 
" Edward Mylls for his third yeares servize as 

by the former account will appeare, 
" Richard Martin for his third years servize as 

by the former account will appear, 
" Steven Lapthorne for his third years servize 

as by the former account will appear, 
" John Hole for his third years servize as by 

the former account will appear, 
" John Mylls for his years wages, 
" Phillip Hatch since the last account past with 

the Company, 
" William Lukes since the last account past as 

by the former account will appear, 
" Robin Sanders in full of his years servize as 

by the former account will appear, 
" Henry Hamocke as by the former account will 

appear, 
" Georg Bunt as by the former account will 

appear, 3 1 10J 

" William Harell as by his former account will 

appear, 1 1 a 

" Charrells Hatch since the last account past as 

by the former account will appear, 10 4 3A 

" John Imson since the last account past as 

by the former account will appear, 764 

" Richard Nyle in full of his last year servize 

as by the former account will appear, 682 

" Richard ffild in pt of his voyage this last 

year as by his account will appear, 2 11 uf 

" Paul Mychell as by the former account will 

appear, 3 [ 1 6-J 

" John Burrage as by the former account will 

appear, 2 16 11J 

137 2 4| 



£ 


5. 


d. 


3 


13 


3 


3 


10 




5 


17 


i'i 


3 






8 


5 




4 




9i 


5 


3 


7 


5 






5 


10 




4 


iS 


8 


5 


3 


72 


6 


S 




4 


5 


7i 



1640.] ACCOUNTS OF JOHN WINTER. 30 1 

Money paid the Company by their former account will appear. 

C s. d. 
Paid vnto Penticost Heyman as by the former account will 

appear, 1 7 

" Roger Satterlay since the last account past as the 

former account will appear, 5 1 9} 

" Antony Clarke as by the former account will appear, 6 2 \ 

" Edward Treby in full of his last years service, 4 12 5 
" Jonas Beyly for his last years servise as by the former 

account will appear, 5 
" Mr. Steven Sargent as by the former account will 

appear, 7 3 %\ 



Account of the sale of sundry sorts of goods sold at the plantation 
of Richmon Island since my last accounts sent vnto Mr. Robert 
Trelawny, which was in June in the yeare 1639, by me, John 
Wynter, debitor. 













£ 


s. 


d. 


mprimus for 57 pair of stockins, 










4 


17 


4 


" 55 shurtes, 










18 


IS 




" nelds, 












1 


I 


" 2 Capps, 












7 




" 1 Calue skin, 












3 




" 4 gallons 1 pinte of traine, 












8 


3 


" 1 2| yards of Camnas, 










1 




7 


" 6 quartes of oyle & 1 Jar of 


oyle, 






1 


8 


6 


" 9 pair yarning gloves 9s., 


& 


I pair 


halings 








hands 6d., all is 












9 


6 


" 27 knyfes at 6d. p knyfe is 












•3 


6 


" $C. ij lb. ofbiskett, 












iS 


9 


" ss C. of Candells, 










2 


1 


3 


" tallow & grease, 












2 


8 


" 3 heffers ,£33 and a stere 


in 


trucke 


of 


the 








heffers age, 1 










33 






" 9 ewe goates at sundry prices, 








26 






" week yarne, 












1 


8 


" 8 Lampes, 












12 




" 76 yards Cape Cloth, 










11 


9 


4 


" 5m. 6 C. sparrow bills, 












8 


i°i 


1 T. e. for three heifers he received 33 poi 


mdi 


i and a 


steer of the a: 


;e of the 



heifers. 



302 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1640. 

For 4m. 9 C. bradds, 
" leather, 

" 6 lb. 8 ounzes of sope, 
" for 5 sutes of Cersy at £1 12s. p suite is 
" 8 wastcotes, 

" 5 sutes of Camnas drawers, 
" a sute of fryze 1 & a pair Camnas drawers, 
" 63 pair of shues, 
" threed, 

" 43 lb. of powder, 
" 166 lb. of shoote, 
" thongs, 
" I butt & 1 hodghed of wine that Came in the 

Samuell, 25 18 

" a hodghed of Aquavite I receaved from Mr. 

Samuell Mavericke, 13 3 

" 1 hodghed aquavite which was bought of on 

of Mr. Luxton's men, 
" 1 hodghed aquavite that Came in the Samuell, 
" 1 other hodghed aquavite that Came in the 

Samuell, 



£ 


s. 


d. 




12 


3 


1 


15 


1- 




IO 


10 


8 






2 


lS 


6 


2 


2 

18 


6 


■ 3 


6 


6 




'7 


6 


6 


16 


4 


2 


•5 


4 




4 


4 



13 


16 


4 


12 


9 


4i 


10 


10 


4i 


219 


01 


9l 



Account of som the goods that was bought of Mr. Georg Richman. 

£ s. <i. 

For 1 pair of stockins, 2 

" 6 pair of pomps, 9 6 
" 1 foulinge pece, 2 
" 1 sute Camnas sliders 2 for a boy 5s., & 1 pair 

of Cloth breches for a boy 7s., all is 12 

Summ is 

For tobacco sold, 
" earthen ware, 
■ " butter, 

" 2 C. I of haddocke sold to Mr. Weston 3 at 

iSs. p C. is 22 

■ Frieze. furnishes an attractive page in history, 

2 Canvas overalls. reference should be had to Young's 

3 Thomas Weston. For an interesting Chronicles of Massachusetts, pp. 21, 
account of this man, whose connection 30S ; Bradford's History of the Pil- 
with colonization in the New World grims, 41-47, 107-109, et passim ; New 



3 


3 


6 


3 


1 




1 


1 1 




3 


15 


4 



1640.] ACCOUNTS OF JOHN WINTER. 

For 1 C. of Codfish to new Plymoth 1 men at £1 £ s. 
1 os., & J C. to new Plymoth men 12s. 6d., 
all is 22 

" 49 Couple of bas sold to the Plymoth men at 

6 p Couple is 2 9 

" 6 gallons aquavite left in a hodghed of the last 
account not Charged to any former account 
at 6s. p gallon, 1 16 



17 8 



For 11 gallons of wine & aquavite deliuered the 
Company & goeth in the Charg of the plan- 
tation not Charged to any other account 
wherof 2 gallons was to John Burrage & 
to Jonas Beyley, accordinge to your order, 
" Old depts receaved which was Charged on my 
last account in the year 1639, 



Account Currant of the worshipfull Robert Trelawny of Plymoth, 
merchant, & his partners in the plantation at Richmon Island, 
from the 15th of July, 1639, to the 28th of June, 1640. 

Debitor. 

£. s. d. 
Imprimis tor money disbursed for the use of the plantation, 

& bever & money sent for England in the 
good ship Called the Felow ship of Barnesta- 
ble, Georg Luxton master, 2 as by a former 
account will appear, 408 18 9! 

English Canaan, Force's Tracts; and George Luxon of Bittiford in Devon- 
Charles Francis Adams's Address on shire. Several of my friends came to 
the 250th Anniversary of the Settlement hid me farewell, among the rest Captain 
of Weymouth, pp. 5-22. Thomas Wannerton, who drank to me 

1 The Plymouth colony was at this a pint of kill-devil, alias Rhum, at a 
time extensively engaged in trade along draught, at 6 of the clock in the morning, 
the Maine coast, as we learn from Brad- we weighed Anchor and set sail for the 
ford and others. Massachusets Bay." The Fellowship 

2 The Fellowship sailed on the 24th lay in Boston several days, departing 
of September, 1639, and John Josselyn from Nantasket on the 15th of October, 
went home on her. He says : " The and reached England on the 24th of 
Four and twentieth day being Munday, I November, two months from the day 
went aboard the Fellowship of 100 and she left Richmond's Island. Vide Jos- 
70 Tuns, a Flemish bottom, the Master selyn's Two Voyages, pp. 24-29. 



304 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1640. 

For debts owinge from sundry persones on the £ s . j. 
last years account, in the 15th of July, 1639, 
the rest being paid & Charged to account, re- 
meanes due iS 10 

For bever & money heare at the plantation, for the 

ballance herof, 49 19 \o\ 

477 08 8 
By me, John Winter, errors excepted. 



Account Currant of the worshipfull Robert Trelawny, merchant, 
& his partners in the plantation at Richmon Island, from the 15th 
of July, 1639, to the 28th of June, 1640. 

Crediter. 

£ s. d. 
Imprimis for sundry Commodities sold as by the former 

account will appear, 236 10 3! 

For goods sold of the goods that was bought of 
Mr. Georg Richman as by the account will 
appear, 3 3 6 

For parte of an old dept was Charged to the ac- 
count of the plantation the yeare 1639, 32 10 



272 3 9f 



For so much due on the last account, past the 

15th of July, 1639, for the ballance the rest, 205 8 io| 

477 8 08 



By me, John Winter, errors excepted. 



An Invoyse of all goods remeaninge at the plantation at Richmon 
Island & Spurwinke, taken this 27th of June, 1640. 

Imprimis 3 hodgheds 7 barrells of peas. 

2 hodgheds 1 barrell of pitch. 
2h hodgheds of gurts. 

4 barrells of tar. 

12 hodgheds of meall. 

11 hodgheds 14 butts of malt. 

10 hodgheds of wheat, 2 hodgheds of barley. 

3 bushells of rye. 



1640.] ACCOUNTS OF JOHN WINTER. 305 

2 hodgheds of oats. 

3 hodgheds of Indian Come. 
2 hodgheds of pilchards. 

100 weight of feathers, & a feather bead & boulster. 

the stage saile which was left by Mr. Hingston. 

5 Roules of tobacco. 1 

The hopps that weare brought in the Samuell, and also those 
that weare brought in the Star, but 5 lb. vsed of them, the 
weight of the rest I know not. 

Som old Junke for ocomb. 

18 old netts, 10 new netts, 3 old saines, 1 new saine, 1 Chittell, 5 
1 Ii tie kittell, 2 great kittells, 2 great Iron potts, 1 li tie Iron 
pott, 2 small bras kittells, I li tie Iron pitch pott, 1 tressehV I 
spit, I pair of billos, 4 2 pair pott Crokes, 2 Iron pott hangers, 
1 Iron ladell, 1 pitch ladell, 2 frying panns. 

1 drum, 1 spare drum head, 7 fouling peces, 1 hargabus with a 
fir locke,s 8 musketts, 3 holberds," 6 long pikes, 2 saker ladls, 
but on of them worren out, 22 Round shoote. 8 Crosbar shott 
for the gunners, 171b. of muskett shott, 231b. of match, 4 
swords, 1 murderer, 2 Chambers, 3 pece of ordinance, wherof 

1 is a demmy Colverin, the other 2 as sakers, 2 spunges, 1 
worme for the gunnes, 3olb. of week yarne, 8 lampes used in 
the house, 3 full barrells of powder, 621b. in another barrell. 

81b. of sope, 5 swip sawes,? 5 thart sawes, good & bad, 2 viles, 

2 wrests, 8 6 new howes, 33 old howes, 2 drawing knyfes, 4 
Iron shovells, 10 new picks, 5 old picks, 2 pair bittell Rings, 
5 Iron wagges, 2 furs hookes, 9 3 bill hookes,'" 8 Eeep hookcs, 
2 Come pikes, 1 grid Iron, 2 truells," 1 mattocke, 1 Crow of 
Iron hole & 1 broken Crow of Iron, 5 lanternes, 1 ads, 1701b. 
of fouling shootes, 8 lampes, 2 masons hammer. 

■ Rolls of tobacco. Tobacco of a 6 Vide antea,p. 179, note 2. 

certain quality, twisted and made up 7 Whip or sweep saws. Winter here 

into packages of a cylindrical form. uses the old form ot swipe. 

= This difference made by Winter in s The wrest was an instrument for 

spelling kettle seems to have method, bending the teeth of the saw outward, 

or it might pass unnoticed. He evi- It is now called a saw-set. 

dently makes a distinction in spelling » Vide antea, p. 179, note 10. 

purposely, if unwarrantably, between his '° A sickle-shaped implement, having 

brewing-kettle, or caldron, and kettles a handle about five feet in length, which 

used for other purposes. admits of its being used with both hands. 

3 This was an iron triangular frame, It is employed for various agricultural 
with three feet, upon which the kettles purposes, reaping peas, "brushing" 
were set when taken hot from the fire. hedges, &c. Vide Shropshire Word- 

4 That is, a pair of bellows. Cook, p. 34. 

5 Arquebuse with a firelock. " Trowels. 



306 THE TRELAWNV PAPERS. [1640. 

The bruinge vessells, 1 steell myll, 1 other hand rayll, 3 grind- 
ing stones, 1 pair stampers for Indian Corne." 

8 Cowes, 2 heffers mylch, 3 yarlings heffers, 1 bull, 1 gale,= 
4 steares, 10 Calues of this year, 76 gootes & kids, 70 swine 
of 1 yeare J & som 2 year old, 45 young piggs, Rearers, 1 
2 she asses, 1 he as, 1 1 yarlings landed out of the Starr. 

The Communion vessells & the table Cloth for the Communion 
table as yt was, Mr. Gibsons bead & bead Cloth. 4 

2 hodgheds aquavite, r hodghed wine, most drawen out, not 
Charged to any former account. 

2 hodgheds of beafe, 1 hodghed of porke. 



To be added to the other file in the Invoyse. 

3 Ring boalts, 3 Cole Chissells, 1 sett boalt, 13 bootes Compasse, 
good & bad, 7 old Roods, 5 new Roodes, 10 bread boxes, 9 
flacketts, 7 bootes bucketts, 1 traine buckett, 2 traine boules, 
11 bootes sailes, 7 fog sailes, some old Camnas to lay on the 
piles. s 

500 hodgheds of salt by estymation, not measured. 

5 Chests with locks to them, 2 pair of wheeles, where of 1 pair 
for the Carriage of the demmy Coulverin. 

1 beame & scales which was bought of Mr. Luxton with 53 lb. 
weight; the Iron beame & ^ C. weight is sent home in the 
Star ; more, 1 pair of small scales & 4 lb. weights, I Romane 
beame. 

2 traine fates, the plow stuff for 2 plowes, 29 Iron tongs 6 for a 
harrow, I soule, 7 2 harrowes. 

8 o-ood shollops, 3 old ons not worth the triming, 1 old trading 

boote, 1 scyth, 1 Cannow. 
At Spurwinke neare 6 akers English graine, wheat, pease, & oats, 

wherof4| akers of wheat, about 5 akers of Indian graine. 
The Cables, ankers, ordinance, sailes, Ropes for rigginge of the 

new ship, the blockes & Iron worke, boults, spukes, nailes, 

all that was sent in the Samuell & the Star except the spukes 

1 For crushing the corn before grind- an' score it fine to mak' the cracklin' 

ing. crisp." Shropshire Word-Book, p. 347. 

' Vide antca, p. 204, note 1. « Bed and bed-clothes. 

3 These were probably early pigs s I. e. offish, 
which he proposed to raise. There is a 6 Literally tongues for a harrow, 

singular use of the word rear in Devon- commonly called teeth. 
shire, the loin of a pig being called a ^ The foot or lower part of the body 

rearing of pork. " We'n 'ave some of a plough, 
curly greens 'ooth the rearm' o' pork, 



1640.] ACCOUNTS OF JOHN WINTER. 307 

& nailes which is droven into the new ship, & all the Ocombe 
which was sent in the Samuell, 7lb. of drumes. 1 
2 flaggs — 1 ancient, 1 vane 2 for the new ship, 1 old flage in 
the house. 

13 Jars of oyle. 

Mr. Gibsons linen is 3 pair of sheets, 5 table napkins, 2 pillow 
tyes, 3 touells. 

14 sutes of Carnnas sliders, 11 sutes of Cloth, 8 wastcootes, 6 
Coverletts, 8 mumoth Capps, 6 lb. beting twine, 16 lb. of saile 
twine, 4 dozen 6 pair of Irish stockins, 10 pair Irish Stockins 
that Came in the Herculus, moth eaten, 3 dozen Cersy stock- 
ins, 140 lb. of Candells, 160 fishing leads, 23 great water potts, 
9 panns, 2 Chaffin dishes, 2 great stue poots, 53 sausers, 14 
small Jarrs & vialls, 1 1 dishes. 

1 peck of mustard seed, 14 dozen Newfoundland lines, 34 dozen 
Virginia lines, 2 foote of leather & 2 lb. in a pece besides, 5 C. 
thongs, 12 M. sparrow bills, 14 M. bradds besides those that 
Came in the Star, 40 pair yarning gloues, 35 shurtes, 47 pair 
haling hands, 12 pair leather gloues, 46 pair of browges,3 4 lb. 
of threed, 6 nales, 4 gimbletts, 1 dozen saile nelds, 12 Calue 
skins, 4 pair of bouts. 

14 dozen 3 pair of shues, 44 yards Cape Cloth, 11 new axes, 2 
new hatchets, 5 old axes in vse, 16 old axes past vseinge, a 
wodden Cartrage, 21 small fishinge leads, 7 old hatchets-in vse. 

17 liquor hodgheds & 3 butts, 19 dry hodgheds, 8 bandeleres 
for the musketts, 46 dozen of great hookes, 101 dozen quorter 
hookes, 4 C. mackrell hookes. 

1 pott of hodgs grease, 4 20 sides of porke, 2 hodgheds pickell 
porke of our owne killing, & 4 sides of porke more that I haue 
sold, but the party is not yet Com for them, 6 quorter Canns,s 
4 earthen potts for our men to drinke in, 12 wodden platters, 
6 earthern platters, 1 1 mylke panns in vse serviseable, 9 
slowers, 6 3 long pin tells, 1 Routher pintell 7 for the bootes, 
17 hodgheds 10 butts of bread, & 6 M. 5 score pound 
weight of bread, Receaved out of the Star, Narius Haukins 
master. 

1 This is but a provincial way of ' A beer-can holding about a quart, 
spelling thrums, a coarse sort of thread. 6 These were probably drags used 

2 A small pennant carried at the mast- to slow the boats when fishing with 
head. drift-nets, and were doubtless logs with 

3 I. e. brogues, or coarse Irish shoes, ropes attached. 

4 I. e. lard. 7 Rudder-pin. • 



308 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1642. 

WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 

Accomenticus, the iS"' of May, 1642. 

Worshipfull Syr: — 

Your letter of the 15th of October & the 19th January 
receaved, Wherby I perceaue you purpose to send never a 
ship this yeare. Heare is no need of a ship, as the tymes ar, 
for the Herculus Can take in our fish Well inough. I was 
with Mr. Hingston the last night abord the Herculus at Pas- 
cattaway, he being their ready with his Company to attend for 
a slack 1 of wind to bring over the ship to the He of Shoulds, to 
take in his fish. He hath left of going to sea, & doth purpose 
to make [as] much dispach as he Cann to the markett. He 
tells me he hath about on C. thousand fish & doth make acco 
it will make 25 C. Cintalls the ffish being [very good].' [I] 
haue hired a barke to bring our fish vnto him at the He of 
Shoulds. [He seems to be] very loth to Com to our planta- 
tion to take it in, doubtinge it may be a g[reat hin]derance 
vnto him, & I am vnwilling to hinder him. ffishing with vs at 
Ri[chmon He] hath proved very bad, never so bad since the 
plantation was settled : ffrom th[e 8th of] January to the 23th 
of March we did not take a fish for the Cittell of no [sort of] 
fish, but the 8th of January our bootes weare 3 parts loden. 
We haue near about 15 M. of fish, whereof 10 M. small as 
vsually it hath bin, but that we take since March is large fish. 
I never did know larger fish heare, but the did fetch it far of 
& in deep water. It hath bin a very hard Winter heare with 
vs of frost & snow. Our bootes weare kept in with the He a 
moneth, & Could not go in & out at sea, which was never 
knowne heare before by any man. 3 We haue lost this winter 

' A slack of wind means a light or - It will be seen that in Winter's 

not violent wind ; there seems to be no reports of June 2S, 1636, and July S, 

equivalent word for it. It was a com- 1637, it took nearly sixty fish for a 

mon form. "About sunset, hoisting quintal, while in this case it took but 

sail with a slack southwest, at midnight forty. 

was becalmed." — Milton, quoted by 3 Winthrop also makes record of 

Webster. the severity of the winter of 1641-42, 



1642.I WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 309 

5 or 6 & twenty pigs great and small, & som 20 goats, 10 
which cast their kids before their tyme with the extremyty of 
the deepnes of the snow, forcing them selues into the snow 
to gett meat, & the weather so extreme, we had much ado to 
saue the rest. We haue since the weather broke vp lost a 
Cow which was stockt in the myer, 1 & was 7 daies stockt in 
the myer before we Could find her, & yett found her livinge 

6 she lived 5 or 6 daies after, & we weare in hope to pre- 
serue her a Hue, but Could not. All the rest of the Cattell, 
goates, & swine ar now well & in good likinge. I [haue] written 
into the Bay to giue notize of the Intent & purpose of the 
sale of [this] plantation ; but as yett I heare nothinge from 
them. I wrote to Mr. Coggin ab[oute it, bu]t I perceaue he 
is at Virginia & is not it Com home : after the Herculus 
[has d]eparted, I purpose, God willinge, to go into the Bay, but 
I make doubt of findfing] any there that will buy it. Theris 
a great many weary of this Country, & I thinke haue spent 
most of their estates, & now ar goinge for the West Indias 
to Hue their, as sone as the Can gett passage. 2 I was with 
Mr. Gorge about 6 weekes since at Sacco Court, desiringe his 

in his Journal (Vol. II. p. 72) : " The ■ Stuck in the mire, 

frost was so great and continual this = The attention of the reader is 

winter, that all the bay was frozen over, called to the graphic account of the mis- 

so much and so long, as the like, by the haps whch followed those who thus for- 

Indian's relation, had not been these sook the country, as related by Gov- 

40 years, and it continued from the I Sth ernor Winthrop. Even though they 

of this month to the 21st of the 12th escaped the perils of the sea, Winthrop 

month; so as horses and carts went says, "yett the Lord followed them on 

over in many places where ships have shore," and they came to trouble. He 

sailed. ... The snow likewise was very says, "Much disputation there was 

deep, especially northward about Aco- about liberty of removing for outward 

menticus, above three feet, and much advantages, and all ways were sought 

more beyond. It was frozen also to sea for an open door to get out at ; but it is 

so far as we could well discern. To to be feared many crept out at a broken 

the southward also the frost was as wall." It will be seen that those who 

great and the snow as deep, and at stayed behind regarded those who went 

Virginia itself, the gi eat bay was much away as proper subjects of Divine dis- 

of it frozen over, and all their great pleasure. Vide Winthrop's Journal, 

rivers, so as they lost much cattle for II. 103 et seq. 
want of hav, and most of their swirfe." 



310 THE TRELAWNV TAPERS. [1642. 

answere about Cleaues busines then. His answerewas, he did 
every day expect letters from Sir ffardinando Gorge, & then 
would giue me his answere after receat of them, but will do 
nothinge on his former letter : and I haue bin with him now 
againe to desire his answere, Mr. Vynes & Mr. Godfrey with 
him in presents, & his answere is still, That he will do 
nothinge in it before he heares from Sir ffardinando Gorge. 
I haue desired him to write you an answere of your letter, but 
doth refuse it. 1 

Now for the estate of this Country, the tymes ar very bad 
heare for sellinge any thinge of the increase of Cattell, goates, 
or swine, Cowes to be sold for 4IL a head & with in, yf any 
would buy, & goates at 8 s.; good weathers goats & porke 
like wise reasonable. I haue now betwixt 2 or 3 m. weight of 
porke to sell, but know not wheare to gett a Cheapman for it. 
Som Mr. Kingston hath sold for me, but he hath taken bords 
for it for the vse of his [ship] ; but heare [is] no money to 
be gott for any thinge that a man hath to sell. The Country 
is very poore & out of Cloths & linnen & wollen, & haue not 
wherewith to buy, except som Corne at harvest, & Cattell 
goates, & swine, & heare is none that will lay. English wheat 
heare in this province at 6 s. per bushell, 8 gallons, but in the 
Bay 4 s. ready money. Yf you please to send a ship heare for 
a fishinge voyage, I do beleue bread may be had for 16 s. per 
C, good biskett, & so it is to be had now in the Bay. Vittels 
the plantation Can furnish for 30 men, but Corne will be but 

1 The administration of Thomas and the criticisms it contained of the 

Gorges has been praised for the pru- court over which he presided, were 

dence and equity which it displayed, offensive, and failed to make the im- 

It is plain that he resisted the powerful pression upon him which the writer in- 

influence brought to bear upon him in tended. It was fortunate indeed for 

this case, and that, seeing the claim of Cleeve that a less able or less scrupu- 

Trelawny to territory on the northerly lous man was not at the head of affairs, 

shore of Fore River, then in the pos- for such might have lent a willing ear 

session of Cleeve, to be unjust, he had to the powerful member of the British 

determined not to favor it. He was a Parliament, backed by an agent so per- 

man who possessed legal ability, and sistent as Winter and an advocate like 

the arbitrary tone of Trelawny's letter, Godfrey. 



1642.] WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 311 

litle spared, because we spend so much in the winter on our 
swine ; but Cloths, linen & wollen, will sell at good rates, and 
gett Corne Inough at reasonable rates, as the tymes ar now. 
We ar altogethers out of Cloths at the plantation, both for my 
selfe & servants, and know not wheare to gett any. I desire 
a supply of such things as I haue order for in my letters by 
the Richmon, & in Cause you send no ship of your [owne], I 
shall Intreat you to send it by som other by the first Con- 
venience, for those things which I haue advised for will fetch 
money yf any in the Country, ffishing at the He of Shoulds 
hath proved well this yeare for those that did ply it well & 
weare well provided for that place with good fishermen. I 
do heare that their ar som fishermen their that haue killed a 
11 or 12 m. fish for a boote for their yeares fishinge. You 
write me you receaved no letter ffrom me since the Richmon 
departed. I did write by 2 sundry Conveyanses, on by the 
way of Bristow by on master Tucker, & another I sent into 
the Bay to pas for London, & therin did advize you that I was 
provided with baite for the Herculus, & did advize you how all 
things did stand with me. I do purpose to keep 2 or 3 bootes 
to sea this yeare, yf I Can gett men that will follow their busi- 
nes, but they ar hard to be gott heare : after they haue lived 
a litle whiles in the Country they turne very lasy & Idle, but 
of that I shall advize you more by the Herculus. Except I 
haue som servants out of England at reasonable rates, we 
shall gaine litle by the plantation both for fishing & land 
busines. So not els at present to advize you, but Commit you 
to God & rest, 

Your to his power, 

JOHN WYNTER. 




312 THE TRELAWNY TAPERS. [1642. 

Ile of Shoulds, the S lh of June, 1642. 
The former is the Coppy of my letter sent in a ship of 
London, that Came from Virginia & spent her masts & stopt 
in the Bay to new mast.' Sir, you please to take notice that 
I haue loden abord the Herculus 13 thousand merchantable 
Cod, Containe 257 Cintalls & a halfe : three hodgheds of fish 
peas. I haue at home abot 12 Cintalls pollocke, hake, & had- 
docke, and about 8 or nine C. of fish that is grene, & we haue 
but oh hodghed of traine in all, which I would haue loded it 
abord the Herculus but that our bootes Could not Carry it 
when we brought our fish. I haue an Intent to keep 2 or 3 
bootes to sea, but I Cannot gett men to mannage them so 
that I make a d[ou]bt we[ther] I shall [keep] any mor bootes 
to sea this yeare : but I shall keep M[ellin, Hingston,] & 
Thomas Hammocke when the Can be spared from our land 
bu [sines. Fishjermen & shoremen go away, all except 
these 3, some for England, [and some set] vp fishinge for 
themselues. I have charged a bill on you for [£2 12s. for 
Richard] Nyles, which I will Intreat you to make him good 
payment and put [the acco] herein. Inclosed I haue you the 
acco what I receaved from Mr. Hingston, & [what] I haue 
deliuered him. Also herin goes inclosed a bill vppon Mr. 
John Martin [for] his vnkell ffrancis Martin. = Also he was 
with vs 5 moneths, & spent vppon our provision & Can- 
not pay for any thinge. He is in a bad way for livinge 
heare with his two Chilldren. He plants a litle Indian 
Corne, & that is all he hath to Hue upon. He hath ney- 
ther goat nor pig, nor a thinge els. He is old & Cannot 

1 Probably the ship Eleanor, of Lon- entertainment, and professed that he 

don. Winthrop says, "She was laden never found the like usage in Virginia, 

with tobacco from Virginia," and, after where he had traded these ten years." 

describing the disaster which she Vide Winthrop's Journal, II. 75 it scq. 

met with, continues : " She staid here - Francis Martin, the father of the 

till the 4th of the (4) and was well unfortunate Mary Martin executed in 

fitted with masts, sails, rigging, and Boston, who has been before mentioned, 

victuals at such reasonable rates as the Vide antea, p 219, note I. 
master was much affected with his 



1642.] WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 313 

labour, & his Children ar not brought vp to worke, so I know 
not what shift he will make to Hue. Yf they Com in want 
your plantation must maintaine them, for heare is none els 
that Cann or will, being on your patten : therfore I pray 
advize with his Cossen, John Martin, what Course he may take 
for livinge. He hath never a man to worke for him, & hath 
[not] wherewithall to pay any man that will worke for him ; 
& in this Country is no living with out hard labour. Yf I hire 
servants in this country, eyther for land or sea, their wages 
is so great that they will spend all that is gotten except the 
prize of such goods as the Country affords will yeld a prize. 
Heare is nothinge to be sold for money, for I thinke is very 
litle in the Country. I haue bought som old Cloths of the 
Company of the Herculus for your servants, for they ar alto- 
gether out of Cloths. I shall pray you to pay them men that 
I haue bought them of: Mr. Hingston hath the acco of yt. I 
haue sent you a young bare & a Catts skin in the Herculus 
by Mr. Hingston. More, I shall Intreat you to pay vnto John 
Burrage" 33 s. ; I haue given him a note for it. You may 
please to Charge it to acco. So not els to advize you with at 
present, but Commyt you to God & rest, 

Your to his power, 

JOHN WINTER. 

To the Worshipfull Robert Trelawny, merchant, 
this be dd. In Plymouth. 

[Indorsed by R. Trelawny :] 
New Ingland, 
Jno. Winter. Rd. the 13th of Sept. 

1 Vide antea, p. 253, note 5. 




314 



THE TRELAWNY l'Al'ERS. 



[i6 4 . 



ROBERT JORDAN TO TRELAWNY. 
Sir: — 

May the occasion of my wrighting excuse the unmannerly 
Salute of a strainger. Being imployd at the request of Mr. 
Winter in the actions depending betvven you and crafty Mr. 
Cleaue, I haue thought fitting, partly for my ovvne vindica- 
tion, to giue you some certaintyes therin, hoping you will 
looke att mee ass a faithfull agent therin, but noe afhrmer to 
an act or arbitrament of such weaknes. Paule accounted 
himself happy chiefly because hee was to answer before 
Agrippa, who knew the customes amonst the Jewes ; wee haue 
noe such caus of reioycing in thees parts, where actions are 
passed according to the concejpts of unknowing Planters, with- 
out the lest referenc to the law, right, or conscienc' Sir, I can 



1 This is not in agreement with con- 
temporary testimony, and savors strong- 
ly of pandering to the interests and 
prejudices of the patron, too much in 
accordance with the custom of the times. 
Williamson, writing of this period, says 
(History of Maine, I. 3S4) : "In the 
general view we have taken of the funda- 
mental regulations and legal provisions 
which characterize the colonial govern- 
ment, we find much to admire, and some- 
thing to censure." And Bourne (His- 
tory of Wells and Kennebunk, p. 153): 
" The first court established in Maine, 
of which any reliable information sur- 
vives, had perhaps more judicial stamen 
than any which followed it in the seven- 
teenth century. Willis says it was an 
able board. It consisted of Thomas 
Joscelyn, Deputy Governor, Richard 
Vines, Francis Champernoon, Henry 
Joscelyn, Richard Bonython, William 
Hooke, and John Godfrey. These 
men constituted the Council, and also 
assumed judicial authority. They un- 
derstood the character of the people 



with whom they had to deal, and, of 
course, their adjudications, which had 
much the shape of legislation, were of a 
nature which they supposed to be best 
fitted, as a matter of course, to promote 
order among them. The courts after 
this were differently constituted, and 
were principally made up of men whose 
education would not be denominated 
liberal. Some of the judges were ap- 
pointed by Gorges ; some by Godfrey, 
as Governor ; some by the government 
of Massachusetts, and the remainder 
were elected by the people. The courts 
were held at various places, York, 
Kittery, Wells, Saco, and Scarboro. 
The business of all of them was carried 
on with the utmost simplicity. It re- 
quired no great acumen to understand 
the process of its administration. Every 
case was adjusted upon the most con- 
cise statement of the matter to be in- 
quired into. We believe that in all 
cases the defendant as well understood 
the charge against him, and was as fully 
notified of what he was required to an- 



1642.] ROBERT JORDAN TO TKELAWNY. 3 15 

assure you, Mr. Winter hath bin much molested in this behalf 
to the preiudic of your affayrs heer. His appeale to Sir ffar- 
dinando Gorges was in court rejected. They say the Coun- 
cellors are inuested with all his power. A Judgment, & 
Execution thereof, was granted to Cleaues. The Prouost 
martiall endeuuored to leuy the execution, butt att first not 
with much eagernes. Not long after hee brought with him 
Cleaues, and 26 men more, raysed by the command of Mr. 
Thomas Gorges and som others of the Councell, intending 
to surprice the Island, to leuy the execution, and about 30 ,y 
pound sterling for theyr charg and hier in this designe ; but 
were without any violenc contented to returne. It was 
Mr. Winter his care to avoyd the attach, whereby hee was 
much hindered from prouiding such workeman for the ship as 
need required, but being in fine constraigned to looke out, 
Mr. Gorges caused his body to bee arested in this behalf, and 
hee was compelled to giue a recognizant, as will appeare to 
you per Copia, warrant being giuen to other Constables in 
other places to the same purpose, as Mr. Winter is now made 
to know, the execution in the martialls hands notwithstand- 
inge. Euery where thus way-layd hee did deposite so much 
Beuer as did amount to 30I. sterling, being not able other- 
ways to obtaine freedome to go about his lawfull occasions. 
The next court here appeared, and hauing no other help to 
releaue himself, seeing an ineuitable necessity of paying the 
mony to Cleaues, whoes dayly solicitations weere that hee 
might haue the extremity of Justice by virtue of theyr grantt, 
for want of better direction hee was persuaded to exhibit a 
petition of appeale to the Princ and Chancellor, by plea of an 

swer, as he is through the prolixity of temptible opinion of the administration 

the allegations which have been required of justice in New England, if he ac- 

by the courts of a more recent period." cepted as true the statements of Winter 

Two errors occur in the above. Thomas and his sympathizers, and we cannot 

Gorges, and not Thomas Josselyn, was wonder that Thomas Gorges refused to 

Deputy Governor, and Edward God- answer a letter written in such a tone, 

frey was one of the Councillors instead For some account of the Massachusetts 

of John, who is a mythical personage, courts, reference may be had to Lcch- 

Trelawny could have had but a con- ford's Plaine Dealing, pp. 62-69. 



316 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



[1642. 



attajnt agajnst the Jurors in the action of Interruption in 
the behalf of the King, becaus the articles of the Comisson 
heere (after the Construction of the Councellors for the Prou- 
ince) will allow no appeales in personall actions, but only in 
Cases that concerne the Kinge. This Mr. Winter did not with- 
out cause, Cleaues producinge no testimony att all in that 
action ; and Mr. Winter prouing the bounds of your Pattent 
to bee called Casco Riuer, by 4 witnesses, and heerin lay the 
Ishew. 1 The verdict being contrary to Euidenc the attajnt is 
proueable (as is conceaued) hauing annexed vnto it a strong 
aggrauation, as will appear by an act expressed per Copia. J 
Here vpon Mr. Gorges (how inclined in the cause I may not 
judge) pretended a great wrong that Mr. Winter should doe 
to the honest Jurers ; & that it was vnsufferable that men 



1 Issue. 

- The extraordinary Charter of King 
Charles to Gorges of the Province of 
Maine (which may be found in extenso 
in the Early Records of Maine, State 
copy, Vol. I. pp. 15-42, Hazard's State 
Papers, Vol. I. pp. 442-455, and in Sul- 
livan's Maine, pp. 397-408) made him, 
his heirs and associates, absolute Lords 
Proprietors of the Province, excepting 
only "the faith and alleageaunce and the 
supreme dominion " due to the Crown. 
To the Lord Proprietor was given the 
patronage of all churches and chapels, 
and the sole right of dedicating and 
consecrating them " according to the 
Ecclesiasticall lawes" of the English 
realm. He was empowered to estab- 
lish •' Courts of Justice as well Eccle- 
siasticall as Civill and temporall," to 
appoint and remove judges, and to him 
or his deputy only could appeals be 
taken, except in cases concerning the 
King, attaint of jurors being such a 
case. Says Coke (Institutes, Vol. VI. 
p. 222) : "In a writ of conspiracy at 
the suit of the party grieved, the judg- 



ment is damages to the party, fine to 
the king, and imprisonment. And the 
reason thereof is, first, for that where 
they are indicted, at the suit of the 
king, the judgment is so severe, for 
that they falsely conspired in the king's 
name and at the king's suit by indict- 
ment, &c. to do so horrible injustice; 
therefore at the king's suit they shall 
be heavily punished." Robert Jordan, 
though "a mynister of God's word," 
seems to have had a knowledge of the 
law. as he correctly recognized the fact 
that an action of attaint would lie against 
jurors who brought in a verdict contrary 
to evidence, but which, says Jacobs, 
(Law Dictionary, I. 167) "is not easy, 
because they may have evidence of their 
own conusance of the matter by them, 
or they may find upon distrust of the 
witnesses, or their own proper knowl- 
edge." It was certainly a most desper- 
ate move on the part of Winter's counsel 
to attaint the jury in order to create a 
cause for appeal to the Court of King's 
Bench. 



[642.] 



ROBERT JORDAN TO TRELAWNY. 



317 



doinge Theyr consciences should bee so questioned ; ' Read- 
ing an old act in Hen: 8 (as I take it concerning Penalty 
in such cases, Not considering the mitti"ation in O Eliz. = 



1 Thomas Gorges represented the pro- 
gressive spirit of his age, and he would 
have been denounced by his conserva- 
tive contemporaries as a radical, in thus 
upholding jurors who thought it best 
to act in accordance with conscience, 
for a different view prevailed. The 
well-known case of Lord Throckmorton 
is in point. Being falsely accused of 
high treason, as plainly appeared by 
the evidence against him, which was of 
a trivial nature, and fully answered by 
his lordship, who closed his defence 
with a simple and manly address to the 
jury, a verdict of not guilty was re- 
turned. The judge, seemingly aston- 
ished at the audacity of the jury in 
acting against those in authority, who 
desired the prisoner's condemnation, 
turned from the foreman, Whetston, 
and asked, "How say you the rest of 
you, is Whetston's verdict all your ver- 
dicts ? " The reply was, " Yes." " Re- 
member yourselves better ! " exclaimed 
the judge ; " have you considered sub- 
stantially the whole evidence in sort as 
it was declared and recited ? the matter 
doth touch the Queen's highness, and 
yourselves also; take good heed what 
you do." The reply of the jury was, that 
they had found him not guilty agreeably 
to all their consciences. Throckmorton 
then asked for his discharge, saying, 
"I humbly beseech you to give me such 
benefit, acquittal, and judgment as the 
law in this case doth appoint." His 
proper request was refused, and he was 
sent back to the Tower, while the jury 
were bound in a recognizance of ^500 
apiece to answer to such matters as they 
should be charged with at some future 
time. The foreman made this touching 



appeal : " I pray you, my lords, be good 
unto us, let us not be molested for dis- 
charging our consciences truly. We be 
poor merchant-men, and have great 
charge upon our hands, and our liv- 
ings depend upon our travails." They 
were nevertheless ruthlessly commit- 
ted to prison. Four were afterwards 
discharged, upon humbly admitting 
that they had done wrong ; three were 
fined ,£2,000 each, and the others .£200 
each. Another jury, who brought in a 
verdict of not guilty against an unfortu- 
nate woman, was actually obliged to re- 
tract it, and bring in a verdict of guilty. 
Indeed, Hume tells us (History of Eng- 
land, ed. 180 3, Vol. VI. p. 413) : "There 
scarcely occurs an instance, in all these 
reigns, that the sovereign or the minis- 
ters were ever disappointed in the issue 
of the prosecution. Timid juries and 
judges, who held their offices during 
pleasure, never failed to second all the 
views of the Crown. And as the prac- 
tice was anciently common of fining, 
imprisoning, or otherwise punishing the 
jurors, merely at the discretion of the 
court, for finding a verdict contrary to the 
direction of these dependent judges, it 
is obvious that juries were then no man- 
ner of security to the liberty of the sub- 
ject." No wonder, then, that Thomas 
Gorges availed himself of this occasion 
to uphold the rights of jurors ; for pre- 
rogative was on trial in the Old World, 
and the public mind on both sides of 
the ocean was as much agitated upon all 
questions connected with it, as it was in 
the New World something over two 
centuries later, when Slavery stood be- 
fore the bar. 

2 In order to understand the gravity 



318 



THE TRELAWNY rAPERS. 



[1642. 



The clamor was great, Mr. Gorges on the on side promising to 
salue theyr reputation, and they on the other side hasty to 
enter actions of the slander, without any more adoe, agajnst 
him. On of theyr declarations is now sent you. So that 
betwen Threatning and persuading Mr. Winter was com- 
pelled to acknowledg it as a mistake, and giue in (post biduum) 
a 2d petition, as will appear per Copiam, with a bill of errors, 
which was all rejected at the former, though strongly proue- 
able. The Concell had agreed in priuate (as I was told by 
som of them) that Mr. Winter should haue a frend to implead 
his caus. I was willing, as a seruant to God and justice, to do 
my Endeauour (though not altogeathor pertinent to my call- 
ing) moued thervnto by thos respects I beare to your self 
ad him in so just a cause : but liberty could not be giuen. 



of Winter's charge of attaint, we should 
stand in the court and hear Thomas 
Gorges read from the rare and precious 
volume of the English law, which he 
had brought with him into the wilder- 
ness, the terrible penalty which would 
fall upon Winter's neighbors if his 
plea of attaint should hold, as it might, 
even though the jurors were innocent 
of any intention of injustice in their 
verdict ; for if, perplexed by confusing 
arguments and misleading statements 
of opposing counsel, and without a 
clew to guide them through a labyrinth 
of conflicting testimony, they were so 
unfortunate as to bring in a verdict con- 
trary to the evidence, as interpreted by 
the judge, they were open to attaint. 
Let us listen to Thomas Gorges, as he 
reads in the ears of the little gathering 
of planters and fishermen, who had left 
the Old World with its pomps and pre- 
cedents to begin a new one in the wilder- 
ness, where freedom and justice should 
rule, the penalty of attaint : " Their 
bodies shall be imprisoned in the com- 
mon gaole : their wives and children 
amoved out of their houses: all their 



houses and lands shall be seised with 
the kings hands, and the houses wasted 
and the trees exterpated : all their goods 
and chattels forfeited to the king : they 
shall forever lose the freedome and fran- 
chise of the law. And this is called a vil" 
lanous judgment, because of the villany 
and infamy which they deserve against 
whom it is given." The injustice of 
such a procedure, and above all the 
attempt to introduce into this infant 
court the tyranny which found its 
proper atmosphere only within the 
hated precincts of the Star Chamber, 
were sufficient to bring down upon the 
offender a storm of indignation. The 
mitigation in Queen Elizabeth, alluded 
to by Jordan, were certain pleas in 
mitigation of their offence allowed to 
jurors charged with attaint ; but they 
appear to have been wholly ineffectual, 
as the tyranny over jurors was not 
abated in the realm during her reign, 
but continued to flourish through many 
successive ones. Vide Jacob's Law 
Dictionary, I. 165-169. Coke's Insti- 
tutes, VI. 222. Proffatt on Jury Trials, 
pp. 32-3S. 



1642.] ROBERT JORDAN TO TRELAWNY. 319 

The Councell seemed somthing pusselled and know not how 
to carry the matter. They then deuice a new way, putting 
all causes to arbitration through the whole Prouinc, and made 
an act that 4 men should arbitrate in euery differenc, and in 
Case they could not agree, then Mr. Stephen Bacchilor, Pastor 
of a church in the Massachusetts Bay, 1 should bee an Vmpire. 
The man (I must say) was graue, Reuerent, and a Good man ; 
but how inclined, whether more to justice or mercy, or whether 
carried aside by secret insinuations, I must leaue to your owne 
judgment in your particular. Sure I am, Cleaues is wel nigh 
able to deceaue the wisest braine. Mr. Winter here vnto 
agreed, though I beleaue with much vnwillingnes, yet seeing 
which way the wind hanged, any man would haue shaped such 
a cource, rather then stand to a worse hazord ; ffor ther were 
many threatnings cast out against the shipps company, and a 
warrant granted and sent forth imediatly to attach som of the 
chief of them, on whom rested the burthen of your busines, 
and Mr. Gorges was pleased to declare in Publick, that, if they 
came not, They (That is, the Prouinc power) would burne 
the shipp. Matters they pretended in behalf of the King 
against them, and the grand Inquest was made vp of such 
who were agents in the cause, and not well bent towards 
them, though in truth ther was no iust cause, for when Mr. 
Winter had consented to an arbitration, then was the bench 
pleased to reuers the former warrant, and forth with sent an 
order to deuoyd ' it, as will appear by the order sent to you 
vnder scale, which if it had not binn don, I am persuaded, it 
would haue proued a great damage, if not an ouerthrowing to 
the voyage. I conceaue the bond Mr. Winter assigned vnto, 

1 It would seem by this, that, in order Lord Coke would have criticised such 

to meet the difficulty of an appeal to a procedure ; but it seems to have 

the King, an umpire was appointed in been sufficient in this case, and no other 

the person of the Rev. Stephen Batche- arose to test it. A notice of the Rev. 

ler, to whom appeals could be carried, Stephen Batcheler may be found, anted, 

and whose decision was to be consid- p. 270, note 3. 

ered final. It was certainly a curious ' To devoid is equivalent in this case 

way out of the dilemma, and probably to annul. It is now obsolete. 



320 



THE TRELAWNY TAPERS. 



[1642. 



to stand to the award, I will easyly proue an act byconstajnt, 
and frustrat 1 vpon thees allegations. The arbitrators I am 
persuaded had defined the matters to your farr better content- 
ment, had not the vmpire pressed himself in som sort to farr 
vpon them, Ratifiing or rather acting by his singular power, 
what was not consented vnto. The act will declare it self to 
you or any man of Judgment. That you should haue Spur- 
wink howse and land was consented to by all, for wee saw no 
reason to the contrary ; but that Cleaues should haue 60I. 
damage arising thenc did not appeare to mee to be reasonable 
law nor conscienc. Why the vmpire should giue it and your 
other land," I know not. Soft words pacifie wrath ; but subtile 
soothing blind the wise. May the bounty of God both in 
Heauenly and temporall dispensations bee enlarged to you 
and yours. Amen. 

Ready to serue you in the Lord, 

ROBERT JORDAN. 
Richmond Iland, die July vlt: 1642. 



To the Worshipfull Robert Trelawny, 
marchant, att his howse in 
Plimoth, present thees. 




[Indorsed by Robert Trelawny :] 
Mr. Rob: Jourdan, Minister, 
his letter from New Ingland, 
Rd. the 10th of Oct., 1641, 
with the Coppies of Mr. 
Winter's troubles there. 



' I. e. null, of no effect. -' P>y " your other land," is meant 

"He is drowned Casco Neck, the present site of Port- 

Wliom thus we stray to find; and the sea mocks land, where Cleeve was then living. 
Out frustrate search on land." 

Tempest, iii. 3. 



1642.] WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 321 

WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 

Boston, the 19 th of July, 1642. 
Wor: Syr : — 

You may please to take notize that I haue formerly advised 
you by sundrye Conveniences, how all things hath formerly 
passed with vs. My busines now heare at present is to sell 
som refuse fish which I had left, & a hodghed of traine & 
som porke ; but I Com at a poore markett with itt : Porke at 
3d. id. per lb., & our refuse fish at 8s. per Cintall, & traine at 
3 li. per hodghed. Heare lyes fish vnsold for want of a ship 
to Carry it to a markett, — the best merchantable fish at 28 
Riles per Cintall. Heare is no money to be gotten but must 
take Commodity such as the Country afords. I haue 
accquainted som heare of the sale of the plantation, but Can- 
not learne of any that will buy itt. I had an Intent to haue 
kept 2 or 3 bootes to sea this yeare, having all neccessaries 
vnder hand, but heare ar no men to be gotten that ar fisher- 
men. I haue so many to keep a boote to sea when they Cann 
be spared from the land, but I want a good bootes master. I 
desire we may haue men out of England both for land & sea 
to follow our busines, & not to trust to this Country for men. 
The Herculus departed out of this Country 5 weekes since, 
bound for Bilbow, & on her I loded our fish : God send itt to a 
good markett. Cattell, goats, & swine reasonable, & English 
wheat heare in the Bay at 4s. per bushell, — the bushell 8 gal- 
lons ; biskett at 16s per C. Cloth of all sorts very scarce, both 
linen & wollen ar deare." I shall desire a supply of those 

' Wintlirop the next year writes : England manufactures began in a failure 

"Our supplies from England failing to obtain supplies from Old England, 

much, men began to look about them, and, stimulated by the necessities of the 

and fell to a manufacture of cotton, people, continued to grow, until the ill- 

whereof we had store from Barbados, clad emigrants no longer watched anx- 

and of hemp and flax, wherein Rowley, iously for the expected ship which was 

to their great commendation, exceeded to bring from the looms of the East the 

all other towns." Thus, our New clothing they needed to protect them 



322 THE TRELAWNY TAPERS. [1642. 

things I did advize for by the Richmon by the first Con- 
venience, yf you send not a ship your selfe. I thinke we shall 
do well to keep som bootes to sea at the plantation, having 
salt & bootes & other neccessaries to supply them : which, by 
my Invoize sent you by the Herculus, will giue you notize of. 
By her I haue sent you the acco of all things, & how all busi- 
nes did stand with vs. Mr. Gorge & the rest of the Justices 
of our Province haue promysed to take a review of Casko 
about 10 daies hence. I do purpose, God willinge, to attend 
them. I am at present bound home. Cleeucs is Com for Eng- 
land in a ship that Came from Virginia, that spent her masts 
& stopt heare in Massachusetts Bay to new mast.' The ship 
is of London. By her I haue sent you a letter. 

So not els at present to advize you, but Committinge you 

to God & rest, 

Your to his power, 

JOHN WYNTER. 

To the Wor : Robert Trelawny, 
merchant, this be dd. 

in Plymoth. 
Per the Elizabeth of Bristow, 
whom God preserve in safty. 

from the dreaded cold, which caused and the fruit of New England looms was 

them so much suffering in their west- not only sufficient for the wants of New 

em home; — continued to grow, until England's children, but for the supply 

the hum of spindles mingled with the of nations beyond the sea. 

music of waterfalls throughout the land, " The Eleanor, of London. 




1642.] 



ACCOUNTS OF JOHN WINTER. 



3^3 



ACCOUNTS OF JOHN WINTER, 1641-42. 



[In Winter's handwriting :] 

A Booke of acco. from the 10th of July, 1641, to the last of May, 1642, 
past, with the Company at the plantation at Richmon Island. 



May 26 t,, ) 1642. 
William Guich 1 Debitor 

for necessaries deliuered him out of the £ s. d. 
house from the 26th of July, 1641, 
to this day 3 M 9 

for money Mr. Trelawny is to pay vnto 
John Burrage for you by order of 
your letter with my hand vnto Is . 2 12 6 

for ballance herof to be pd. him heare 

in Cootry * *2 



January 30 th , 1641. 
John Burrage Debitor 
ffrom the 26th of July, 1641, to this day, 
fur necessaries deliuered him out of 

the house 

for a bill given him on Mr. Robert 
Trelawny 



May 26 th , 1642. 
John Lakeslay Debitor 

ffor necessaries deliuered him out of 
the house from the 26th of July, 
1641, to this day 3 15 

for ballance hear of pd. him heare . 1 5 



May 26 th , 1642. 
Richard Nyle Debitor 

ffor necessaries deliuered him out of 
the house from the first of August, 
1641, to this day 

for money pd. him Mr. Kingston for 
him 

for ballance this acco. pd. him heare 



6 13 9 



1 William Gooch, spelt Guich, Gutch, Gouch.and 
Gouge. He does not appear in the early annals.of 
Maine, though several of his name resided in the 
Province. He may have been a relative of John 
Gooch, who settled at Wells and was prominent in 



$ Contra Creditor 

ffor a yeares servise due vnto him in 
June next 



<® Contra due to him 

ffor a yeares wages the 30th of January 

for money due to him for pte of his 

last yeares wages 



s. d. 



'4 5* 



3 4 5i 



$ Contra due to him 

for a yeares wages which wilbe euded 
the first of August next .... 5 



I? Contra due to him 

ffor his portage money for this yeares 
ffishinge being a bootes master . . 

for his part of mackrell, traine, & for 3 
weekes worke at harvest & to bringe 
some hay 



6 13 9 



the affairs of the town, mentioned by Bourne, in his 
History of Wells and Kennebunk, p. 7S, and in 
the Early Records of Maine, State copy, Vol- I. 
pp. 74, 172, 10.3; or of Robert, also mentioned in 
the Early Records, Vol. II. p. 132. 



324 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



[1642. 



June io ,h , 1642. 
Myhell Maddiver 1 Debitor 

ffor necessaries deliuered him out of £ s. d 
the house from the 26th of July, 
1641, to this day in 

for a bill given him on Mr. Robert 
Trelawny 

for ballance this acco. pd him heare . 



June 10 th , 1642. 
Edward Treby 2 Debitor 

for necessaries as deliuered him out of 
the house from the first of August, 
164.1, to this day 

for the ballance hereof pd. him heare . 



I 


4 h 


6 


i 4i 


4 


12 10 


12 


1 3 



June io'' 1 , 1642. 
Phillip Hatch Debitor 

ffor necessaries deliuered him out of the 
house from the 26th of July, 1641, to 
this day 

for so much oweth on the last yeares 
acco 

for the ballance of this acco pd. him 
heare 



June 10 th , 1642. 

Nycholas Edgecombe 3 Debitor 

ffor necessaries deliuered him out of 
the house from the first of August, 
1641, to this day 

for money vppon an old acco. . . 

for ballance this acco. pd. him heare 



* Michael Maddiver was one of John Winter's 
most reliable men, and evidently saving, as, at 
Winter's death, the plantation was indebted to him. 
To cancel this indebtedness, Jordan subsequently 
conveyed to him 150 acres of land on the west bank 
of the Spunvink, not far from Higgins's Beach, upon 
which he settled, and continued to live twelve years, 
or to 1669, when he exchanged this farm with Wal- 
ter Gendall of Falmouth. Southgate says, that in 
1682 he purchased land of Scottow within the lim- 
its of Cammock's patent ; but this is an error, as he 
died in 1670. He married for a second wife, prob- 
ably but a short time before his death, a Widow 
Carter, as appears from the inventory of his estate 
in Early Records of Maine, State Copy, II. 432. 
His son Joel, by a former marriage, was killed in 



13 


44 


13 


7 


16 


'/ 



$* Contra due to him 

ffor his portage money for this yeares £ s. d. 

ffishinge s 

ffor his share of fish, traine, & peas & 

mackrell 7132 



» 13 



J# Contra due to him 

ffor his portage money for this yeares 
fishinge beinge a bootes master . . 

for his share of mackrell, traine, & for 
3 weekes worke at harvest & to 
bringe some hay 



$? Contra du[e] to him 

ffor his portage money for this yeares 
ffishinge 1 

ffor his share of mackrell, traine, & for 
3 weekes worke at harvest & to bringe 
some hay 1 13 9 

for his share of fish bought of him at 30 
Riles per Cintall, being 12 Cintall 

i. is 976 

12 1 3 



$ Contra due to him 

for his portage money for this years 
ffishinge 

for his share of mackrell, traine, & for 
3 weeks worke at harvest & to bring 
some hay 



3 9 



the third Indian war, August, 1703, and the name 
seems to have become extinct. Willis ens in say- 
ing (Hist. Portland, ed. 1S65, p. 312) that " he had 
by his wife Rebecca, in Boston, a daughter, Mary, 
born August 12, 1677." It was Joel who for awhile 
lived in Boston, whither he fled upon the breaking 
out of the first Indian war. Besides the above ref- 
erences, vide Maine Hist. Coll., III. 74 et seq. ; 
Savage's Gen. Diet., III. 143. 

2 Several persons of the name of Treby appear 
in the early annals, but no Edward. He may 
have been the father of Peter, whose estate was 
administered upon, March 31, 1674. Vide Early 
Records of Maine, III. 84. 

3 Vide postea, p. 327, note 2. 



1642.] 



ACCOUNTS OF JOHN WINTER. 



325 



May 26 th , 1642. 
Willmot Randell 1 Debitor 

ffor necessaries deliuered her out of the 
house from the 26th of July, 1641, to 
this day 

for money bad on the last yeares acco. 

for the ballance of this acco. which 
shall be pd. at the end of her yeares 
servise 



£ 5- 

■3 

5 



April 21 th , 1642. 

Thomas Shepherd Debitor 

for sundry Commodities out of the 
house & money pd. him ffrom the 
20th of April, 1641, to this day . . 7 

May 15, 1642. 

Mr. Robert Jorden, mynister of God word, 
Debitor 

ffor necessaries in the house & money 
pd. him ffrom the 15th of November, 
1 64 1, to this day 10 



D? Contra Creditor 

ffor a years wages which wilbe ended £ 
the 17th of November next ... 3 



$? Contra du[e] to him 

ffor a yeares servise which was ended 
the ailh of Aprill, 1642 



$? Contra du[e] to him 

for a halfe yeares servise which was 
ended the 15th of May, 1042 . . . 



Acco of the sale of sundry sortes of goods sold at the planta- 
tion at Richmon Island since my last account, which was the 
10th of July, 164.1, to this 26th of May, 1642. This account 
is sent to the worshipfull Robert Trelawny of Plymoth, mer- 
chant. 

By me, John Wynter. 









£ 


s. 


d. 


Imprimus for 7S pair of shues 






16 


IS 


6 


" 12 pair of Cersy stockins 






I 


12 




" 19 pair of Irish broags 2 






I 


8 


10 


" 2 m. 1 C. bradds 








2 


3 


" 3 m. £ sparrow bills 








3 


10* 


" thongs 








1 


II 


" 10 lb. tobacco 








10 




" 83 lb. of powder 






II 


6 


3 


" 187 lb. of fouling shote 






2 


6 


9 


" J | of a yard of Cape Cloth 








2 


9 


• Vide postea, p. 327, note 2. 


2 Irish 


broga 


IS. 







326 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1642. 

i, s. <l. 
For threed 2 1 1 

" week yarne 7 2 

" 9 bushells of salt sold by the bushell I 8 4 

" 3 hodgheds of salt sold by the hodghed 3 

" 2 sides of porke to Mr. Vynes at 4d. per lb. to 

be paid in wheat at 5s. per bushell 3 2 

" i side of porke sold to John Squire of Acco- 

menticus 1 19 9 

" 4 pair yarning gloues & 2 pair haling hands 5 

" earthen ware I 6 

" 2 gallons 2 quarte of traine 4 6 

" 13 dozen of quarter hookes 1 6 

" 2 dozen on line 3 '5 6 

" 8 yards of Caninas at is. 6d. per yard 12 

" so many of the nailes sold of the nailes I re- 

ceaved in the Bay for ffish sold their as 

Comes to 
" a white hatt 

" 16 lb. of feathers at iod. per lb. is 
" 2 pair leather gloues 
" butter sold 

74 02 10 

Phi: Hatch allowed you for his debt as per 

account 6 04 04 

Willmot Randell allowed you for her debt last 

account 5 00 



18 


13 


2 i 




2 


6 




13 


4 




1 




3 


iS 





Acco of disbursements for tbe vse of the plantation at Richmon 
Island from the last of July, 1641, to this 10th of June, 1642. 

By me, John Wynter. 

£ s. d- 

Imprimis for 10 daies worke to Nycholas Hewit, shipwright 1 1 6 
" 10 daies worke to Edward Wodley, ship- 
wright 1 
" my diett at Accomenticus. when I was to the 

westward to buy the baite for the Herculus 4 6 

" a pich pott bought in the Bay 10 6 

" 2 foote of glas bought in the Bay 1 8 

" 2 water bucketts to Arthur Browne 3 



i6 4 2.] ACCOUNTS OF JOHN WINTER. 327 

£ s. d. 
For 4 weeks vvorke to John Sanders, 1 the Joyner 2 4 
Pd Thomas Shepherd for his yeares wages 7 

" the smyth of Accornenticus f&r mendinge a 
locke of a pece & mendinge sora bittell 
rings 8 

" a taylor for 9 daies worke to make the ser- 
vants Cloths at is. 6d. per day is 15 
" for 4j yards of fryze to make Thomas Ham- 

mocke a sute at 3s. 6d. per yard is 14 2 

" for so much Cloth to make Tobias Shorte a 

pair of breeches 12 

" for a pound of threed 3 4 

" for so much Cloth to make William Mellin a 

wastcoote 4 6 

For a pair of bootes for Tobias Shorte 12 

Pd for I2i bushells of wheat to Mr. Richard 

Vynes of Sacco at 5s. per bushell is 326 

For 3 yards of list for the servants 1 3 

" money pd to William Guich 5 7 6 

" money pd to John Lakeslay 5 

" money pd to Myhell Maddiver 4132 

" money pd to Nycholas Edgcombe- 239 

' It is quite likely that this is the miration. A single anecdote related by 

John Sanders who took passage by the quaint author of " England's Wor- 

the Margaret for St. Christopher's from thies" respecting the family may not 

London, March 1, 1633. He appears be out of place. It had been a saying, 

to have been at this time eighteen years when a thing was impossible, that it 

of age. His name frequently occurs would be accomplished " when Pudman 

in the early records. He was one and Ramhead meet, — Two Forelands 

of the jury of 1645, and of the grand 20 Miles Assunder." This apparent 

jury of 1660. He died in 1670. His impossibility, our author gravely informs 

will may be found in the York Records, us, Sir Pierce Edgecomb thus solved. 

Vide Early Records of Maine, State "Vet haue these two Points met (tho not 

copy, I. 102, 34S ; III. 415 et seq. in Position) in Possession of Sir Pierce 

Hot ten's Lists, p. 154. Savage's Gene- Edgecombe." Southgate refers to a 

alogical Dictionary, IV. 21. supposed grandson of Nicholas, who 

2 Southgate informs us that Nicholas represented the heirs of Sir Richard 

Edgecomb was descended from "the Edgecomb in a claim for land subse- 

younger branch of the noble family of quently made. The grant to Sir Rich- 

Edgecomb, of Mount Edgecomb, Eng- ard was from Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 

land." Westcote, in his "Views of made July 3, 1637, and was " 8.000 acres 

Devonshire," gives a graphic account of of land, lying between the river Sagada- 

the magnificence of Mount Edgecomb, hock and Casco Bay." Sullivan, who 

and other old writers mention it with ad- is notably incorrect in his opinions, says, 



J28 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 

For money pd to Willmot Randell 
" money pd to Robert Jorden, preacher of Gods 

word 
" money pd to Phillip Hatch 
" money pd to Edward Treby 
" money pd to Richard Nyle 
" si hodgheds of mackrell bought of John Squire 

of Accomenticus at £2 hodghed is 
" 4J hodgheds of mackrell bought of Mr. Arthur 



[1642 



I 
3 

10 
12 

4 
6 



1 

13 



" There is no doubt but that Gorges 
and Edgecomb intended the lands con- 
tained in the grant to be on the west 
side of Saco River, which was then 
called Sagadahock." Eighty-one years 
after this grant, John Edgecomb, the 
supposed grandson of Nicholas men- 
tioned above, made the claim for the 
heirs of Sir Richard alluded to, and in 
the Massachusetts Book of Claims de- 
scribes the grant as being " near the 
lake of New Somersett, fifteen miles 
from Casco Bay," on the west bank of 
the Kennebec, calling Merry-Meeting 
Bay the lake of New Somersett. This 
claim was urged in 1756, without avail. 
Folsom mentions a tradition to the 
effect that a descendant of Nicholas, 
upon an invitation from his noble rela- 
tives in England, crossed the water to 
visit them, and Sullivan says, "The 
Edgecombs who have been mentioned 
[that is, the descendants of Nicholas] 
were no doubt of the younger branches 
of Sir Richard's family, and were sent 
over to possess the territory, which was 
then in the possession of Dr. Smith 
and others, under a grant from the 
Council of Plymouth." All this which 
is not error is surmise, and our pursuit 
for a noble pedigree for Nicholas ends 
in doubt : but though he had not the 
rank, he was "a man for a' that." It 
will be seen that he married Wilmot 
Randall, who probably accompanied 
Robert Jordan to Richmond's Island, 



Nov. 17, 1 641, and entered the service 
of Mrs. Winter. At this time Nicholas 
Edgecomb was employed at the island, 
and, seeing the fair Wilmot, loved, and 
she did not 

" Let concealment, like a worm i' the bud, 
Feed on her damask cheek," 

but took the wiser course, and, 

11 With a maiden's modesty, sighed yes." 

And so, in Winter's account rendered to 
Trelawny "this last of May, 1643," ap- 
pears this entry : " Receaved from Nych- 
olas Edgcombe for yeldinge vp of the 
maid Wilmot's tyme, which he married 
before her tyme was out, .£5." And this : 
" For money that was kept backe from 
Wilmot Randell of the yeares servise, 
beinge she did not serve out her full 
yeare, & I charged on my last acco for 
the whole yeare, & is £1 3s. o.d." Fol- 
lowing down the years, we find that, 
leaving Winter, he settled on a farm at 
Blue Point, which he leased of Captain 
Richard Bonython. On this farm he 
lived till 1660, and six children grew up 
like olive plants around his table, four 
sons and two daughters. In this year 
(1660) he removed to Saco, where he 
passed the remainder of his life. Vide 
Maine Hist. Coll. III. 25. Folsom's 
Saco, pp. 92, H2, 1S7. Williamson's 
Maine, I. 268. Sullivan's Maine, pp. 125 
ct sea. Early Records of Maine, State 
copy, 1.315,402. 



I6 4 2] 



ACCOUNTS OF JOHN WINTER. 



Browne & John Davis' at^i 16s. 6d. per £ 
hodglied is 8 

For 7 hodglied mackrell, bought of John Bick- 
ford 2 at He of Shoulds at £i 17s. 6d. per 
hodghed 13 

" 4 hodgheds of mackrell bought of William 

Sevay 3 at^i iSs. p hodghed is 7 

" my owne wages for this last yeare 40 

" my share of fish, traine, & pease for this last 

yeare 7 

" money which Mr. Hingston hath receaved of 
Richarde Cumminge 4 & loden abord the 
Herculus in fish, which he is to hold 
accb for 7 



d. 

3 



1 This is doubtless the same John 
Davis mentioned by Folsom as of Saeo, 
where his house stood, near the falls, 
and whose name still clings to a brook 
in the vicinity of his old home. Folsom 
supposes him to have been a smith, as 
a forge belonging to him is spoken of. 
He was of the jury of trials in 1650, and 
subsequently of the grand jury. He 
received a grant for a saw-mill in 1653. 
His name appears in 1652 as a freeman, 
and he is believed to have been living 
in 16S2, one of that name having been 
elected deputy in that year, but " dis- 
accepted on account of being a scanda- 
lous person." Vide Folsom's Saco, p. 
181. Savage's Genealogical Diction- 
ary, II. 19. Early Records of Maine, 
State copy, I. 138, 1S0, 201, 242. 

2 John Bickford was living in Dover 
in 1647. His name appears in 1654 on 
a petition of the inhabitants of that town 
to the General Court of Massachusetts 
for protection of their rights against per- 
sons claiming their lands, and in 1669 
on a petition to make a township of that 
part of Dover called Oyster River, where 
it seems he resided. He appears to have 
been partial to petitions, for as late as 
16S5 his name again appears on a peti- 
tion to the King against Cranfield, the 



tyrannical Governor of New Hampshire. 
Vide Provincial Papers" of New Hamp- 
shire, 1.213,309,31s, 561. 

3 William Seavy came over to this 
country in 1631, in the company sent by 
John Mason, and we soon find him en- 
gaged in the fishing business, with stages 
at the Isles of Shoals. He was a man 
of sufficient importance to be chosen 
one of the selectmen for the town of 
Portsmouth for several years. His 
name appears on a letter addressed to 
the General Court of Massachusetts in 
1665, denying complicity in a petition 
to the King charging the Massachusetts 
government with usurpation, after which 
we lose sight of him. Savage, confound- 
ing him with William Seely, says that 
he was constable of the Isle of Shoals 
in 1655, and that he died in 1671, leaving 
an estate of ^671 7s. Sd., which was ad- 
ministered upon by his wife Elizabeth. 
We have been unable to find the date 
of his death. Vide Adams's Annals 
of Portsmouth, pp. iS, 41. Provincial 
Papers of New Hampshire, I. 114, 228, 
286. Early Records of Maine, State 
copy, I. 277, 393; III. 24. 2S. 

4 Richard Cummings was the son- 
in-law of Captain Richard Bonython, 
and lived on what is now the Bidde- 



33Q 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



[1642. 



For money which Mr. Hingston hath receaved of £ 
Mr. ffrancis Champnowne,' & is laden 
abord the Herculus in fish, which he is to 
yeld account for 3 



I/O 1 j 06 



ford side of the Saco River until after 
the death of his wife's father, which 
occurred about 1647, when he removed 
to the eastern portion of his patent, near 
Little River. He appears to have been 
a wealthy and respected citizen. We 
find his name on the grand jury of 
1661, but he evidently did not seek 
public honors, preferring the more con- 
genial occupation of agriculture. He 
died in 1676, leaving an estate large for 
the times. Vide Folsom's Saco, p. 118, 
and Savage, Genealogical Dictionary, 
I. 483, who says that he was first of 
the Isle of Shoals, then of Portsmouth, 
and subsequently of Massachusetts, 
whence he returned to Maine. Also, 
Early Records of Maine, State copy, 

I. 3 6 3 ; HI- 3 IQ . 3 2 2-3 2 4- 

' Francis Champernoun. William- 
son says that he probably came over 
in 1639; but he must have come here 
earlier than this, as Gorges, in a letter 
to Governor Winthrop in 1637, speaks 
of continuing Vines as his deputy 
governor, and desires Winthrop "to 
joyne with him my nephewe Champer- 
noune." The family of Champernoun 
was prominent in Devonshire at an 
early period. Westcote, writing some 
time before this date, speaks of " Ins- 
work, a demi island in the neck whereof 
standeth an ancient house of Champer- 
noun." The family had long before 
this been interested in the New World, 
Arthur Champernoun having received 
a commission in 1622 to despatch a 



vessel hither to fish. Francis partook 
of the loyal spirit of his powerful kins- 
man, and hence was not in accord with 
the Puritan spirit prevailing in Massa- 
chusetts. He was a man of spirit and 
dignity, and commanded the respect of 
all, and hence was placed in many po- 
sitions of trust and honor. He was one 
of the Councillors in 1640, and was com- 
missioned a justice under Archdale in 
1663-64 and by the Commissioners of 
Charles the Second the year following; 
and when King James the Second as- 
cended the throne, in 16S5, he was made 
a Councillor under Governor Dudley. 
He always occupied a military position 
in the Province, being styled Captain at 
first and subsequently Major. In 1678, 
during the first Indian war, he was 
one of the commissioners who met the 
savages at Casco in council, and con- 
cluded a treaty of peace, which, though 
humiliating, put an end to a terrible 
war. He died at Kittery, where he 
lived, in 16S7. Vide Savage's Genea- 
logical Dictionary, I. 355. Westcote's 
Views of Devonshire, p. 375. Folsom's 
Saco, p. 66. Williamson's Maine, I. 
667. Hubbard's History of New Eng- 
land, p. 584. Adams's Annals of Ports- 
mouth, p. 62. Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol. 
VII., 4th Series, p. 330. Sainsbury's 
Colonial Papers, II. 34. Provincial Pa- 
pers of New Hampshire, I. 278, 591. 
Early Records of Maine, State copy, 
I. 36, 96, 126, et passim. 



1642.] ACCOUNTS OF JOHN WINTER. 331 

Acco of Clothes & other necessaries deliuered to the servants of 
the plantation at Richmon Island, from the last of July, 1641, to 
the last of May, 1642. 

By me, John Wynter. 

To Tobias Shorte. 

Imprimis for 3 shurtes & 6 ounzes of threed. 

" a Calue skin to make a barvell. 

" leather & thongs as much as Comes to 3s. 6d. 

" 5 C. sparrow & 2 C. bradds. 

" 3 pair of stockins & 3 pair of [shues ?], for a sute of Camnas 
& a wastcote, for a Cap & sute of Clothes, for 3 pair yarn- 
inge gloues & a yard of Cape Cloth for spillinge gloues.' 

Necessaries to William Mellin. 

Imprimis for 3 pair of stockins, 2 pair of shues, a Munmoth Cap & 3 C. 

bradds, 4 C. sparrow bills. 
" so much leather & thongs as Comes to 3s. 6d. 
" a Camnas sute, & a sute of Cersy, & 2 yards of Cape Cloth 

to make a pair of breches. 
" a wastcote, & f of a pound of sope, for a }of a yard of 

Cape Cloth to make him a pair of mittings or pair of 



Necessaries deliuered to Thomas Hammocke. 

Imprimis for 2 shurts, 3 pair of stockins, 2 pair of shues, a pair of bootes, 
a Calue skin to make him a barvell, 3 pair of halinge hands, 
on pair of yarning gloues, a Munmoth Capp, 15^ "ounzes cf 
sope, f of a yard of Cape Cloth, yard & halfe of list, a sute of 
Camnas & a sute of ffrize,= so much leather & thongs for his 
bootes & shues as Comes to 4s., for 7 ounzes of threed, 3 C. 
sparrow bills, 1 C. bradds, 1 C. small nailes. 

Necessaries to Phillip Hingston. 

Imprimis for 13J ounzes of sope, 3 pair of halinge hands, on pair of yarn- 
ing gloues, a pair of bootes, 3 pair of Cloth stockins, on pair 
of yarninge stockins, a Calue skin for a barvell, 1 i yard of list, 
£ yard of Cape Cloth, 2 shurts, 6 ounzes of threed, 4 C. 
sparrow bills, 4 C. bradds, so much leather & thongs for his 
bootes & shues as Comes to 4s., a sute of Camnas. 

1 Gloves used in splitting fish. 2 Frieze. 



332 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1642. 

Invoyze of goods taken the last of May, 1642, & is of all such 
goods as is remeaning to the plantation at Richmon Island & at 
Spurwinke. 

Imprimis for a but of malt. 
41 sides of porke. 
68 dozen quarter hooke, 6 dozen hookes at 2s. per dozen, 1 C. 

mackrell hookes. 
6 old fishing lines. 

12 dozen & 8 Newfoundland lines. 
28 fishing leads. 

19 dozen & 4 Virginia lines. 
3 lb. i of beting twine. 

2 yards Cape Cloth. 

13 lb. of match. 
23 pair of pomps. 

3 pece of Ordinance, wherof on demycullveren, 2 sakers, 40 
saker shott, 9 demy Cullveren shott, 7 Crosbar shott, 7 
lingrell shott, 1 on drum, on spare drum head, 7 fouling 
peces, 1 hargibus - with a fire locke, 4 musketts, 3 hol- 
berds, 6 long pikes, 2 saker ladells, on worme, 4 swords, 
8 lb. of muskett shott, 1 murderer, 2 Chambers, 2 Rope 
spunges for the ordinance, 3 2 full barrells of powder, 231b. 
in an open barrell. 

4 swip sawes whole, on broken, 3 thart saws 4 whole, on broken, 
37 old howes, I drawinge knyfe, 2 pair of bittell rings, 4 
Iron wagges, 2 viles, 2 wrests for the sawes, 2 furs hookes, s 
3 bill hookes, 6 Reep hookes, 3 evells 6 whole, on broken, 
on grid Iron, 2 truells, 7 on mattocke, on Crow Iron 8 whole, 
on broken Crow Iron, 4 bandeleres, 1 addes, 4 lampes, on 
masons hammer, 2 pickes for the myll. 

The bruing vessells, on steel myll, on other hand myll, 2 grind- 
inge stones, on pair of stampers for Indian Corner 

on bruinge Chittell, 2 great Cittells, on litle bras kittell, 2 
great Iron potts, on pich pott, on broken pich pott, on litle 

1 These were two hemispheres of 4 Whip and thwart saws. Vidcantea, 

metal shackled together, and were used p. 35, note 5. 

for the purpose of cutting the sails and 5 Furze hooks, 

rigging of a ship. 6 Forks. 

- An arquebuse. Vide antea, p. 6S, t Trowels, 

note 10. 8 An iron crowbar. 

3 Swabs made of rope-yarn with which •> The corn was crushed by these 

to clean the cannons. " stampers " before grinding. 



1642.] ACCOUNTS OF JOHN WINTER. 333 

Iron kittell, 2 treffetes, 1 2 Iron pott hangers, 2 pair pott 
Crookes, on spitt, on Iron ladell for the Cooke, on peece 
of a pich ladell, 2 fryinge panns, 6 earthen platters, on tilling 
bason, on tininge Chamber pott, 2 water bucketts, 2 Coules,- 
on buckett for the bruer, on pair of tongs, on traine buckett, 
on traine funnell. 

The Communion vessells & the table Cloth for the Communion 
table as it was, & also the Mynisters bed Cloths. 

5 Chests, 4 of them haue locks & keyes to them, 2 pair of 
whells, wherof on pair for the Carriage of the demyculveren. 

on beame & scales, & 53 lb. weight of lead, on other pair of 
small scales with 4 lb. of small weights, & on pair of stillers.3 

2 traine fates, the plow stufe for 2 plowes which was brought 
out of England, on other sheare & Coulter made hearein 
in the Country, 27 barren tongs, 4 on soull, 5 2 harrows, on 
slide. 6 

7 shollops 7 serviceable, 2 old shollops, on old tradinge boote 
not worth trimminge, 2 scyfes, 8 on Cannow. 

Mr. Gibsons linnen is 3 pair sheets, 5 table napkins, 2 pillow 
ties, & 2 tow towells. 

8 pair leather gloues, on old flag, 20 white hatts. 

5 pair yarning gloues but moth eaton, 24 pair of halinge hands 
but spoyled with the moths, 2 gimbletts, 3 nales, 3 Calue 
skins, 2 new axes, on new hatched, 21 old hafchets & axes. 

II great water potts, 7 great pannes but good for nothinge, 
2 Chaffin dishes, 2 great stue potts, 40 saucers, 14 small 
Jarres & vialls, 10 dishes. This is all the earthen ware which 
Came in the Samuell ; no man will buy of it. 

9 Cowes, on bull, 4 oxen, & a steare of 4 yeare old, 7 young 
Cattell of 2 yeares old, 7 yearelinges, 7 Calues, on he ass, on 
she ass, & a foule of a yeare old. 

62 swine betwixt 1 yeare & halfe & 2 yeare & i old. 

8 akers of wheat, & about 2 akers of peas, & about 3 akers of 

barley, oats, & rye, about 4 akers of Indian Corne. 
87 goats, & kids 29. 
on hodghed of Indian Corne, 8 hodgheds of English wheat, on 

hodghed of peas. 

1 Trevets, or three-legged stools. 3 Steelyards. 

2 Cowls. A cow/ was a wooden ves- 4 Harrow tongues, or, as we now call 
sel for conveying water, and was carried them, teeth. 

on a pole between two persons, the pole 5 The foot or bottom part of the 

being called a cowl-staff. " Go, take up plough. 

these clothes here quickly: where 's the 6 One sled. 

cowl-staff ? look, how you drumble." — » Shallops, or light boats. 

Merry Wives, iii. 3. 8 Skiffs. 



334 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1642. 

6 bread boxes, 3 flacketts. 

on new nett not vsed, 3 new netts vsed but litle, 4 worren 
netts which will serue but litle tyme, almost spent, 14 old 
netts past use, two old saines, on other saine not much 
worren. We haue vsed no saine this yeare. 

2 Roules of tobacco ; 5 bootes sailes, 2 of them hath bin vsed 
2 yeare, almost donn ; the other 3 Indeferent good,' vsed 
but one yeare, but haue lyen on piles of fish ; 2 other old 
boote sailes, 3 fore sailes but worren out, a pece of staye 
saile. 

on feather bead & boulster, 84 lb. of feathers, on Coverlett. 

on Jarr of oyle. 

13 mylke pannes, 2 melkinge bucketts. 

28 hodgheds of salt by estimation, not measured. 

4 bootes mourings, 2 bootes Roods, on of them bought in the 
Bay this yeare & was new, on old Rode. 

4 Iron shovells, 13 picks, 4 frowes, 6 siths & but 2 of them 
serviceable. 

22 tonnes of emtpty Caske, but most of it but on head ; 7 beare 
hodgheds for the vse of the house ; 13 Compasses & but 2 of 
them serviceable. 

7 m. 1 C. sparrow bills. 
40 lb. fouling shote. 
13^ yards of Camnas. 
19 old axes & hatchets. 
2 m. 2 C. 2d. nailes. 

1 m. 4 C. bord nailes. 

2 C. i halfe Crowne nailes. 

3 m. 8 C. bord nailes that Came out of the Bay. 

4 m. o C. 3d. nailes that Came out of the Bay. 



Acco of the goods deliuered to Mr. Hingston, master of the Her- 
culus, this year 1641-1642. 

Imprimis 18 sides of porke Contan. 1668 lb. weight, which he is to hold 
the acco for it. 
6 goates. 

2 Roules of tobacco Contan. 125 lb. weight, 
more, on Chest of tobacco, Contan. 50 lb. weight. 
40 bushells of wheat, 8 gallons to the bushell. 

' I. e. passably good 



1642.] ACCOUNTS OF JOHN WINTER. 335 

more, 2 butts of biskitt. 

more, he receaved of Mr. Champnowne so much fish as Comes 

to £2, I2S., the fish at 30 Riles per Cintall. 
more receaved of Richard Cumin £7 2s. 6d. in fish at 30 Riles 

p. Cintall. 
more, is to receaue of John Medwinter, 10s. 
more, is to receaue of Georg Carvinnion, 4s. 
13 C. bord nailes. 
2 C. nailes at 2S. per C. 

two hundred nynety six pound of butter at 7d. per lb. 
25 hodgheds of mackrell, £47 18s. gd. 
a Chaine for their long boote bought of Mr. Abraham Shurt; 

but as it, I know not the prize. 

Loaden by Mr. Winter of the 8th of June abord the Hercules, 
257 qtals of Codfish & 3 hhds. of fish pease for account 
of the plantation, which Art. Spry hath receaued. 

[Above note in handwriting of Trelawny.] 



■$ Contra acco of such things as I receaved of Mr. Hingston, 
master of the Herculus, for the vse of the plantation at Richmon 
Island. 

Imprimis 1 m. foote of bord. 
4i lb. of leather. 

1 C. 1 quarter of spukes. 
£ C. of pich. 

5 lb. of twine. 

2 Irons for Rudders. 

40 fathem of old Junke for ocomb. 

2 dozen of lines. 

15 dozen of hookes. 

3 shurts. 

3 pair of stockins. 

2 dozen of leads. 
25 lb. of hoopes. 
on wastcote. 

on pich pott. 

3 C. mackrell hookes. 

more, he is to pay to Samson Jope for Cloths bought of him 

for servants, £2 7s. 
more, he is to pay for money paid Mr. Garland, which is for 

Richard Nyles, but to be Charged to my acco, £2 12s. 



336 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1642. 

more, he is to pay vnto John H upper for a pair of bootes, 8s. 
more, receaved 2 keyes of the locks ot the doores of the 2 htle 

houses on the He of Shoulds.' 
more, Receaued 2 barrells of powder, & 2 small barrells of 

shote. 



INDENTURES BETWEEN TRELAWNY AND OTHERS. 

Sl)is Enucnturc made the Two and twentieth daye of No- 
uember, Anno Dm 1642, Betweene Robert Trelawny of Ply- 
mouth in the Countie of Devon, Marchant, and John Wynter 
of Newe England, marryner, of th one partie, And Edmond 
Andrewes of Yalmpton 2 in the Countie of Devon, Blacksmyth, 
of th other partie, &BitucSscti) that the said Edmond Andrewes, 
for the Consideracon hereafter in theise presents expressed, 
doth Couenaunte and promyse to and with the said Robert and 
John, and either of them, their and either of their executors, 
administrators, and assignes, Joyntly and seuerally by theise 
presents, That hee the said Edmond shall and will by God's 
grace sayle and departe hence vnto Newe England aforesaid, 
in the good shipp called the Margery of London, whereof is 
master vnder God one Hugh Ball, or in any other Shipp that 
hee shalbe appoynted by the said Robert and John, or either 
of them, And that hee the said Edmond shall and will from 
and after the hower of his arryvall in Newe England aforesaid 
well, faythfully, and diligently serue the said Robert and John, 

1 This shows that Winter had a sta- have been a palace of the Saxon kings, 

tion for his fishermen at the Isle of which has long been the wonder of 

Shoals. Yealmpton, and which, even in his time, 

= Yealmpton is a village and parish was almost as much of a ruin as it is to- 

in the county of Devon, lying upon day. Probably Edmund Andrews re- 

the green banks of the little river turned to England, as his name does 

Yealm, which is navigable to the site not appear among the founders of New 

of the village. Edmund Andrews had England. An Edward and a John 

doubtless often played, when a boy, Andrews were living in the vicinity after 

about the strange old ruin, supposed to this time, who may have been relatives. 



1642] INDENTURES BETWEEN TRELAWNY AND OTHERS. 337 

and either of them, their and either of their executors, admin- 
istrators, and assignes, for and during the terme of Three yeeres 
thence next ensuing, in planting, fyshing, and in other labour, 
and shall doe his vtmost endeauour for the making of a voyage 
and the furthering of the fyshing and plantation there, And 
shalbe ready and subiect att the Comand and directions of the 
said Robert and John, or either of them, their executors, admin- 
istrators, and assignes, And shall vvorke in his trade of a 
Blacksmyth yf the said John Wynter shall require hym there- 
vnto and provide tooles and provisions for the same, And doth 
hereby bynde himselfe vnto the said Robert and John in the 
svme of fforty poundes for the true performance hereof, 
And the said Edmond doth hereby acknowledge to haue 
Receaued of the said Robert Trelawny the svme of ffifty 
shillings, — which is to be deducted out of his first yeres wages, 
with the Adventure thereof. And the said Robert Trelawny 
and John Wynter doe Couenaunte and promyse to and with the 
said Edmond Andrewes, his executors and assignes, by theise 
presents, That they, the said Robert and John, their execu- 
tors or assignes, or some or one of them, shall and will paye 
or cause to be payd vnto the said Edmond Andrewes or his 
assignes the svme of ffyue poundes yerely for his service 
aforesaid att the end of every yere in Plymouth aforesaid. 
In fitness tobereof the parties abouesaid to theise presents 
interchangeably haue sett their hands and seales. Yeouen 
the daye and yere first abouewritten. 

Signed, Sealed, & did. in 
presence of Signed, 

THO. POMEROY. EDMOND ANDREWES. fy 

MORGAN SCARBUROUGHE. his mark. 

[Plain Seal.] 



GHis ^indenture made the Two and twentieth daye of No- 
uember, Anno Dm 1642, Betweene Robert Trelawny of 
Plymouth in the County of Devon, marchant, and John 



338 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1642. 

Wynter of Newe England, marryner, of th one partie, And 
Robert Saunders of Plymouth aforesaid, Husbandman, of 
th other partie, 'HVitncsscth that the said Robert Saunders, for 
the consideration hereafter in theise presents expressed, doth 
Couenaunt and promyse to and with the said Robert Trelawny 
and John Wynter, and either of them, their and either of their 
executors, administrators, and assignes, Joyntly and seuerally, 
by theise presents, That hee the said Robert Saunders shall and 
will by God's grace sayle and departe hence vnto Newe Eng- 
land aforesaid, in the good shipp called the Margery of London, 
whereof is master vnder God one Hugh Ball, or in any other 
shipp that hee shalbe appoynted by the said Robert and John, 
or either of them, And that hee the said Robert Saunders 
shall and will from and after the hower of his arryvall in Newe 
England aforesaid, well, faythfully, and diligently serue the 
said Robert and John, and either of them, their and either of 
their executors, administrators, and assignes, for and during 
the terme and tyme of three yeares thence next ensuing as a 
selter ' of fysh, and in planting, fishing, and other labour : and 
shall doe his vtmost endeauour for the making of a voyage 
and for the furthering of the fyshing and plantation there, 
And shalbe ready and subiectt at the Comand and directions 
of the said Robert and John, or either of them, their executors, 
administrators, and assignes, And doth hereby bynde hym- 
selfe vnto the said Robert and John in the some of fforty 
pounds for the true performance hereof, And the said Robert 
Saunders doth hereby acknowledge to haue receaued of the 
said Robert Trelawny the some of ffower pounds, — which is 
to be deducted out of his first yeere's wages with the adven- 
ture thereof. And the said Robert Trelawny and John Wynter 
doe Couenant and promyse to and with the said Robert Saun- 
ders, his executors and assignes, by theise presents, That 
they the said Robert and John, their executors or assignes or 
some or one of them, shall and will paye or cause to be payd 
vnto the said Robert Saunders or his assignes during the said 

' Salter. 



1642.I INDENTURES BETWEEN TRELAWNY AND OTHERS. 339 

terme, the some of Seauen poundes hereby for his service 
aforesaid att th end of every yere in Plymouth aforesaid. 
r ^ln U'itncs ir hereof the parties abouesaid to theise presents 
Interchangeably haue sett their hands and seales. Yeouen the 
daye and yere first aboue written. 

Signed, sealed, and deliue'd in the 

presence of vs, 
WILLIAM KINGSTON. Sign ROBERT \f^ SAUNDERS. 

Sign. RICH: )( 7? NYLE. his mark. 



his mark. 



=*%. 




STiji's Euticnture made the Two and twentieth daye of No- 
uember, Anno Dfh 1642, Betweene Robert Trelawny of Ply- 
mouth in the Countie of Devon, marchant, and John Wynter 
of Newe England, marryner, of th one partie, And Beniamyn 
Stephens' of Lanrake, 2 in the County of Cornewall, Husband- 
man, of th other partie, OHlittussctfj that the said Beniamyn, for 
the consideration hereafter in theise presents expressed, doth 
Couenaunte and promyse to and with the said Robert Tre- 
lawny and John Wynter, and either of them, their and either 
of their executors, administrators, and assignes, Joyntly and 
seuerally, by theise presents, That hee the said Beniamyn 
shall and will by Gods grace sayle and departe thence vnto 
Newe England aforesaid, in the good shipp called the Mar- 
gery of London, where of is master vnder God one Hugh 
Ball, or in any other shipp that hee shalbe appoynted by 
the said Robert and John, or either of them, And that he 
the said Benimayn shall and will from and after the hower 
of his arryvall in New England well, faythfully, and dili- 
gently seme the said Robert and John, and either of them, 
their and either of their executors, administrators, and as- 
signes, for the terme of three gccrcs in planting, fyshing, and 

1 Vide aiiti'ii, p. 291, note I. 

2 Landrake is a little parish in the county of Cornwall. 



340 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1642. 

other labour, and shall doe his vtmost endeauour for the mak- 
ing of a voyage and the furthering of the fyshing and plan- 
tation there, And shalbe subiect and ready att the Comand 
and directions of the said Robert and John, or either of 
them, their executors, administrators, and assignes, And doth 
hereby bynde hymselfe vnto the said Robert and John in the 
svme of ffortie pounds for the true performance hereof, And 
the said Beniamyn doth hereby acknowledge to haue Receaud 
of the said Robert Trelawny the svme of ffibc pountis, which is 
to be deducted out of his first yeres wages with the Adven- 
ture thereof. And the said Robert Trelawny and John Wynter 
doe Couenaunte and promyse to and with the said Beniamyn 
Stephens, his executors and assignes, by theise presents, That 
they, the said Robert and John, their executors or assignes, 
or svme or one of them, shall and will paye or cause to be 
payd vnto the said Beniamyn or his assignes the svme of Six 
pounds hereby for his service aforesaid att th end of every 
yere in Plymouth aforesaid. En int'tncss toljcvcof the parties 
aforesaid to theise presents Interchangeably haue sett their 
hands and seales. Yeouen the daye and yere first aboue 
written. 

Signed, sealed, & deliuered in the 

presence of vs, sign BEN JAM VN ~J> STEVENS. 
THOMAS POMEROY." his mark. 

MORGAN SCARBURROUGHE. [Plain Seal.] 



2Tfjfs Indenture made the Two and twentieth daye of Nouem- 
ber, in the Eighteenth yere of the Raigne of our Soueraigne 
Lord Charles, by the grace of God King of England, Scotland, 
ffrance, and Ireland, defender of the ffayth, &c, Annoqe 
Dm 1642, Betweene Robert Trelawny of Plymouth in the 
Countie of Devon, marchant, and John Wynter of Ncwe 

1 Thomas Pomeroy became an in- A John Scarborough was living at Rox- 

habitant of Saco, and married Re- bury at this time, who may have been 

becca Brooking of that place. OfMor- a kinsman, 
gan Scarborough we have no account. 



1642.J INDENTURES BETWEEN TRELAWNY AND OTHERS. 34 1 

England, marryner, of th one party, And John Burridge of 
Thome Combe, 1 in the County of Devon, Husbandman, and 
Avis his wife, of th other partie, JKSfttuagetfj that the said John 
Burridge and Avis his wyfe, for the Consideraeon hereafter in 
theise presents expressed, Doe Couenante and promyse to and 
with the said Robert Trelawny and John Wynter, and either 
of them, their and either of their executors, administrators, 
and assignes, Joyntly and seuerally, by theise presents, That 
they, the said John and $U)is shall and will by God's grace 
sayle and departe hence vnto Newe England aforesaid, in the 
good shipp called the Margery of London, whereof is master 
vnder God one Hugh Ball, or in any other shipp that they 
shalbe appoynted by the said Robert and John, or either of 
them, And that they the said John and Avis shall and will 
from and after the hower of their arryvall in Newe England 
aforesaid well, faythfully, and diligently serve the said Robert 
and John, and either of them, their and either of their execu- 
tors, administrators, and assignes, for the terme of QEfjrrc gccrcs 
thence next ensuing in planting, fyshing, and in other labour, 
and shall doe their vtmost endeauour for the making of a voy- 
age and the furthering of the fyshing and plantation there, 
And shalbe ready and subiect att the Comand and directions 
of the said Robert and John, or either of them, their executors, 
administrators, and assignes, And doe hereby byncle them- 
selfes and either of them vnto the said Robert and John in the 
sume of fforty poundes for the true performance hereof, And 
the said John Burridge and Sbi's his wife doe hereby acknowl- 
edge to haue receaued of the said Robert Trelawny the sume 
of Six poimUs, which is to be deducted out of their first yeres 
wages with the Adventure thereof. And the said Robert Tre- 
lawny and John Wynter doe Couenaunte and promyse to and 
with the said John Burridge and xlbt's his wife, their executors, 
administrators, and assignes, by theise presents, That they, 
the said Robert and John, their executors or assignes, or some 

' Thorncombe is a small market town and parish six miles northerly from 
Axminster. 



342 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1642. 

or "one of them, shall and will paye or cause to be payd vnto 
the said John and ~lbts or their assignes the sume of Eight 
pounds hereby during the said terme for their service aforsaid 
att th end of every yere in Plymouth aforesaid. In toitnes 
toljcrrof the parties abouesaid to theise presents Interchange- 
ably haue sett their hands and seales. Yeouen the daye and 
yere first abouewritten. 
Signed, sealed, & deliuered in the 

presence of vs, Sign JOHN BURIDG. R> 

THO. POMEROY. for himselfe & wyfe. his mark. 

MORGAN SCARBURROUGIIE. 




2Tfjis Indenture made the Sixth daye of Aprill, Anno Dm 
1643, Betweene Robert Trelawny of Plymouth, in the Countie 
of Deuon, marchant, and John Wynter of Newe England, 
marryner of th one partie, And Paul Michell of Sheviock in 
the Countie of Cornewall, Sayler, 1 ofth other parte, JlEUtiussctfj 
that the said Paul Michell, for the consideracons hereafter in 
theise presents expresses, doth couenant and promys to and 
with the said Robert and John, & either of them, their and 
either of their executors, administrators, and assignes, Joyntly 
and seuerally, by theise presents, That hee the said Paul will 
(by Gods grace) sayle and departte from Plymouth vnto the 
Newefoundland in the good shipp called the Hercules of 
Plymouth, whereof William Hingston is now master (vnder 
God), and there shall doe his vtmost endeauor for the mak- 

' Paul Mitchell, of the little parish of concluded to become a landsman, and 

Sheviock, was a Cornishman, and being accordingly settled at Saco, where he 

such, the author of "English Worthies" died in 1654, in which year his estate 

would tell us, must have been able to was administered upon. Vide Early 

have given the true " Cornish hugg." Records of Maine, State copy, Vol. I. 

After his voyage to " the Newfound- p. 264. 
land," and his service with Winter, he 



1642.I INDENTURES BETWEEN TRELAWNY AND OTHERS. 343 

ing of a fyshing voyage, And vppon th end and expiracon of 
the fyshing voyage, to be made with the said shipp at the 
Newefoundland aforesaid, shall and will departe from thence 
in 'the shipp aforesaid vnto Newe England aforesaid, And 
shall and will well, truly, and faythfully serue the said Robert 
and John, and either of them, their and either of their execu- 
tors, administrators, and assigns, in Newe England aforesaid, 
as a mydshipman, and in planting, and in furthering the fysh- 
ing and plantation there, And shalbe readie and subiect at 
the Comaunde and directions of the said Robert and John, 
and either of them, their and either of their executors, ad- 
ministrators, and assigns, for and during the terme of Two 
yeres from the daye of his first and next arryvall vnto Newe 
England aforesaid, in the shipp aforesaid, And doth hereby 
bynde hymselfe vnto the said Robert and John in the sume 
of fforty pounds for the true performance hereof, And the 
said Paul doth hereby acknowledge to haue Receaued of the 
said Robert Trelawny the sume of ffyue pounds & tenne shil- 
lings, which is to be deducted out of his share in this shipp 
aforesaid with the adventure thereof. And the said Robert 
Trelawny and John Wynter doe Couenaunte and promyse to 
and with the said Paul Michcll, his executors and assignes, by 
theise presents, That he the said Paul and the rest of the 
Company shall haue the Third of the fish and Trayne they 
make, from tyme to tyme, during the said terme of Two yeres 
in Newe England aforesaid, and also ffyfty and ffyue shillings 
per Anno, £11 fjoftius whereof the parties abouesaid to theise 
presents Interchangeably haue sett their hands & seales. 
Yeouen the daye & yere first aboue written. 

Sealed & deliuered in presence of 
Teste WALTERO GLUBB. GEO : SPRY ffor 

NICHOLAS GLUBB. my Mr. ROBERT TRELAWNY, 

merchantt, & Mr. JNO. WINTER. 




344 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



1 1 643. 



ACCOUNTS OF JOHN WINTER, 1642-43. 



A Booke of accounts from the last of May, 1642, to the last of 
May, 1643, past with the Company at the Plantation at Rich m on 
Island & account, & off all other things their belonging to it. 

By me, John Winter. 

To the Worshipfull Robert 
Trelawny, merchant, in Plymoth. 

[In Robert Trelawny's handwriting:] 
Receiued this account, the 21th 
September, 1643. 1 

With the Coppie of Jno. Cogans account, on which he owes 
I say Jno. Cogan owes j£no 09s. ood. 
5 15s. for assurance on the 
Margery to be charged to Plantation. 



June the 27 th , 1643. 
John Lakeslay Debitor 

for necessaries deliuered out of the 
house at sundry tymes from the sec- 
ond of June, 1642, to this day 

June the 27 th , 1643. 
William Guich Debitor 

for necessaries deliuered out of the 
house at sundry tymes from the 26th. 
of May, 1642, to this day .... 

for hdllance of his account pd him 
heare 

June the 27 th , 1643. 
Myhcll Maddiver Debitor 

for necessaries deliuered out of the 
house at sundry tymes from the 
26th of May, 1642, to this day . . 

for a bill given him on Mr. Robert 
Trelawny 

for ballance of his account pd him 
heare 



6 S 



1 This account reached England while Robert 
Trelawny was a prisoner, and this indorsement 
must have been made in prison. From this we 
may infer that he was allowed to have some knowl- 



$ Contra Creditor 

for a yeares wages which will be ended 
the first of August 

for money due vnto him for the bal- 
lance of the last yeares account . . 



f Contra Creditor 

for on yeares wages which was out the 
4th of June, 1643 



# Contra Creditor 

for his portage money this last yeare . 

for his share of fish, traine, peas, & 

mackrell for this last yeare . . . 



<> 5 



edge of his business affairs, during his imprison- 
ment, which must have tended somewhat to relieve 
the tedium of confinement. 



1 643] 



ACCOUNTS OF JOHN WINTER. 



345 



June the 27 th , 1643. 

Richard Martin 2 Debitor 

for necessaries deliuered out of the 

house at sundry tymes from the 25th £ s d 
of August, 1642, to this day ... 463 



June the 27 th , 1643. 

Oliver Weeks Debitor 

for necessaries deliuered out of the 
house at sundry tymes from the third 
of September, 1642, to this day . . 69 



June the 27 th , 1643. 
Peter Hills Debitor 

for necessaries deliuered out of the 
house at sundry tymes from the 17th 
of August, 1642, to tins day . . . 

for ballance of his account pd him 
heare 



June the 27 th , 1643. 
Phillip Hatch Debitor 

for necessaries deliuered out of the 
house at sundry tymes from the 
20th of July, 1642, to this day . . 

for ballance of his account pd him 
heare 



H 53 
4 7 l h 



7 6 2) 
4 4 9 



11 10 u£ 



I? Contra Creditor 

for Edmond Andrews Ss., & for mack- 
rell from Peter Hills 6s. 3d., all is . 

for his portage money for this yeare . 

for his share of traine & mackrell . . 

for fish receaved of him for the bal- 
lance of his account at 2S Riles per 
Ciutall 



$ Contra Creditor 

for his portage money for this yeare . 

for his share of traine 

for fish receaved of him for ballance of 
his account at 26 Riles per Ciutall . 



$? Contra Creditor 
for his portage money for this yeare 



being a bootes master 
for mackrell bought of him for baite 
for his share of traine & mackrell . 



$? Contra Creditor 

for his portage money for this yeare 
being a bootes master .... 

for 6 C. biskett at 16s. per C. is 
for 6 bushells 5 quartes of peas at 4s, 
per bushell is . . .... 

forbushell & halfe of meall . . . 
for mackrell bought of him fur baite 
for his share of traine & mackrell . 



£ s. d, 

M \ 

1 10 

10 4 



5 

4 4 



6 9 



73 

6 
6 
4 



11 10 \\\ 



Invoyze taken of all the goods at the Plantation of Richmon Island 
& Spurwinke, this [27th] June, 1643. 

Imprimis for 54 dozen of quarter hookes & 9 dozen of hookes at 2s. per 
dozen. 
19 sies of porke. 
72 old fishing lines. 
ii dozen 11 Newfoundland lines. 



Vide antea, p, 219, note 1. 



346 THE TRELAWNY TAPERS. [1643. 

12 fishing leads. 

17 dozen Virginia lines. 

1^ lb. of beting twine. 

Cape Cloth. 
11^ lb. of match. 
20 pair of pomps. 

3 pece of ordinance, whereof on demmy Colveron, 2 sakers, 
38 sakers shote, 9 demmy Colveron shote, 7 Crosbar shote, 

3 lingrill shott & 4 vsed in our myll, 1 1 drum, on spare drum 
head, 7 fouling peces, on hargabus with a fire locke, 4 mus- 
ketts, 3 holberds, 5 long pikes & on broken, in all 6 ; 2 saker 
ladells, on worme, 4 swords, 6 lb. of muskett shott, on mar- 
derer, 2 Chambers, 2 Rope spunges for the ordinance, on full 
barrell of powder, & 10 lb. of powder lefte in another barrell. 

Ite. 4 swip sawes whole, on broken; thurt sawes whole, 2 broken; 
36 old howes, & 6 howes that weare new this yeare bought 
in the Bay ; on drawing knyfe, on pair bittell Rings whole, on 
pair broken; 4 Iron wagges, 2 viles, 2 wrests for the sawes, 
2 furs hookes, 2 bill hookes, 12 reape hookes & but 6 of them 
serviseable, 3 evells whole, on broken, on grid Iron, 2 truells, 
on mattock, on Crow of Iron whole, on broken Crow of Iron, 

4 lanternes, on ades, 4 lamps, on masons hammor, 2 picks for 
the myll, 3 4 pikes for Corne and hay.s 

" The bating vessells, on Steele myll, on other myll that goeth 
with a horse, on grinding stone, on pair of stampers for 
Indian Corne. 

" on Chittell to bru in, 2 great kittells, an old bras Cittell out of 
vse, 2 great Iron potts, on pich pott, on broken pich pott, on 
littell Iron kittell, on other little Iron pott that I had the last 
yeare out of the Herculus, 2 treffotes, 2 Iron pott hanggers, 
2 pair pott Crokes, on spit, on pece of an Iron ladell for pich, 

2 frying panns, on tining platter, on tinning bason, on tinning 
Chamber pott, on water buckett, on boule, on buckett for the 
bruer, on pair of tongs, on traine buckett, on traine funnell, 

3 melking bucketts, 3 boules, on dozen of Wodden platters, 
on pair of billows. 

" The Communion vessells & the table Cloth for the Communion 
table as it was, & also the mynisters bed Cloths. 

" 5 Chests, 4 of them haue lockes & keyes to them ; on pair of 
wheeles, the other pair good for nothinge. 

1 These shot, on account of their often would clog the mill when being 
shape, served well as pestles or " stamp- ground. 

ers" to crush corn. 3 Pitchforks, or forks with two tines, 

2 Used to loosen the corn, which were so called. 



1643-3 ACCOUNTS OF JOHN WINTER. 347 

Ite. on beame & scales & 53 lb. weight of lead, on other pair of 
small scales with 4 lb. of small weights ; on pair of stillers. 

" 2 traine fates, the plow stuff brought out of England for 2 plovves, 
but much worren, on other sheare & Coulter made heare ; 20 
harrow tongs, the rest ar broken & lost; on soule, 2 harrowcs, 
on slide. 

" 6 shollops servizeable, & on was lost this last winter, broken 
all in peces ; 2 old shollops not worth trimming; 2 scyffs, on 
Cannow. 

" Mr. Gibson's linnen is 3 pair of sheets, 5 table napkins, 2 pil- 
low ties, & 2 towells. 

" 6 pair leather gloues but good for litle, the threed all rotten, on 
old flag, 19 white hatts. 

" Som yarning gloues & halinge hands, but so moth eaten that 
they ar out of vse, on gimblett, 3 nales, on Calue skin, 2 axes 
in vse & 2 hatchetts, 21 old hatchetts out of vse & 12 or 13 
old axes. 

" 9 great water potts, 7 great panns but good for nothing, 2 
Chaffin dishes, 2 great stu potts, 34 sausers, 1 1 small Jarrs & 
vialls, 8 dishes. This is all the earthen ware left which Came 
in the Samuell ; much of it doth lost the lead, which doth 
peall away, & all that which in the lead is fine sand, it will 
rubb away with a mans hand. 1 

" 7 old Cowes, 4 oxen, 3 steares of 3 yeare £ old, on bull of 3} 
yeares old, 3 heffers which Calued this yeare, but 2 of them 
lost their Calues, 7 young Cattell of 2h yeare old, 6 yearlings, 
six calues, & 1 Cowes yett to Calue, in all 37 : on he ass, on she 
ass & on foule'of 2 yeares old. We killed the last yeare a 
great bull, a steare of 4 yeare old, & on old Cow that went 
lame ; on of our old Cowes was so hurted with the woules 
about 2 moneth since that she died with it, & on yearlinge 
we had died heare vppon the Island. We doubt it was 
with som disease, & died 7 or 8 daies since. 

" At Spurwinke & the Island about 17 or 18 akers sowed to Eng- 
lish graine, wheat, barley, peas, & oats, & about 7 or 8 akers 

' " Much of it doth lost the lead." are still noted for their variety of fine 
The old method of glazing the coarse earthen ware, but the old method of 
red ware, chiefly manufactured at this glazing has been superseded. Winter 
time in Staffordshire, was by laying elsewhere calls pans of this coarse 
on a coating of litharge of lead, or earthern ware road pans, from Anglo- 
galena ground with clay, which upon Saxon rud, denoting their color, red, 
exposure to a high degree of heat which/ best described them, 
united with the surface of the clay and - Foal, 
vitrified. The Staffordshire potteries 



348 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1643 

of Indian Corne. God send good Increas: the last yeare did 
proue a very bad harvest. Corne falls short with most men, 
the most parte not halfe so much Corne as the du expect 
of: We had out of 4 akers of Indian Corne not aboue 4 or 5 
hodgheds ; all of it would not feed vs 6 swine as fatt as the 
should haue bin if I had more Corne. We did not make vse 
of a bushell of it for any other purpose : & about 12 hodgheds 
of wheat, & 3 hodghed barley. 
Ite. 94 goates & kids 62. 

" 7 netts in vse but very bad, 10 old nets good for nothinge but 
for platts & servize for our mourings, 2 old saines, & on saine 
that we haue vsed this yeare & part of the last yeare, & is a 
reasonable good saine, will serue another yeare. 

" on Roule of Tobacco, but good for nothing ; no body will 
make vse of it : it was brought in the Herculus 4 or 5 yeare 
since. 

" 3 bootes sailes, on of them made new this year; the other 2 ar 2 
yeares old & quite donn ; on boote saile was lost in the boote 
this winter, when on boote was sunk with the yse 1 ; 2 sailes 
the ship Company had to make them fore sailes, on we Cut 
vp to make fore sailes ; but they are all donn.= We have but 
on saile that will last another yeare, the pece of staye saile 
that I sett downe in my last Invoyze was left abord the 
Herculus when we carried our fish to them ; our men forgott 
it behind them abord the shipp. 

" on feather bed & boulster, 84 lb. of feathers, on Coverlett. 

" 10 mylke panns. 

" 50 hodgheds of salt by estymation. 

" 4 boots mourings, 2 boots Roods, on the ships Company had 
to Raff timber ' withall, i boote Roode lost at sea & another 
Cut vp for mourings for our skiffes. That is left did serue to 
make but on saine Rope. 

" 5 Iron shouvells, 13 picks, 3 frows ; 4 siths, whole but worren, 
2 broken the last yeare, besides the 2 new ons that was 
brought this yeare. 

" 3 or 4 & twenty tonnes of Empty Caske, but most of it but on 
head, 4 beare hodgheds, 12 Compasses & but 2 of them good. 

" for pigge young & old. 

> Ice. 3 To raft timber. 

2 I. e. used up. 



I&43-: 



ACCOUNTS OF JOHN WINTER. 



349 



£ 


s. 


d. 


4 


7 


6 


33 


4 


6 


9 


11 


1 1 


12 


8 


8 




18 


7 




4 


3 




4 


6 



Account of the sale of sundry sortes of Goods at the Plantation 
at Richmon Island since my last account, which was the 26th of 
May, 1642, to this last of May, 1643. 

By me, John Wynter. 



Imprimis for 4 hodgheds 2.\ bushells of salt, 

" 2315 lb. neat of porke sold at sundry persons, 

at 4d. per pound, is 
" for butter at sundry persons, 
" 98 lb. of pouder, 
" fouling shote, 

" 3 lb. 3 ounzes of week yarne, 
" 3 pair of Broags,' 
" 24^ Cintalls of fish sold to Captaine Gibbons 

of Boston, at 16 Riles per Cintall, is 
" a hodghed of traine sold to Captain Gibbons 3 

of Boston, 
" on pair haling hands, 
" a Calue skin, 
" thongs, 
" 77 lb. tobacco, 
" 73 pair of shues sold for 
" 79 pair of stockins sold for 
" 66 shurtes, 
"19 knyfes, 
" 4 M. s C. bradds, 
" 3 M. sparrow bills, 



16 







6 




3 


4 




1 


4i 


3 


17 




'7 


17 


6 


7 


14 




23 


1 1 


6 




9 


6 




11 


3 




5 





1 Brogans. 

2 Edward Gibbons, brother of Am- 
brose, who was so prominent in the 
early history of Portsmouth. He was 
one of Tom Morton's rollicking com- 
pany at Merry Mount ; but attending 
the ordination services of the Rev. Fran- 
cis Higginson at Salem, he was so im- 
pressed that he changed his course 
of life, and soon joined the church at 
Boston. He was a merchant, and had 
extensive dealings with Virginia, and 
also with the West Indies. Cotton 
Mather relates a remarkable providence 
respecting one of his voyages to the 
latter country, which space does not 



permit us to copy. He was prominent 
in military affairs, and Johnson speaks 
of him as " a man of a resolute spirit, 
bold as a lion, being wholly tutored up 
in New England discipline, very gener- 
ous and forward to promote all military 
matters." He is a notable figure in 
early New England history. Vide Pro- 
vincial Papers of New Hampshire, I. 
149. Winthrop's Journal, I. 229, 270 ; 
II. 12S, 334, et passim. Scottow's Nar- 
rative, Mass. Hist. Coll., XXXIV. 2S9. 
Wonder Working Providence, 191. 
Mather's Magnalia, ed. 1820, II. 297. 
Drake's History of Boston, pp. 200, 
233, et passim. 



£ 


S. 

6 


d. 

6 




3 
8 


1 


i 

4 


13 


5 
4 



350 THE TRELAWNY PArERS. [1643. 

For 3 lb. i quarter of leather, 

" threed, 

" a sute of Camnas to Edmond Andrews, 

" 8 gallons 1 p. J of veniger, 

" on hodghed aquavite, 

" money Phillip Hatch did allow me on the 
last yeares account, which was not allowed 
in my last yeares account : but heare I 
Charge it to my account : & is 64 4', 

" money Receaved from Nycholas Edgcombe 
for yeldinge vp of the maid Wilmots tyme, 
which he married before her tyme was out, 5 

" the pipe of Portingall wine, 23 10 

" the pipe of tente x that was almost full, 25 13 4 

" money that was kept backe from Wilmot 
Randell of the yeares servise, beinge the 
did not serve out her full yeare, & I 
Charged on my last acco: for the whole 
yeare, & is 

" 4 goates sold afor, 

" 2 M. J bord nailes, 



I 


3 


9 


2 


11 


6 


I 


7 


1 


215 


08 


°3 



Account of Disbursments for the vse of the Plantation at Richmon 
Island, from the 10th of June, 1642, to the last of June, 1643, laid 

out. 

By me, John Winter. 

£ s. d. 
Imprimis for my diett at Accomenticus when I was bound 

in to the Bay, 1 1 

" my diett in the Bay & our men when I was 

in the Bay to sell our fish & porke, 2 1 7 

" 2 bells for our Cattell, 1 8 

" 2 hay pikes, 2 ' 8 

" trimminge of a boote in the Bay with pich, 

nailes, & ocomb, & Carpenters wages, 15 

" 5 C. biskett bought at Boston at 16s. per 

C. is 4 

" a boule * for butter, & a funnell bought in the 

Bay, 4 6 

' Tent was a dark red wine, so named - Titchforks. 
from its color, tiulo, deep-colored, and J A tub, or other round vessel, was so 
came chiefly from Malaga and Galicia. called. 



I643-] ACCOUNTS OF JOHN WINTER. 35 1 

£ s. d. 
For 13 lb. of hoppes at is. 2d. per lb. is 15 2 

" my diett at Sacco Courte, 15 

" a hodghed of mackrell from William Seavy 

at the He of Shoulds, 2 1 

" money paid to Jonas Beyly for 97 daies 

worke, 4 1 

" money paid to John Lebby for 6 weekes 

worke at 6s. per weeke, 1 16 

" money paid to Nicholas Edgcomb for 3 

weeks worke at 6s. per weeke is iS 

" money paid to Richard Tucker for a hodghed 
of malt Contd: yh bushells, at 5s. per 
bushell, is 1176 

" 2 gallons 2 quartes aquavite, bought in the 
Bay at 5s. per gallon, & disposed among 
the Company, is 12 6 

" 3 C. biskett from John Holland of Dor- 
chester, 1 2 14 

" 7i bushells of peas from John Holland, 1 14 9 

" a bushell of Indian seed Corne from John 

Holland, 6 

" 3 hodgheds from John Holland to bring the 

bread & peas in, 16 

" the Cuper to head the Caske that John Hol- 
land brought, 9 

" a melking buckett from John Holland, 2 8 

" the fraight of 3 hodgheds to John Holland, 15 

" 2 1 C. & 18 lb. of biskett with a but to put 

it into, M. Hills of Boston, 3 2 19 11 

" 20 C. biskett bought of Goodman Euelay of 

Boston' for ready money at 18s. per C. is 18 

" 9 bushells of peas from Captaine Gibbons of 

Boston, at 4s. 6d. p bushell, is 26 

1 John Holland was " a merchant of of Dover an associate magistrate. He 
good estate." He died about 1652. also represented the town at the Gen- 
His will may be found in the Genea- eral Court of Massachusetts from 1652 
logical Register, Vol. IV. p. 287. to 1655, and again in 1657. His death 

2 Valentine Hill came from London, took place in 1661. Vide Savage's 
where he was a mercer, about 1636, and Gen. Diet., II. 420. Provincial Papers 
settled at Boston. He was prominent of New Hampshire, I. 198, 207, 369. 
in affairs there, being a deacon of the Drake's History of Boston, pp. 786, 7S9, 
church, and selectman for a number of 792, ct seq. 

years. He subsequently removed to 3 Probably Sylvester Eveleth, who 
Dover, where he was living in 1652, was a baker in Boston about this time, 
being that year chosen by the freemen and somewhat later in Gloucester. 



352 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 

For 6 howes bought at Boston at 3s. per how is 

" on bushell of Indian seed Corne from Mr. 
Mavericke, 

" on peck of flackes seed from Mr. Mavericke, 

" 5 bushell of peas from Mr. Webb ■ of Boston, 

" my diett, lodginge, & passage going into the 
Bay in February, 

" 8 bushells of wheat bought of John Lee= of 
Sacco, 

" 4 bushells of wheat from Thomas Williams 
of Sacco, at 6s. per bushell, is 

" more, 4 bushells of wheat from Thomas Wil- 
liams of Sacco, at 5s. per bushell, is 

" more, 2 bushells of Barley from Thomas Wil- 
liams of Sacco, at 5s. per bushell, 

" 6 bushells of wheat from Richard Hech- 
cocke^ of Sacco, at 5s. per bushell, 

" on bushell of Indian Corne for seed from 
Richard Hechcocke of Sacco, 

" s bushell of wheat from Henry Wadwick4 
of Sacco, at 5s. per bushell, is 



18 



[i<>43- 

d. 

6 

4 

5 



2 13 



063 18 08 



1 Henry Webb, who came from Salis- 
bury, County Wilts, about 1637, and be- 
came one of the wealthiest merchants 
of Boston. He died in 1660, and left 
the largest estate which at that time had 
been admitted to probate. His will 
may be seen in the Genealogical Regis- 
ter, Vol. X. p. 177. Drake's History 
of Boston, pp. 234, 253, 307, et passim. 

- John Lee was a planter and resi- 
lent of Saco, and but for his name ap- 
pearing among the grand jurors of the 
court for 1645 we should know nothing 
of him. Vide Early Records of Maine, 
State copy, Vol. I. pp. 83, 102-104. 

5 Richard Hitchcock's name first ap- 
pears in the list of rates for the support 
of public worship, September 7th, 1636, 
and the next year we find him sitting in 
the stocks for abusing the court. This 
disgrace he triumphed over, and be- 
came an important citizen of Saco, first 
becoming a constable, an office of con- 



siderable importance at this time, a 
selectman, " a sergeant to exercise the 
soldiery, an officer of Saco and Cape 
Porpoise County," and in 1660 was 
" empowered " with Robert Jordan an 
attorney " to plead the town's privileges, 
properties, and interests before the 
Honored Gen. Court's Committee.' 
He had been made a freeman of Mas 
sachusetts in 1653, but, like many others 
regarded her government as a usurpa^ 
tion, and we find him presented to the 
Court in 1663 for " neglect in not sub- 
mitting to such commands as have 
been required." After an active and 
useful life, he died, in 1671, on his 
estate near the mouth of the Saco, leav- 
ing a widow and six children. Vide 
Folsom's Saco, pp. 32, 52, 86, 92-97, et 
passim. Early Records of Maine, State 
copy, I. 7, 109; III. 34. 

« Henry Warwick. Vide antea, p. 
237, note 10. 



1643] ACCOUNTS OF JOHN WINTER. 353 

Disbursments for the vse of the Plantation at Richmon Island, to be 
added to the other side. 

£ s. d. 
For 3 pecks of Indian seed Come from Henry 

Wadvvicke of Sacco, at Ss. per bushell, is 6 

" on bushell of French barley from Mr. Jenner' 

of Sacco, for seed, 6 

" 5 bushells of wheat from Mr. Jenner of Sacco, 

at 5s. per bushell, is 1 5 

" 12 bushells of wheat from Mr. Richard Vynes 

of Sacco, at 5s. per bushell, is 3 

More, for 2 bushells of wheat from Mr. Jenner of 

Sacco, at 5s. per bushell, is 10 

" 4 bushells of wheat from William Gibbens 2 

of Sacco, 1 

" on other hodghed of malt from Richard 

Tucker of Casko, 1 17 6 

" 7 bushells of barley from Mr. Arthur Mack- 
worth o£ Casko, at 5s. per bushell, is 1 15 
" on hodghed of malt from Andrew Alger of 

Strattons Island, 1 17 6 

" on bushell of wheat from ffrancis Robinson 

of Sacco, 5 

Paid to Clemett Campion ' for the fraight of his 

1 Rev. Thomas Jenner, who, with his and was in Norfolk in 1651, in pressing 

son of the same name, came to this want, being obliged to sell his library, 

country in 1634-5, and settled first at which he had left in New England, per- 

Roxbury, but shortly after his arrival haps with the intention of returning, to 

removed to Weymouth, where he re- Governor Edward Winslow, who was 

mained until 1640, and in the latter part then in England. Vide Folsom's Saco, 

of that year removed to Saco, his son p. S2. Mass. Hist. Coll., Fourth Series, 

remaining in Weymouth. He has the VII. 334-359. John Dunton's Letters 

distinction of being the first Puritan from New England, Prince Society, 

minister of Maine. He was a friend of 1867, p. 149. And for an account of 

Governor Winthrop, and in correspond- conducting public worship at this time, 

ence with him while residing at Saco. see Lechford's Plaine Dealing, ed. 1867, 

His ministry was attended with variable pp. 16-29. 

success. Folsom says that he remained = William Gibbins, or Gibbons. No 
in Saco about two years ; but a letter one f the name appears at this time as 
from him, dated at Saco, April 6, 1646, an inhabitant of Saco. James Gibbons 
in which he says that he is " on the was a prominent man there, and Win- 
wing of removal," would make it ap- t er may have made a mistake in the 
pear that he resided there over five name. 

years. He returned to England, — the 3 Clement Campion was master of 

precise time we are in ignorance of, — the barque Constance, and made voy- 



354 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1643. 

barke to Carry our fish from the plantation £ s . d. 

to the Herculus at the He of Shoulds the 

last yeare, 6 

More, for 3 hodgheds of biskett bought of John 

Holland of Dorchester, at £2 6s. per hodg- 

hed, is 6 18 

For on other hodghed of malt from Richard 

Tucker of Casko, 1 17 6 

" money paid John Lakestay for this last yeares 

wages, which will be ended in August next, 5 
" money paid Myhell Maddiver as by the par- 

ticuler acco will appeare, 5 10 7 

" money paid Richard Martin as by the par- 

ticuler acco will appeare, 267 

" money paid Oliver Weeks as by the particu- 

ler acco will appeare, 2 5 

" money paid Peter Hills as by his acco will 

appeare, 5 1 7 

" money paid Phillip Hatch as by his acco will 

appeare, 11 10 ui 

" myne owne share, £9 10s. 7d., and for my 

Charge for this yeare, ,£40, all is 49 10 7 

" money paid to William Guich as by his acco 

will appeare, 8 

" money to be receaved from the Company of 

the Margery for necessaries receaved of 

me heare, 14 5 6i 

" money to be receaved from the Company of 

the Margery that they will allow towards 

Mr. Jorden our mynister, 
" money from Mr. Ambros Bouden for neces- 
saries deliuered him from the plantation, 

[In the handwriting of Trelawny :] 

On the other Side, 

£> s - d- iq7 II 2 

215 08 03 Receaued for goods sould. "' 

197 11 02 Paid for wages & things bought. 
17 17 01 

Mr. Winter owes to the Plantation on this Account £17 17s. old., this 
21 September, 1643. 

ages between England, the West Indies, Fourth Series, VII. 334, and Fifth Se- 
New England, and Virginia. Vide Hot- ries, I. 351-353- 
ten's Lists, p. 136. Mass. Hist. Coll., 



I 


14 


6 


I 


9 


8 


133 


12 


6 


63 


18 


8 



1 643-] ACCOUNTS OF JOHN WINTER. 355 

Account of Cloths & necessaries deliuered to the servants at the 
Plantation at Richmon Island, from the last of May, 1642, to the 
last of May, 1643. 

Necessaries to Tobias Shorte. 

£ s. d. 
Imprimis for a wastcote bought of a Bastable man, cost 8 

" a pair of shues, 4s. iod., & a pair of stockins, 

is. 6d., bought of Mr. Campion, is 64 

" leather bought in the Bay, 1 10 

" 2 pair of yarning gloues. 
" 10 thongs, 5 C. bradds, & 5 C. sparrow bills. 
" a sute of Cersy, the Cersy bought of Mr. 

Abraham Shurte at 6s. & the making 6s., 

all is 1 10 

" leather out of the house to the value of 2s. 6d. 
" § yard of Cape Cloth for spiking gloues. 
" a shurte, Cost 6 6 

" a pair of shues out of the house. 
" a sute of Camnas & 2 pair of stockins out of 

the house. 
" a munmoth Cap bought in the Bay, 3 4 

" a shurte & a knyfe out of the house. 
" threed bought, 6 

2 16 6 

Necessaries to Phillip Hingston. 

Imprimis for a wastcote that Came from Mr. Hingston to 

be pd for in England, which is on his acco: 
" a pair of shues, 4s. iod., & a pair of stockins, 

is. 6d., bought of Mr. Campion, all is 6 4 

" 1 lb. 3 ounzes of sope. 

" leather bought in the Bay, 10 

" leather out of the house to the value of iod. 
" a shurte, Cost 6 6 

" threed bought in the Bay, 4 

" 3 C. bradds, 3 C. sparrow bills, out of the 

house. 
" a sute of Clothes that was bought of Samson 

Jope, Charged in my former acco: 
" 2 pair of haling hands, 1 pair of Nippers, 

for a sute of Cersey, a sute of Camnas, & a 

shurte, a pair of shues & a pair of stockins, 

out of the house. 
" 6 thongs, 2d. in threed, & a knyfe, out of the 

house. 

_ 14 



356 THE TRELAWNY TAPERS. [1643. 

Necessaries to Thomas Hammocke. 

Imprimis for a pair of bootes bought of on of Mr. Hing- 
ston men, & is Charged home on my former 
acco: £ s. d. 

" a short Cape bought of Richard Nyle, 7 

" a wastcote bought of Bennet Wylls, 4 

" £ lb. of sope, 4i 

" a pair of shues bought of Mr. Campion, 4 10 

" a pair of stockins bought in the Bay, 1 3 

" 2 pair of haling hands & on pair of Nippers. 
" leather bought in the Bay, 10 

" 3 C. sparrow bills, 3 C. bradds, I C. small 

nayles. 
" a shurte bought for him, 6 6 

Pd for threed for him, 2 

For leather out of the house as much as Comes 
is. 8d. 
" 6 thongs & 4d. in threed, a barvell, asute of 
Cersy, a sute of Camnas, 2 pair of stockins, 
on pair of shues, & a shurte, out of the 
house. 
" 2^ yards of Cape Cloth to make him a pair 
of boote breches & to line haling hands, 9 
ounzesof sope, & a knyfe, out of the house. 



Necessaries to William Mellin. 



5 4* 



Imprimis for a pair of shues bought of Mr. Campion, 4 10 

Pd for threed for him, 6 

For a pair of stockins bought in the Bay, 1 8 

" leather bought in the Bay, 10 

" 3 C. bradds, 3 C. sparrow bills, & 7 thongs. 

" sope bought for him, 4jd., & on other pair of 

stockins, is. 6d., & a shurte, 5s. 6d., all is 7 SA 

" 2 pair of shues £ worren, at 2s. per pair, is 4 

" a pair myttings, 6 

" a sute of Cersy, a sute of Camnas, on pair of 
shues, on pair of stockins, 9 ounzes of sope, 
4d. in threed, & a knyfe, out of the house. 

" a shurte out of the house. 

1 o A 

[In the handwriting of Trelawny:] 
£ s. d. 

2 16 06 d. to Tobias Short. 
14 00 d. to Phi: Hingston. 



I643-] ACCOUNTS OF JOHN WINTER. 357 

£ «. d. 

1 05 04i to Tho: Hammocke. 

1 00 ooj to Wm. Mellin. 

5 15 n Mr. Winter paid out for ye Servants. 

£ s. d. 

17 17 1 Mr. Winter owes on his account in this book. 

5 15 11 he hath paid as aboue. 



R 12 01 02 Soe he Rests owing 21st Sept., 1643. 



A Coppy of account of Mr. John Cogan, of Boston, in New Eng- 
land, of the receat of the 12 butts of wine you sent by the ffrend- 
ship of London, Leonard Betts ' master, and Landed at Boston, 
which made their butt 10 butts & halfe. 

£ s. d. 

Pd the master for primage & average, 12 

" the master for fraight of John Winters truse - & the box, 10 

" for bringenge of the wines a shore, 12 
" for bringenge of it vp to the seller & the helpinge of it 

into the seller, 10 

" for the fraight of 6 tonnes at 50s. per tonn, 15 

For the sellarage,3 2 10 

" provision at sib. per Centum* is 6 17 

26 11 

Per Contra : Mr. John Cogans account of the sale of those wines. 

£ s. d. 
Sold Goodman ffarebankess on but of wine, 16 

" on butt of wine for 14 

1 Leonard Betts had formerly been importance in Boston, and is supposed 
master of the Paul of London, and en- to have come from Boston in England, 
gaged in carrying emigrants to Virginia, in 1633, with John Cotton, the famous 
He had at this date been master of the divine, of whose parish he is believed 
Friendship for six years, and in her to have been a member before coming 
had weathered many a gale on the to New England. Though "seduced 
Atlantic. Hotten has preserved a list and led into dangerous errors " by 
of his crew. Vide Hotten's Lists, pp. "the opinions and revelations of Mr. 
103, 145. Wheelwright and Mrs. Hutchinson," 

2 A truss, or package. for which in 1637 he was disarmed, he 

3 I. e. storage in his cellar. shortly after enjoyed the distinction of 
* I. e. for commission at 5 per cent, being made the first postmaster of Bos- 

This is a unique use of the word pro- ton, a position which he held for sev- 

visioti. eral years. Vide Winthrop's Journal, 

5 Richard Fairbanks was a man of I. 296. Memorial History of Boston, I. 



358 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1643. 

Sold Captaine Gibbons, 14th 12 moneth, 1642, 7 butts of £ s. d. 

wine at ^13 per butt, 91 

" on but & quarter of the wines at ,£iS, there wanted 2 

or 3 gallons of a butt, & \ is 16 

When I sold the S butts of wine I fild them, & there was 

5 of a butt wasted to fill vp the rest. 



137 



Rest vppon this account, no 9 

Whereof Captaine Gibbons is to pay by bill in money, 
beafer, or good bill for England, the 14th of July, 
1643, 91 

Goodman ffarebankes & John Cogan to pay at the same 

tyme or before in the same pay, 19 9 



A Lyst of Provisions for a supply for the Plantation for the next 

yeare. 

Imprimis 10 dozen of good shues for men, & 4 dozen for women & 
Children. 
Ite. 10 dozen of good Irish stockins. 
" 2 or 3 C. yards of Cape Cloth, which is very good for this 

country. 
" 10 dozen of shurtes. 

" 20 lb. of threed, white & blacke, 2 C. good nelds. 
" 4 foote of leather & 1 C. thongs. 
" 10 sutes of Cloths, 10 sutes of Camnas. 
" 20 m. bradds, 10 m. sparrow bills. 
" 5 dozen of good strong knyfes. 
" 2 hodgheds aquavite, 2 butts of sacke. 
" on C. yards of Camnas for bootes sailes. 
" on hodghed of venniger. 
" 20 or 30 lb. of saile twine. 

" 3 siths for gras, 30 good strong harrow tongs ■ for a harrow. 
" 2 C. weight of fouling shote, & on barrell of pouder. 
" 5 C. weight of pich. 
" 1 C. weight of hoopes. 2 
" on dozen of munmoth Caps. 
" 6 Calue skins for barvells. 
" 6 pair of bootes for fishermen. 

232. Savage's Genealogical Diction- ' Tines or teeth for a harrow. 

ary, II. 117. Drake's History of Bos- 2 Hops, from which to make their 

ton, pp. 193, 195, 229, et J>assim. beer. 



1 643-] ACCOUNTS OF JOHN WINTER. 359 

Ite. 30 dozen of hookes at 2s. per dozen. 
" 6 dozen of fishing leads, halfe dozen saile nelds. 
" on dozen of good houes. 
" 6 good axes, 6 hatchetts. 
" on dozen pues," on dozen of gaffs. 
" 6 spilting knyfes, 6 gutters. 
I desire you will be pleased to furnish me with these goods, for yf vit- 
telling proue deare, I shall want meanes to vittell the Herculus. 



A List of som necessaries which I desire you to send me vppon 
myne owne particular aceo. 

Imprimis 14 yards of good myxt Cersy for myne owne wearinge, with 
silke & bottens. 
Ite. 12 yards of good Cersy, & 12 yards of good sarge, 2 for 2 
Coats & 2 wastcoats for my wyfe & daughter, with binding 
lace & 3 laces to lay on the Coats, & a bindinge lace for their 
wastcoots, with silke to sow it & baies for borderinge the 
Coats. 

" 6 yards f of slight Cersy of on Couler, and 6 yards J of 
another Couler of Cersy, which is for vnder Coates for my 
wyfe & daughter, & so much binding lace to bind the Coats 
by the skirte, with bayes for borderinge of it. 

" on dozen J of good Cersy stockins, whereof on dozen for women 
& |- dozen lor my owne wearinge. 

" 60 yards of good doulis of 3 quarters & J quarter broad. 

" on dozen pair of shues of the 7 & S syse for my wyfe & 
daughter. 



Account of the necessaries Receaued of Mr. Ambros Bouden, which 
did belong to his fishing voyage. 

Imprimis Receaued out of the Carpenter's store, 

2 Cipnett Irons. 3 

3 short pintells for Rudders. 

1 Vide atiieti, p. 197, note 7. 3 These irons were for a basket net. 

2 Serge, a stuff originally made of Both Wright and Halliwell give us 
twilled silk, but at this time of silk and " Cipe, a large basket." Ash tells us 
worsted. The name is supposed to that a "kipe" was made of a coarse 
have been derived from Seres, the name kind of wicker holding about a bushel, 
given to the Chinese, from whom the in the form of the lower frustum of 
ancients first obtained silk. a cone. The cipe or kipe was used 



360 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1643. 

3 slowers." 
J C. 10 great nailes. 
4£ C. of 2d. nayles. 
1 1 C. of bord nayles. 
h C. of hatch nailes. 

9 fishing lines. 
7 fishing leads. 

1 Addes. 

2 bill hookes. 

1 drawing knyfe. 

2 small borriers. 

3 hatchetts, on axe. 
1 Crow of Iron. 

5 maine sailes. 

10 netts. 

4 Roodes. 

5 fore sailes. 

f of a barrell of tarr. 

1 bread box. 

4 bootes bucketts. 

1 flackett. 

2 marling spukes. 

277 Camnas measured by the Cloth, not squar. 

4 salt baggs & 12 yards new Camnas. 

5 bootes Compasses. 

3 pair maine halliers. 

2 baulinge, 2 on pair of fore halliers. 
2 maine sheetes. 
1 lanterne. 



Acco of what money the Company of the Margery ar to pay for 
necessaries Receaved out of the plantation. 

Imprimis Clemett Pen will for himself e & his sonn 
Richard Marsill 
Thomas Greneslade 
Rafe Welch 
Robin Hatch 
Richard Creber 
Thomas Vennion 

in some parts of England for catching decrease the speed of the boat when 
eels. fishing with drag-nets. 

1 Drags to throw out in order to = Bowlines. 



s. 

6 
1 


d. 

3i 
8 


[O 


3h 


5 


5 


2 


9 


3 


2 


;2 


3 



1643] 



ACCOUNTS OF JOHN WINTER. 



361 



Nycholas Bonsall 




2 


it 


The booteson Crimpe 




7 


1 


The gunner Georg Weymer 




1 


8 


Mr. Hugh Ball 


8 


3 


h 


More, Mr. Ball hath receaved 40 lb. of barrell 








sope ' at 6d. per lb. , is 20s. 


1 






John White 




9 





More, to Mr. Ambros Bouden for necessaries 
receaved from the plantation, £1 9s. Sd., I pay 



13 '5 63 



A note of what the Company of the Margery ar willing 

Mr. Robert Jorden, our Mynister. 

£ 
Mr. Ambros Bouden 

Clemett Penwill 

Thomas Vennion 

William Crimpe 

Walter Penwill 

Richard Moursell 

John Morgin 

George Weimoth 

John White 

Thomas Greneslade 

Ralfe Welch 

Richard Nyles 

Nycholas Bonsale 

The Carpenter 

Robin Hatch 



to giue to 



2 
2 

'4 



A note of Provisions deliuered to Mr. Ambros Bouden for neces- 
saries for their voyage. 

Imprimis C. 64 C. of nailes. 

9 sides of porke, Contad 647 
ioii lb. of spukes. 

12J bushells & i of peas, deliuered out of the house, & a hodg- 
hed from John Holland, Contad 7^ bushells, in all 19^ 
bushells. 

2 m. 7 C. I of biskett. 

10 peces of porke. 



1 I. e. soft soap. 



362 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



[1644. 



35 peces of beafe. 

J Roode to Rafe timber. 1 

25 daies spent in lofe bread. 2 

140 peces of beafe to Carry to sea with them. 

I say receaved by me, 



—e^3*%k-jjv/%>-° «*Jfc<£Ml 



JOHN WINTER TO MARY HOOPER. 

Richmon Iland, the 13 th of June, 1644.3 
Daughter Mary Hooper: — 

My ffatherly Loue to you remembred with my Dayly pray- 
ers to the Almighty God to bestow his Blessinge on you ; as 
also your Mother desires to bee Remembred to you & your 



1 One half of a road, or mooring rope, 
with which to raft timber. 

2 I. e. Boaden had for the use of his 
crew loaf bread sufficient to last for 
twenty-five days. 

3 The last letter of John Winter to 
his principal was written two years pre- 
vious to this date. During this period, 
the unfortunate and much wronged Tre- 
lawny was languishing in prison, " ac- 
cording to the sadness of the times," 
and when Winter's letter reached Eng- 
land he had ceased to live and suffer. 
When Mary Hooper received this letter, 
she was in a distressed condition. Her 
husband was a prisoner, and she with- 
out means of subsistence. Her first 
step was to send the letter to John 
King, who was the manager of Tre- 
lawny's business affairs ; but we are left 
in the dark as to the result of her efforts 
to obtain the money which her father 
had ordered to be paid to her. Al- 
though the court in 164S, in the settle- 
ment of accounts between Winter and 



Trelawny, allowed the amount as hav- 
ing been paid, doubtless basing their 
decision upon a charge to himself by 
Winter of the order when it was made, 
not doubting that it would be honored, 
we have good reasons for believing that 
Mary Hooper never received the money 
she so much needed, and that she was 
left to struggle on without aid. We 
can hardly help thinking that she found 
her way here, where her parents were 
residing in comfortable circumstances. 
It is even possible that the John Hooper 
whom we find at Marblehead some 
years after this date was her husband, 
and the frequent recurrence of the 
name Robert in the Hooper family 
starts the suggestion that it may have 
been derived from their powerful patron, 
Robert Trelawny, in whose service the 
husband of Mary Hooper doubtless 
was : but all this is conjecture. John 
King, we see, preserved the letter, and it 
was placed with the other correspond- 
ence in the family archives of Trelawny. 



I644-] MARY HOOPER TO JOHN KING. 363 

Sister Sara. Wee all hope of your health & prosperity. 
These may giue you Notice that I haue ordered Mr. Robert 
Tralawny to pay vnto you 15IL I pray Demaund it of him, 
wherof 5H. of it is a token ffrom mee sent vnto you in token 
of my ffatherly Loue vnto you ; fforty shillings of it is a Token 
sent vnto you ffrom your Mother; the other eight pound is ffor 
your Sister Sara, where of 61i. of it shee desires you would bee- 
stow in linnen Cloth for her of these sortes : some Cloth of 3 
quarters & halfe quarter broad, & some of it ffor neck Cloths, 
& other some ffor Pillow Clothes, for shee is now prouiding to 
Keepe a house. Shee hath beenn Marryed this 5 Moneths to 
on Mr. Robert Jorden, which is our minister. The other fforty 
shillings shee doth send vnto you for a token. I Receiued a 
Letter ffrom your Brother John Winter since hee Came ffrom 
the East India, of his safe Ariuall, which I Reioyced to hear of 
it. I neuer Receiued a letter ffrom hime before since hee went 
out of this Country. I would haue written vnto him, but I knew 
not wher to send to hime. I pray write mee by the next Con- 
uenience wher he doth settle hime selfe to Liue, & in what 
manner, that I may know wher to write to hime. You may 
please to Remember my ffatherly loue to hime, & tell him that 
my selfe, your Mother & sister ar in health ; wishing the Like 
by him, my Daily prayers are to the Almighty God for to bee- 
stow his blessing on him. So with my Loue to your Husband 
& your Little sonn, I Committ you all to the all mighty 
God to giue you his blessing. Not elce at present, but end & 

rest > Your Louing ffather, 

JOHN WINTER. 



MARY HOOPER TO JOHN KING. 

Mr. King, the aboue Is a true Copy of Mr. Wynter's Letter 
which hath been seene, & vsed by yor Loving frind Barth: 
Nicholls. 




364 the trelawny papers. [1644. 

Mr. John King: — 

I would desire you to take some order for the payment 

of this money as soone as you may by reason of my great 

necessity, ffor my husband is taken at the lie of May by the 

Lord of Malborovv,' & I Can haue no news of hime, & my Land 

Lord threatens mee to turne mee out off his hous by means 

that I am not able to pay hime his Rent ; therfor I would 

Intreat you to thinke vpon my need & Consider my necessity 

& that you would take some speedy Course as possible you 

may for the payment of this mony, & so I Rest, 

Yours to Command in what I may, 

MARY HOOPER. 
To Mr. John Kinge, merchant, 

at Mr. Michell Heerninge hose, 

at Strand in Mabbrocke, Did. 

In 

London, 

at Mr. Snowes 

House in Couent Garden. 

[Indorsed in handwriting of John King ?] 
Mr. John Winter of 
New Inglands Order to Mr. 
Roberte Trelawny, to pay 
his daughter Mary Hooper 
i$£, New Ingland, 15th June, 
1644. 

1 This was Henry Earl of Marl- granted to the Governors of St. Kitt's, 

borough, whose father, the Lord High Nevis, and Montserrat to permit the 

Treasurer, had been interested in the petitioner to seize goods there for sat- 

settlement of the Caribbees, and had isfaction of his arrears. This son of 

conveyed to the Earl of Carlisle his the Earl of Marlborough is the James 

interest in these islands for an annual Ley who is mentioned by Winthrop, 

rental, which the grantee had failed to under date of 1637, as " being about 

pay, calling forth several petitions to the nineteen years of age, who came [to 

King for redress, one of which, in 1638, New England] only to see the country, 

was made by James, the son of the He was," Winthrop continues, "of very 

grantor, asking that letters should be sober carriage, and showed much wis- 



I64S.] 



JORDAN'S PETITION. 



36S 



JORDAN'S PETITION TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 
OF LYGONIA. 

To the Right Hon ble Alexander Rigby, 3 President, Mr. George 
Cleaue, Deputy President, together with the whole Body 
of the General Assembly of the Province of Lygonia, 
Assembled this 22d' Day of September, 1648. 

Your Petitioneres Sheweth, — 

Whereas he hath, by the Order of the Authority here 
Estated, endeavoured to the utmost to Accomplish the last 
Testament of Mr. John Winter deceased, 2 for the satisfying of 



dom and moderation." He was a friend 
of Vane. Many years after, he took up 
the work of colonization in these islands, 
which his grandfather had begun. The 
Earl of Marlborough at this time was 
of the King's party, and engaged in 
making reprisals on all who were not 
strictly partisans of the King. Nor was 
he at all particular in his distinctions. 
Winthrop says, under date of 1645, after 
speaking of a New England vessel which 
had been attacked at the Canaries the 
year previous by one of the Earl's ships : 
" We had tidings also of another of our 
ships of the like force set out from Bos- 
ton, which the Earl of Marlborough had 
lain in wait for at the Madeiras a good 
time, and with a ship of great force ; 
but it pleased the Lord to send him 
away the very day before our ship ar- 
rived there." Winthrop's Journal, I. 
229; II. 219. Sainsbury's Colonial Pa- 
pers, IX. 243, 281 ; XIV. 491. Drake's 
History of Boston, pp. 231, 232. 

1 This is a clerical error, and should 
be the 12th, as we find (infra) that the 
petition was heard and granted by the 
Assembly on September 14th. It is also 
the 1 2th in the York County Records. 

2 John Winter died three years be- 



fore the date of this petition, and 
Robert Jordan was in possession, and 
prosecuting the business at this time. 
Although he claims to have impover- 
ished himself in satisfying legacies 
made by his deceased father-in-law, 
our sympathies are not to be moved 
thereby, as this is only one of those 
legal fictions which it was not consid- 
ered harmful to set up in order to move 
the hearts of judges. If Robert Jordan 
paid any legacies to Winter's other 
heirs, John Winter, Jr. and Mary Hoo- 
per, they must have been mentioned in 
a will, or if he settled with them, and 
purchased their rights in the property 
of their father, he would have taken a 
conveyance from them ; in either case, 
we may be quite certain, the transac- 
tions would have appeared on record, 
since he was so careful to have his rights 
made manifest. No record, however, 
of any kind appears. From the pecu- 
liar phraseology of this document we 
may reasonably infer that it was drawn 
by Edward Godfrey. 

3 Alexander Rigby was born at Mid- 
dleton Hall, in the Chapelry of Goos- 
nargh, county of Lancaster, in 1594, and 
was educated for the law. The parish 



366 



THE TRELAWNY TAPERS. 



[164S. 



whose Legacies he hath emptied himself of his Proper Estate. 
The mostness of which the said Mr. John Winter his Estate 
lieth in the hands of the Executors of Mr. Robert Trelawny, 



records show that he settled at Goos- 
nargh not long after his father's death, 
which took place on April 28, 1621 ; cer- 
tainly he appears there active in church 
affairs as early as 1625. Being a man 
of positive convictions and enthusiastic 
temperament, he was naturally inter- 
ested in the stirring questions which 
agitated the public mind during the 
period of the civil war, and, leaving 
the quiet routine of the law, he threw 
himself with all the energy of his nature 
into the noisy lists of political strife. 
Nor was he long without recognition, 
for, espousing the popular cause, he 
was in 1640 returned to Parliament for 
Wigan. In his new sphere of action he 
showed himself to advantage, perform- 
ing all the duties of his exalted office 
with zeal, fidelity, and ability. But with 
civil war raging about him, his enthu- 
siastic nature would not allow him to 
withhold his hand from active conflict, 
and we soon find him with the victorious 
forces of Parliament before Thurlham 
Castle, where, it is said by a contem- 
porary, he " began to show himselfe to 
to be a warrior." Vicar's Parliamentary 
Chronicle, Part II. p. 78. Discourse of 
the War in Lancashire, Chatham Soci- 
ety's Publications, Vol. LXII. p. 41. 

From here he marched to the siege of 
Latham House, which for three months 
was gallantly and successfully defended 
by Lady Derby, who, to his summons to 
surrender, replied : " Tell that insolent 
rebell, hee shall neither haue persons, 
goods, nor house ; when our strength 
and provision is spent, we shall find 
a fire more mercyfull than Rigby, and 
then, if the providence of God prevent 
it not, my goods and house shall burne 



in his sight ; myselfe, children, and soul- 
diers, rather than fall into his hands, 
will seale our religion and loyalty in the 
same flame." Chatham Society's Pub- 
lications, Vols. II., LXII., LXVII. 

After besieging Latham House for 
three months, learning that the Earl of 
Derby and Prince Rupert were coming 
to the aid of Lady Derby, he hastily 
raised the siege and marched to meet 
them, encountering their forces at Bol- 
ton, where, on the 2Sth of May, 1644, he 
was defeated, escaping capture only by 
pretending to be one of the enemy's 
leaders, and urging their men to march 
on, telling them the town was theirs. 
Escaping recognition by this ingenious 
ruse, he seized a favorable opportunity, 
and, detaching himself from the ene- 
my's troops, spurred on to Yorkshire, 
where the Parliamentary forces were in 
strength. Before leaving his Parlia- 
mentary labors, for the more active 
duties of the camp, he had met George 
Cleeve, who, upon hearing, in 1642, of 
the critical condition of the royal cause, 
had hastened to England, hoping, doubt- 
less, to gain some advantage over his 
royalist enemies, who had pursued him 
so long, and with so much bitterness. 
Cleeve before leaving New England 
must have known about the Company 
of Husbandmen, who, in 1630 (?), had 
received a patent' for a tract of territory 
forty miles square, and had located it 
near the Saco River, but within a short 
time abandoned it. This grant was 
familiarly known as the Plough Patent, 
from the name of the ship which brought 
the colonists to New England. Cleeve 
must have heard of this patent; in- 
deed, he had probably seen the original 



.648.] 



JORDAN'S PETITION. 



367 



and hath been by them detained for these many Years, not- 
withstanding the deceased John Winter did in his Life time 
press them for an Account, as likewise hath your Petitioner 



parchment, which had been in the pos- 
session of Richard Dummer, of Newbury, 
for several years, and it is probable that 
his fertile brain had conceived the idea 
of obtaining control of this abandoned 
grant, and bringing his enemies thereby 
into subjection. Be this as it may, he 
reached London at an opportune period, 
and, making the acquaintance of Rigby, 
succeeded in bringing about negotiations 
between him and two of the represent- 
atives of the Company of Husbandmen, 
which resulted in the purchase of their 
title, April 7th, 1643, (Sullivan's Maine, 
p. 312,) and an order was sent to Dum- 
mer to deliver the original parchment to 
Cleeve, which it is said he accordingly 
did. The name given to the territory 
embraced in the patent, though just 
when it was given we do not know, was 
Lygonia. Its origin is still in doubt, 
but it seems to be a fair inference that 
it was named after the mother of Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges, whose name was 
Cicely Lygon. Of course this name 
could not have been bestowed upon it 
by Rigby or Cleeve. It is probable 
that it was attached to it at the time the 
former purchased it, as we know that 
Sir Ferdinando liked to attach favorite 
names to places in the New World. 
Thus, he named his new province 
New Somersetshire, after the county in 
which he resided, and its seat of gov- 
ernment Gorgeana, for himself. What 
more likely than that he should have 
attached to this grant, when he made 
it with the Earl of Warwick in 1630, 
the name of his mother ? We know 
with what tenacity names cling to places, 
and that, once known as Lygonia, the 
Province would be likely to retain it. 



Returning home, Cleeve at once sought 
the aid of Massachusetts against the 
authority of Gorges ; but that shrewd 
and politic commonwealth declined in- 
terfering, and he was compelled to act 
alone. This he proceeded at once to 
do, under the title of Deputy President 
of the Province of Lygonia, embracing 
within his jurisdiction a large portion 
of Maine, and bringing about a conflict 
of authority with Vines, the representa- 
tive of Sir Ferdinando. (Winthrop's 
Journal, Vol. II. pp. 313 et seq.) The 
final result was an appeal to the Com- 
missioners of Foreign Plantations in 
England, and a decision in favor of 
Rigby, whose influence was dominant. 
This decision, which was two years pre- 
vious to the date of this petition, ended 
the jurisdiction of Sir Ferdinando Gor- 
ges over that portion of Maine known 
as the Province of Lygonia, which em- 
braced Casco and Cape Porpoise, and 
all the intermediate towns and planta- 
tions. The new government continued 
for about six years, when Massachusetts 
assumed authority. (Folsom's Saco and 
Biddeford, p. 6. Mass. Hist. Coll., 1st 
Series, I. 103.) The death of Sir Alex- 
ander Rigby had taken place two years 
previously to this, namely, on the 19th 
of August, 1650. He had but recently 
been made Baron of the Exchequer, 
and was attending the assizes at Croy- 
don in Surrey, where, it is said, many 

" persons of quality getting their 

banes, died a few days after." (History 
of the Parochial Chapelry of Goosnargh, 
147.) For an interesting account of 
Rigby, reference may be had to Dr. C. 
E. Banks's article in the Palatine Note 
Book for August, 1SS3. 



368 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [164S. 

by divers Persuasive Letters and the Mediation for Friends 
addressed unto them for the pass of Accompts, and rectifying 
of former proceeds, the distance of place allowing him no 
other means to that End. Yet still he is left without hope of 
any Timous ' Recovery of the said Estate. Neither can he 
so much as receive a Letter from them ; but is made to know 
that their Intentions in appearance are to deprive your Peti- 
tioner of what he hath in his Hands in common Imployment 
with them, and so to forbear all satisfaction of Dues untill the 
Heir of the said Trelawny (being now about seven or eight 
years old) shall come to full age ; which will tend to the De- 
struction of your Petitioner and his whole Family, As also to 
the Prejudice of this growing common Wealth: Your Peti- 
tioner being desireous, if he could obtain his Rights, to 
employ his Estate to the furtherance of Publick good, from 
which he is now disenabled. Your Petitioner therefore 
humbly craveth your serious consideration of this his desper- 
ate Condition, and that in your Wisdom you would, either by 
your selves or a Committee by you appointed, take an Exami- 
nation of the accompts betwixt them ; and upon the Invent 
thereof that you would in your care provide that your Peti- 
tioner may have secured and sequestered unto himself, and for 
his singular use, what he hath of the said Trelawny in his 
Hands, or at least so much as you shall find due from him to 
the Petitioner. It being but a case of cofiion Equity that, 
Whereas you by Law having engaged your Petitioner to 
satisfy Debts and Bequeathments, you should likewise see to 
the Safeguard and procure the Duties that should make the 
same satisfaction. For which legal Favour your Blessedness 

shall be prayed for by your Petitioner. 

ROBERT JORDAN. 

Vera Copia of this Petition transcribed, taken out of the 
Original, examined and Recorded this 14th of August, 1658. 

Per EDW. RISHWORTH,* Re. Cor. 

1 Timely. law of the Rev. John Wheelwright, who 

3 Edward Rishworth was a son-in- arrived at Boston in the spring of 1636 



164S.] 



JORDAN'S PETITION. 



369 



September 14th, 164S. This petition is granted by this 
Assembly, and referred to a Committee of this House, viz' to 
Mr. George Cleave, Mr. William Royall," Mr. Richard Fox- 
well, Mr. Hene Watts ; to be satt on the Tenth Day of Oct. 
next at Richmans Island, to make report of the State of the 
Thing Petitioned for to this Court at the next Sessions, under 

the Hand of the Clerk of this Assembly. 

PEYTON COOKE.= 

died, probably, in 1691 or 1692, at 
an advanced age. Vide John Wheel- 
wright, Prince Society, 1S70, pp. 40,44. 
Bourne's Wells and Kennebunk, pp. 37, 
39, 47, et passim. Willis's History of 
Portland, pp. 142, 147, 159. Provincial 
Papers of New Hampshire, fol. I, 140, 
257- 

' William Royall, sometimes spelt 
Ryall, arrived here in the summer of 
1629, as we learn from a letter, dated 
at Gravesend on the 17th of April of 
that year, from the Governor and Dep- 
uty of the New England Company 
to John Endicott, informing him that 
"William Ryall" is sent over by them 
" in Halfes with Mr. Cradock, our Gov- 
ernor," his trade being that of a cooper 
and clapboard cleaver. His name first 
appears on record in an action against 
George Cleeve for debt in the court of 
1636, one claim being for "sixweekes 
dyett and other small reconings." 
When the court under Gorges was 
convened, in 1640, Royall was one of the 
" Grand Enquest." In 1644 he pur- 
chased a point of land in the river 
Westcustogo, since known as Royall's 
River, in the present town of Yarmouth, 
and here he passed his life. His 
descendants have well represented the 
sterling qualities of their ancestor. 
Vide Hazard's State Papers, I. 265. 
Early Records of Maine, State copy, I. 
2, 5, 83, 95, 98, ct passim. 

2 Peyton Cooke was here as early as 



and in the autumn of that year assumed 
the ministerial charge of a church at 
Mount Wollaston, from which, on a 
charge of heresy, he was driven by the 
church authorities, and with his follow- 
ers started the town of Exeter, in 1638. 
Here Edward Rishworth appears as one 
of his adherents, his name being found 
in a declaration, to the King made by 
the pioneer settlers of Exeter, in the 
Spring of 1639. When Wheelwright 
left Exeter, Rishworth followed him 
to Wells, whence he subsequently re- 
moved to Agamenticus (York). Rish- 
worth was a man of courtly manners, 
and possessed clerkly skill ; hence he 
received the appointment of Recorder 
and Associate from Massachusetts when 
she assumed authority in the Province, 
in 1652. He was either a politician, 
and knew how to trim his sails to catch 
the breeze which should waft him to 
office, or he possessed unusual ele- 
ments of popularity; for after holding 
office under the Massachusetts govern- 
ment for many years, he obtained the 
appointment of Justice under Archdale 
and the royal commissioners in 1664-65, 
and when the administration of Dan- 
forth came into power he received the 
appointment of Recorder, and was made 
one of the Standing Council. He has 
the credit of filling the various offices 
which he held with fidelity, as well as 
acceptably to the public. The York 
Records display his usefulness. He 



24 



370 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1648. 

Taken out of the Original, examined & recorded this 14th 

August, 5S. 

Per EDW. RISHWORTH, Re. Cor. 

A true Copy from York County Records of Deeds, &c. 

Lib. I. fol. 67. 

Atf DANIEL MOULTON, 1 Regr. 



ORDER OF THE LYGONIA ASSEMBLY. 

December iS"\ 164S. 

Whereas there was a Petition presented to the General 
Assembly of the Province of Lygonia holden in Casco Bay 
the 1 2th Day of September in the Year 1648, by Robert 
Jordan, Gent., against the Executors of Mr. Robert Trelawny, 
merchant, Deceased, for relief from the said Executors for a 
Debt due unto Mr. John Winter, deceased, to whose last Will 
the said Petitioner standeth Executor, — 

Upon the Petition the whole Assembly referred the Exami- 
nation of the State of the cause unto a Committee of the said 
Assembly ; namely, to George Cleeve, Gent., Deputy President, 
to Mr. William Royall, Mr. Henry Watts, and Mr. Richard 
Foxwell, and upon the said Committees Report in the General 
Assembly, this present 18th of December, 1648, — 

It is ordered that it shall be lawful for the said Petitioner, 

1634, in which year he entered into an Folsom's Saco and Biddeford, pp. 32 

agreement with Richard Williams, of etseq., 41, 61. 

Saco, to carry on the business of clap- ' Daniel Moulton was a native of 

board cleaving, and afterwards admin- York, and a useful and respected citi- 

istered on Williams's estate. He seems zen. He filled various official positions 

to have been living at Casco in 1640, at creditably to himself, and is especially 

which time he appears in the complaint entitled to notice for his long retention 

against John Winter for extortion. He' of the office of Register of Deeds for 

was a man of education, and appears York County; namely, from 1741 to 

here as clerk of the General Assembly 17S6, a period of forty-live years. This 

of Lvgonia, an office requiring a knowl- and other papers bearing his name were 

edge of legal affairs not common among doubtless procured by Peter Kenwood 

the rude settlers on the New England for the heirs of Robert Trelawny, to 

shores. Vide Early Records of Maine, enable them to establish their right to 

State copy, I. 5S, 60, 110, 119, 121-123. the property. 



164S.] ORDER OF THE LYGONIA ASSEMBLY. 371 

Robert Jordan, his Heirs, Executors, Administrators, & 
Assigns, to retain, occupy to his and their proper use and 
profit, to convert all the Goods, Lands, Cattle, and Chat- 
tels belonging to Robert Trelavvny, deceased, with in this 
Province, from this Day forward & fore'ver, against any Claim 
or Demand whatsoever by what party or Parties soever : 
unless the Executors of the said Robert Trelawny shall 
redeem and release them by the consent and allowance of 
the said Robert Jordan, his Heirs, Executors, Administrators, 
& Assigns. Which said order is Enacted for and towards the 
Parties satisfaction of a Debt due to the said Robert Jordan, 
and is in Lieu and valuation of £609 O. 10L Six Hundred 
and Nine Pounds iod.J- only. The remainder of this Debt 
being left by us recuperable by any Just course of Law 
according to Conveniency. 

Subscribed by 

GEO. CLEEVE, Deputy President. 
WILLA RYALL. 
HENERY WATTS. 
JON. COSSONS,' his mark +-) 
PETER HILL, his mark q} 
ROBERT BOOTH.? 
Vera Copia. 

Per me, PEYTON COOKE. 

1 John Cousins of Westcustogo, for pastor, and it would seem acceptably, 

whom the island called Cousins is for the Massachusetts Commissioners 

named. Vide antea, p. 239, note 2. ordered that he should " have liberty to 

s Robert Booth was one of Wheel- exercise his gift for the edification of the 
Wright's parishioners in Exeter, and people" of Saco, and in 1659 the inhab- 
when that remarkable man left the itants of the town voted that " Robert 
town which he had founded in the wild- Boothe shall teach the word on the 
emess, Booth followed him to Wells, Lord's day until we have a better in 
where he remained five years, and in his place." Subsequently a tax of ten 
164S settled permanently in Saco. He pounds was made by the town commis- 
was a man of varied talents and greatly sioners for his services. He died in 
esteemed by his contemporaries. He 1672. Vide Bourne's Wells and Ken- 
held several offices, in 1653 being made nebunk, p. 26. Folsom's Saco and 
Town Commissioner and Clerk of the Biddeford, pp. 97, ioo, 128 et passim. 
Writs, and in 1659 was the first repre- Early Records of Maine, State copy, I. 
sentative of Saco to the General Court 117, 312 ; III. 56. et passim. Provincial 
at Boston. He even officiated as a Papers of New Hampshire, I. 179. 
preacher in the absence of a regular 



372 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. ' [1648. 



INVENTORY OF PROPERTY AT RICHMOND ISLAND 
AND SPURWINK. 

A true Inventory of all the Goods, Cattle, and Chattels that now 
are on the Plantation at Richmond Island and Spurwinke in 
Joint Ownership between Mr. Robert Trelawny, Marchant, De- 
ceased, and Mr. John Winter, deceased, taken by Commission 
this 10th Day of October, Anno Domini 1648, and by us apprized 
according to our knowledge and conscience. 

Imprimis. The land is left in Suspence for want of appearance of any 
Right Mr. Trelawny hath in it, only the Court do Adjudge 
how long the Petitioners shall retain the Possession. 
To the Housing and several Buildings on the 

Island & at Spurwinke we value to be £ s d. 

worth 80 o o 

3 Boats in use, with their Moorings & Appur- 
tenances, 28 
Two Old Boats out of use, at 2 
Three Pieces of Ordinance with a small Num- 
ber of shot, their Spunges, Worm, and La- 
dles, at 5° 
Four musketts, three Halberts, five long Pikes, 
three Old fowling pieces, out of all order, 
& four Old Swords, 3 10 
One Murderer and two Chambers,' 1 10 
The Ministers bedding, the Communion Ves- 
sells, one Cushing, one Table Cloath, one -h 
pint Pott, 4 o 
One old Skiffe, one old Cornou,= 1 
The Stage with a quantity of Old Cask, 10 6 
One Old Adze with three old Axes, 5 
Six old Hows, one old drawing knife, 2 
Six Dozen of Hooks, @ 16s., 16 
Five Dozen of Lines at 7 
Three Pound of Twine at 46 
One Dozen & 4 Newfound Land Lines, I 
Six pound of Match, I 6 
Two Swip Saws,3 one Thwart Saw, one old 
Thwart Saw, 17 

1 Vide antea, p. 66, note 2. i Sweep or whip saws. 

* Canoe. 



164S.] inventory of property. 373 

£ s. d. 
One Old Drum, 5 

Four Beedle Rings, 1 five Iron Wedges, one 

old Firrs Hook,= 8 

Two Bill Hooks, seven Reap Hooks whole & 

Broken, 5 6 

Three Euells,3 2 Iron Barrs, one of them 

Broken, 10 

Two Grinding Stones, one Treuell,-' 5 6 

One old Pick Ax, one Tining Lanthorne, 

3 pieces of Lanthorn, 3 6 

Two Pitch Forks for Hay, at 1 6 

Two Shovels, one Spade, at 10 

One old Mill out of all use, at 1 

One old Borier,s at 1 

One Brewing Kettle, one old Kettle, one French 

Kettle, one Iron Kettle, & 2 Iron Potts, one 

Pitch Pott, 6 

More to be added : — 

Two Trifoots, 6 2 Iron Pot Hangers, one Pair 

Pot Hooks, 15 

One old Chamber Pott, 2 Tinn Platters, 1 Tin 

Bason, 1 Qt pot, 6 6 

One Water Bucket, & a Cowle, at 26 

One pair of Tongs, 5 Milk Pails, one Water 
Buckett, 2 Bowles, two Wooden Platters, 
one Chime, 7 & 12 Milk pans, all 146 

On the other side, 286 

Five Chests, 25 lb. of Lead Weights, one pair 
of Stillyards, one pair of Scales, three Coul- 
ters & 4 Shares out of use, 2 19 
Two Old Wheelbarrows, 16 White Hatts 

Moth Eaten, 1 old Flagg, " 6 

Some small Earthern Ware, & 40 lbs. of 

Hoops, 3 at '4 

Four Cows at 2 ° 

Twelve Calves, whereof one is since dead, 13 10 

Eighteen Goats, young & old, 4 IO 

1 Beetle rings. s Auger. 

■ Furze hooks. 6 Two Trevets. 

3 Forks. ^ One churn. 

4 One trowel. 8 Hops. 



374 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



[164s. 



About 20 Bushells of Meal at 

A small quantity of Musty Peas, 

One Quarter of an hundred of Bread at 

Four hundred of Beef, at 

21 Cheeses, at 

160 lb. of Butter, at 

One Seine and two old Netts, at 

Four hundred of 2d. Nails, at 

Seven Pick axes & four Frovves, 

Six old Baggs, at 

Twenty-two pounds of Soope, 1 at 

Twenty-four Piggs on the Island, Young 

old, at 
About 90 Hgds of Salt, 
Two Bushells of Malt, at 
About 30 lb. of Cannon Power, 3 at 
Ten Fishing Leads, at 
One Lock and Key, two Splitters, 5 Gutters, 



Goods at Spurwinke to be added : — 

Thirteen Cows at ,£64, Six Yearlings at ,£13, 
Five Oxen for the Yoak, £40, one Bull at 5s., 
Five Bullocks at ,£32, four Steers ,£20, 
Three Heiffers at £9, five Steers at ,£20, 



Sixteen Piggs of two years & vantage, 
Seven Piggs of one Year old, 
Three Boars, cutt this Spring, 
Two Sucking Piggs, at 



& 



4 


10 
ro 






5 


3 


4 


10 




1 


15 




4 






4 


10 
8 

iS 
6 

12 




C 

18 






65 


10 
10 




1 


10 
5 






9 


6 



.£153 



77 




40 


5 


52 




29 


- 


£198 


5 


28 




3 


10 


2 


10 




5 



£232 



To be further added : — 

One Kettle, at 

Two Tubbs, five Milk pans,' two Cheese 
Fatts, 3 one pot & Hangers, One hand 
Saw, one pick ax, 2 Old Boriers, Six Old 
Syths, 

One Hargubus, 4 One fouling piece, a quantity 
of Old Iron, One pair of Wheels, 



1 4 
3 



Soap. 

Cannon powder. 



3 Cheese vats. 
* One arquebuse. 



164S.] INVENTORY OF PROPERTY. 375 

Six Harrow Tines, two Plow Chains, One 
Dung Pott," six Yoaks, one Pott Hangers, 
One Old How, Two Wooden Platters, and £ s . d. 

One Old Lanthorne, 146 



£l 8 



To the General Total is ,£594 



£ s. d. 

f 201 1 

■S3 1 9 
232 10 
786 



£594 1 3 
The Tenth whereof is 59 8 i-i 

Which being deducted there resteth to Mr. Trelawny, 
and is at your disposal, 534 13 ij 

The Crop of Corn, Peas, Barley, & Wheat, which we Esti- 
mate at 53 

The Tenth whereof is .£5 6. So the Total is 582 7 

An Accompt added by Robert Jordan since this Inventory was taken, 
the tenth of October, 1648. Plantation is Cr. 

Due to the Plantation 133 Quintalls of Fish, sold to-| Errors 

Mr. Vail. Hill,- but not yet paid, £84 15 9, whereof I rectified 

the tenth is £S 9 6i. So their rests due to Mr. | in the last. 
Trelawny, J 72 10 5A 

3 of 2 Hogsheds of Train Oyle, 3 10 

Two Hogsheds & A of Mackrell, 6 

82 o Si 
An Acct. added by Robert Jordan is Dr. 

For his Charge half a Year, 20 

For his Ministry as by Composition half a Year, 10 

For his tenth part of a Trayne & Mackrell, 19 

For his Share of Mackarell & Trayne, at 5 

For his Share of Fish, 5 

For his wages to Roger Satturley, 3 

For his wages to Jeremiah Humphreys, 3 1 10 



Z40 14 

1 A small two -wheeled cart was so 3 Jeremiah Humphries, otherwise 
called. " Donge-pottes " for such carts Jerimie Umfrees, became a citizen of 
are mentioned by Halliwell. Saco, and appears in a jury of in- 

2 Valentine Hill of Boston. Vide an- quest in 165s, but we hear of him no 
tea, p. 351, note 2. more. 



376 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1648. 

To be added to the other Side : — 

Imprimis. 272 lb. of beat, spent since the Acct. in attending £ s. s. 

on the Fish before it was delivered, 3 93 

Sixteen Bushels of Meal at 1 

Three Goats at 1 
For I part of this Years Portage ,£20, whereof 

his loth is 20 
For extraordinaries in shiping of Men & Enter- 

taing the Merchant, 2 



The Total is 
The 10th is 
Resting from Mr. Trelawny, 
Mr. Trelawny is Creditor, ,£82 o 5J- 
Mr. Trelawny is Debitor, 

The Ballance is 



29 


1 1 


3 


40 


H 




£69 


15 


3 


6 


'9 


6} 


62 


1.? 


Si 1 



62 


IS 


82 


£*9 

582 


4 
7 


8M 



The Total is ,£601 11 9! 

By so much owing by Mr. Robert Jordan on former Acct. as doth 
appear, So the whole proper to Mr. Robert Trelawny) 3 13 4] 

according to valuation doth amount unto \ 605 5 ii 

Whereas there is an Error in the first Account taken since the Inven- 
tory being defective ^3 159 is here aded as due to Mr. Trelawny, 
£3 15 9- 

Prised by us, 

George Cleave, William Rvall, Hene Watts. 



This writing was Attested upon the Oaths of the abovesd George 
Cleeve & Hene Watts, July 16, 165S, before us. 

Saml. Symonds, Thomas Wiggin, 

Nicholas Shapleigh, Edw: Rishworth. 

A true Copy of the Accts above written taken out of the Origl ex- 
amined and Transcribed this 15 of August, 58. 

Per EDW: RISHWORTH, Re. Cor. 

A true Copy from York County Records of Deeds, &c, Lib. I. fol. 
69, 70. 

Attr. DANL. MOULTON, Regr. 



164&] REPORT OF THE COMMISSIONERS. 377 



REPORT OF THE COMMISSIONERS. 

The Report of us, Commissioners for the business of the Plan- 
tation at Richmonds Island, as it was taken by Order, the 
tenth Day of October, and is delivered to the General 
Assembly this 16th December, 1648. 

1. We find by an Instrument bearing Date the 26th of 
March, 1636, under Mr. Robert Trelawney's hand, that the 
full Government of the Plantation was by him wholly com- 
mitted to Mr. John Winter. 

2. We find that Mr. John Winter then had one tenth part 
of the Pattent Mr. Trelawney then had or thereafter should 
haue, & that Mr. John Winter then had the tenth part of all 
things on ye Plantation, and ought to have the tenth part of 
all the Profits that should thence arise. 

3. We find that Mr. John Winter had then paid his part for 
what had been disbursted, & was to pay from Time to Time his 
tenth part of what should be disbursted. 

4. We find that Mr. John Winter was to have out of the 
General Forty Pounds per annum in Money, & a share for his 
personal care and charge. 

5. We find that the whole disposing of all Things was com- 
mitted to Mr. John Winter, which Mr. Robert Trelawny 
promiseth to Approve of. 

6. We find that Mr. Robert Trelawny acknowledgeth to 
have remaining in his Hands one hundred & twenty Pounds 
of Mr. John Winters towards the payment of his ^ Part of 
his disbursements on the ship Agnis, and one other Ship to be 
sent on Michaelmast following. 

7. We find that Mr. Robert Trelawny promiseth to manage 
the business in England for the advantage of Mr. John Winter 
as for his own advantage in all Things. 

8. We find by an Account under the Hand of Mr. Robert 
Trelawny, bearing Date the 17th of March, 1639, That Mr. 



378 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1648. 

John Winter left in Mr. Robert Trelawny his Hand 120 
pounds as above said: the profit of which said Sum from the 
26th Day of March to that Time, being three Years, did arise 
to the sum one hundred twenty & five Pounds 17s. 9d. So the 
Total due to Mr. John Winter at that Time was ^245 17s. 9a 1 ., 
out of which sum Mr. Robert Trelawny doth deduct Sixty 
seven pounds seven shillings & eleven pence for such Sums 
he had in the said Interim disbursed for Mr. Winter his par- 
ticular Account, so Mr. Robert Trelawny doth acknowledge 
there was due then unto Mr. Winter for Ballance of Accounts 
for all things in Return .£178 9s. iod. 

9. We find by a Book of Accompts left Mr. John Winter 
under his Hand, from the Year 1636 to the last of June, 1639, 
due unto him for Wages and Shares for himselfe & servants 
^178 9s. 9d.-|, of which his tenth is £17 16s. lid. So his 
due is ;£i6o 12s. io^d. 

10. We find from the 24th of May, 36, to the 5th of June, 
39, Mr. Winter did disburse for the Plantations Servants £4 
9s. iod. His tenth part is Nine shillings ; so his due rest- 
ing is £4 os. iod. So the total due to Mr. John Winter in 
March, 1639, is £343 3s. 6|d., which said Sum, according to 
the Improvement formerly allowed by Mr. Robert Trelawny, 
doth & will amount from the 17th of March, 1639, to the 
17th of March, 1648, to above ye sum of ,£1393 12s. 

A Report of further proceeds to be aded to the former. 

1. We find by Letters under the Hand of Mr. Robert Tre- 
lawny that on the 20th of July, 1639, tne Bark Richmond 
about Thirty Tuns improved likewise in the years aforesaid 
was sent by Mr. John Winter for England loden with Six 
Thousand of Pipe Staves, which cost here £8 8s. per thou- 
sand, of which Staves Mr. John Winter's ^ Part is £6 14s. 
3M., & according to former Improvement doth amount unto 
above £26 17s. 

2. We find the ^ Part of the said Barke & the profit by 
her Employment doth appertain to Mr. John Winter, ever 



i6 4 S.] REPORT OF THE COMMISSIONERS. 379 

since her Arrival in England, September, 1639, having been 
ever since solely employed by Mr. Robert Trelawny, which 
Tenth We estimate for her Hull, Rigging, & Provision at ^"20 
and accordinge to Improvement allowed by Mr. Trelawny in 
former as above ,£So. 

3. We find by a Book of Accompts from 1640 to the 10th 
of June (41) due to Mr. John Winter £"117 12s. 2|d., whereof 
his jJj- is .£11 15s. 4d. ; so his Principal is ,£105 16s. iojd., 
and according to allowance, June 10th, 1648, ariseth to above 
^320. 

4. We find by a Book of Accompts from (41) to the last of 
May (42) due to Mr. John Winter the Sum of Ninety six 
pounds 14s. id., whereof his ^ Part is £9 13s. ; so his due is 
Eighty seven Pounds is. od., which May the last, 1648, doth 
arise to above £ 1 76. 

5. We find by the same Book due to Mr. John Winter for 
the Supply of the Ships Hercules ^"47 12s. gd., which accord- 
ing to former allowance in May, 1648, doth arise to above 
^142 1 6s. 

6. We find a certain quantity of Goods delivered by 
John Winter from the Plantation amounting to £65 10s. 2d., 
whereof his 10th is £6 13s., and according to allowance is 
£19 19s. 

7. We find by a Book of Accts to the last of May, 43, 
Mr. John Winter Dr. ,£31 6s. 2d., of which his -^ 5 is £1 2s. 8d. 
So is due to ye Plantation .£28 3s. 6d. towards the payment 
whereof we find disbursed by Mr. John Winter £$ 15s. iod., 
of which his 10th part is us. 7cl. ; so he hath paid £$ 4s. 4d. 
Also We find certain Goods delivered from the Plantation, 
of which Mr. Winter's 10th part is £2 3s. id. So having 
paid £7 7s. 5d. he is still Dr. for that Year £20 16s. id. 

8. We find by a Book of Accts to the last of May, 1644, 
Mr. Winter Cr. the Sum of £230 19s. 6d. Also for Dis- 
bursements on the Servants £2 19s. 3d. ; so the whole is 
£233 1 8s. gd. 

9. We find Mr. Winter Dr. the same Year £76 17s., of 



380 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [164S. 

which his -fa part is £"j 13s. 8d. ; so is due to the Plantation 
£69 3s. 

10 We find that Mr. John Winter is Dr. for the Year 
44-45 the Sum of £488 16s. yd., for which his 10th is 
£48 17s. 8d. ; so there resteth £439 18s. 1 id. 

11. We find Mr. John Winter is Cr. in the same Book 
£409 us. 8d., of which his 10th is .£40 19s. i£d. So there is 
due to Mr. Jno. Winter £360 12s. 6Jd. 

Mr. Winter Dr. 20 16 1 Mr. Winter Cr. 

69 3 .£283 iS 9 

79 6 4j - 
£169 5 5£ 

So on the Ballance of those Yeares there is due to Mr. John 
Winter the Sum of sixty four pounds 13s. 3d.|, which accord- 
ing to former allowance from the last of May, 1644, to the last 
of May, 1648, did arise to above £150 17s. 8d. 

12. We find by a Letter from Mr. John Trelany, one of the 
Executors, that Mr. Robert Trelawny gave in Legacy to Mr. 
John Winter the Sum of £"12. so the Total since 1639 is 

£928 9 § 

1393 12 
2322 1 8 



A Report of what we find by Letters that Mr. Robert Tre- 
lawny hath disbursed for Mr. John Winter on his own 
particular Acct. 

1. We find by an Invoise Mr. Trelawny disbursed £2$ 5s. 
in the Year 1642, & is according to allowance £72 5s. 

2. We find by Letters ,£3 paid to Mary Hooper by his 
order, 1643, & is £8, viz' Eight Pounds. 

3. We find .£15 paid by Letters to Mary Hooper 44, & 

is £35- 

4. We find by Invoise sent by Mr. Trelawny his Executor 
in the Year 44, £16 os. 6d. Portugal money worse by .617 



1648.] REPORT OF THE COMMISSIONERS. 38 1 

in the hundred than our English, & according to allowance 
may be about ^"34. 

5. A Bill of Exchange paid for Mr. John Holland ^10, & is 
by allowance about twenty pounds. 

According to this Report Mr. John Winter 

is Cr. £2322 1 8 

Mr. Winter is Dr. 168 5 



For the remains is ,62153 16 




A Report of what we find Mr. Trelawny hath had sent vnto 
him by Mr. John Winter since the Year of 39. 

1. We find Mr. John Winter hath sent unto him in several 
Ships in Fish, marchant a , & Refuse, 3056J- Quentales. 

2dly. We find of Core Fish 38^ Quentales. 

3dly. We find of Trayne Oyl 1 1 Hogsheds. 

4thly. We find of Fish Pease 28J- Hogsheds. 

Which Fish, Pease, & Train according to price here cannot 
amount to less than ,£2292. 

Also we find that he hath had Mr. Winter's 10th of the 
Barke Richmond since her departure in the Year 1639. Also 
he hath received the whole voyage made by the Hercules in the 
Year 1641. Also he hath received the whole Voyage made by 
the Ship Margery in the Year 1642. Also he hath received 
the whole Voyage made by the ship Hercules the Year 43. 
Also he hath had the whole Imployment of the Ship Rich- 
mond & received to himself all her several Voyages, in all 
which Mr. John Winter ought to have his part according to 
his Interest, but hath not received, besides other adven- 
tures which his Stock of money in Mr. Trelawny his Hand 
would & haply did carry on to profit, at least wise Mr. Tre- 
lawny did engage to turn all to advantage as for himself. 

Also We find that there is due to Mr. John Winter the y^ 
part of the Ship Richmond, which in the former Acct. is 



382 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [164s. 

hot valued, because not belonging to the Petitioner, only her 
Employment from the Year 1641 to 1645 belongeth to the 
Petitioner, and is to be added to the above Accompt as in 
Discretion it may be valued. 

We also find by Letters that Mr. John Winter desired a 
pass of Accompts, but it doth not appeare that any hath been 
sent, only a Promise from Mr. John Trelawny that they shall 
be sent when the Peace of England is settled. 



£ 


s. 


d. 


241 


18 


IO 


217 


14 


II 


S 3 2 


IS 


a 


192 


4 


5 


6 


3 


°h 


3° 








1278 


17 


8 


24 


18 




224 







The Accompt of Robert Jordan, since his Attorney ship Deputed 
by John Winter, May 20th, 1645. 

The Plantation Cr. from 45 to the 1st of June, 46, 

whereof the ^ is ,£24 3s. 1 id. : so there resteth 

The Plantation Cr. from 45 to the first of October, 48, 

,£924 3s. 8d., one -^ whereof is ,£92 Ss. 4^d. ; so there 

rests 
The Plantation Cr. for Goods sent on particular Accounts, 
The Plantation Cr. for Goods in General ,£60 3s., whereof 

to is £ 6 38- °£d., 
The Plantation Cr. for paid by Bill of Exchange, 

Per Contra, Dr. 

From 45 to the first of June, 46, ,£248 iSs. 8d., J w is 
So there is resting, 

46 to the 10th of October, 48, Plantation Dr. £1 152 9s. 3d., 

of which the j'j is ^115 4s. n^d. ; so there rests 1037 1 3f 

In the Year 45, I sent to Bilbow on the Plantations Ac- 
count 140 Quentals of Marchantable Fish, my j 1 ^ being 

14 Quentals, 14 

The Total is 1275 4 3^ 

So it appears I remain Dr. to the Plantation, 3 13 4J 

which you will find Aded to the Inventory. 

This writing was Attested upon the Oaths of George Cleave ' 
& Henry Watts, the 16th Day of July, 1658, before us. 

GEORGE CLEEVE, f 
WILLIAM RYALL, > Committee. 
HENE: WATTS, ) 

' Whatever may be said of Cleeve, magnanimity in his action in this matter, 
it must be admitted that he showed In 164S, when this settlement was made, 



i6 S S.J 



REPORT OF THE COMMISSIONERS. 



383 



A true Copy of the Report of the Commissioners concerning 
the whole business of Richmonds Island, Examined & Tran- 
scribed out of the Original this 15th of August. 



SAMUELL SYMONDS.i 
THO: WIGGIN.= 
NICHO: SHAPLEIGH. 
EDW: RISHWORTH. 
Per EDW: RISHWORTH, Re. Cor. 



A true Copy from York County Records of Deeds, &c, 
Lib. I. fol. 71, 72. 

Attr. DANL. MOULTON, Regr. 



Cleeve's influence must have been con- 
siderable ; yet he acted in favor of Jor- 
dan, who had always been inimical to 
him and after his loss of influence pur- 
sued him pitilessly, and that, too, in his 
old age. Jordan exhibits here great 
shrewdness in getting the legal authori- 
ties of Massachusetts to confirm the 
award made under the rule of Rigby. 
In fact, he everywhere and at all times 
shows himself to have been awake to 
his own interests. 

1 Samuel Symonds was the scion of 
an ancient family in Yeldham, in the 
county of Essex, where he was Cursi- 
tor in the Chancery. He came to New 
England in 1637, and settled at Ipswich. 
The next year after his arrival he was 
made a Representative to the General 
Court of Massachusetts, an office which 
was several times subsequently be- 
stowed upon him. In 1643 ne was 
chosen an Assistant, an office which he 
held for the long period of thirty years, 
leaving it only to be raised to the more 
important office of Deputy Governor, 
which he held until the autumn of 167S, 
when, during a session of the General 
Court in which he had so long and 
honorably served, he closed his eyes 
upon the scenes with which he had 
been so long familiar, at the age of 



eighty-three. Vide Felt's History of 
Ipswich, pp. 161 et sea. Mass. Hist 
Coll., 4th Series, VII. 118, 121-136; 
5th Series, I. III. Hutchinson Papers, 
Prince Society, 1865, II. 1, 236, et passim. 
Provincial Papers of N. H., I. 173, 178, 
217, et passim. Mass. Hist. Soc. Pro- 
ceedings, 1862-63, pp. 254-258. 

• Thomas Wiggin was one of the 
founders of Dover, and, assuming the 
genuineness of the famous Wheelwright 
deed, in which his name appears, was 
in the country in 1629. He witnessed 
delivery of the grant to Vines and Old- 
ham in June, 1630. He it was who 
notified Winthrop of the killing of Bag- 
nail at Richmond's Island in 1631. He 
is said to have represented the interests 
of "some of Shrewsbury" in erecting 
a plantation, and his efforts to this end 
brought him into collision with Walter 
Neal, who was also engaged in a similar 
enterprise lower down the river. Neal 
having forbidden Wiggin to occupy a 
point of land midway between Dover 
and Exeter, a war of words ensued, 
of which the wags of the day took 
advantage, and christened the place 
Bloody Point, a name by which it is still 
known. In 1632 Wiggin returned to 
England, but was sent back the next year 
by the Lords Say and Brooke. Win- 



384 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [165S. 

" July 16th, Anno Dom. 1658. Attested before us, Commis- 
sioners of the General Court of the Massachusetts Government 
in New England, since the change of the Government, by 
George Cleeve aforesaid, then Deputy President, and Henry 
Watts ; being taken upon their severall Oaths the Day and 
Year last aboue written. 

THOS: WIGGEN. 
SAMUEL SYMONDS. 
EDW: RISHWORTH. 
NICH : SHAPLEIGH. 

Vera Copia, taken out of the Original and Examined this 
20th day of August, 1658. 

Per EDW: RISHWORTH, R:. Cor. 



The Judgment of the General Court of the Mathetusatts, by 
theyr Commissioners. 

July 16, Anno Domini 1658. We whose names are under- 
written — ■ Commissioners of the General Court of the Massa- 
chusetts Bay in New England for the settlement of Civil 
Government in the East Parts of the utmost extent of their 
Line, — (which work being accomplished) there was a writing 
presented to us by Mr. Robert Jordan, which affixd to this Act 
of ours as an Act of the late General Assembly of the late 
Styld Province of Lygonia, bearing Date December 18, 1648, 
to the intent we should declare the validity thereof, our An- 
swer is that the change of the Government hath made no 
change in any mans former Right, whether in respect of 

throp says, as " Governour of Pas- nal, I. 75, 137, et passim. Provincial 

cataquack" he was a prominent actor Papers of N. H., I. 56, 60, 178, iS8, et 

in the affairs of his times, representing passim. Folsom's Saco and Biddeford, 

Hampton at the General Court in 1645, pp. 30, S6.320. Hazard's State Papers, 

and being in 1650 one of the Court of I. 271. Early Records of Maine, State 

Assistants, which office he held for a copy, I. 234, 238, 240, 350, ct passim. 

period of fourteen years. He died in Mass. Hist. Coll., 4th Series, VII. 3S0; 

1667. Vide John Wheelwright, Prince 5th Series, 1. 329. Savage's Gen. Diet., 

Society, 1876, p. 127. Winthrop's Jour- IV. 540. 



I675-J THOMAS WESCOTT TO JOHN TRELAWNY. 385 

Lands, Chattels, Goods, or any other Estate whatsoever : and 
this said writing, Attested before us to be the act of the said 
Assembly, we do adjudge to be legal. 

SAMLL. SYMONDS. 
THO: WIGGIN. 
NICH: SHAPLEIGH. 
EDW: RISHWORTH. 

Vera Copia, taken out of the Original and Examined this 
2[o]th, 58. 

Per EDW. RISHWORTH, Re. Cor. 

A true Copy, from York County Records of Deeds, &c, 

Lib. I. fol. 73. 

Attr. DANL. MOULTON, Regr. 



THOMAS WESCOTT' TO JOHN TRELAWNY. 2 

Plymoth, 19 th ffebruary, 167}. 

Mr. Trelawny: — 

Sir, Mr. Sammoyse has accquinted me your demands are 
two hundred genneys ; it is much more then I haue iudge it 
worthy or indeed intended to giue, craue pardon for the trou- 
ble exposed you to, intending to ad no more but in this to 
conclud : therefore offer two hundred genneys, or two hun- 

1 Who Thomas Wescott was we are have obtained, by proper legal methods, 
unable to relate, but he was evidently possession of the Trelawny estate in 
one who had dealings with the colo- New England. The Indian war, which 
nists, since he had been in the country soon broke out, was without doubt the 
and knew Robert Jordan, who, he says, reason why Wescott did not carry out 
was at this time indebted to him. The his contract. Samois, for so Savage 
Indian war had not broken out at the spells the name, among the various 
date of this letter, and Wescott knew methods of writing it, is perhaps John 
nothing of the threatening danger. Samois, who was an inhabitant of Hun- 
Robert Jordan was living on the banks tington, L. I. It is reasonable to sup- 
of the Spurwink, feeling secure in his pose that the man here mentioned was 
possessions after the lapse of so many from New England, and, with a knowl- 
years, never dreaming how near he was edge of the legal aspect of the subject, 
to losing them; for there can be lit- was acting in concert with Wescott. 
tie doubt that John Trelawny, or his - John Trelawny, second son of Rob- 
legal representatives, could at this time ert Trelawny. 

25 



$S6 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1675. 

dred & tenn pounds in siluer, the one halfe at first conveyance, 
the other at finishing of the writings & deliuery of all need- 
full things relateing to the premises, the one moyety in Lon- 
don, the other in Plymoth, you to macke ouer the full right of 
all lands by Patton, or other grants belonging to your prede- 
sessors in New England, & that the heirs or Executors of 
those propriotors Expressed one the pattons Joyne Isshue with 
you, in defaulte of which to giue your generall warrant, John 
Winter his heires & Executors Excepted, & to do any other 
resonable ackt or thing for recouery & sure macking ouer of 
the premises, as counsell learned in the law shall advise & 
dirickt ; & if at any time within three yeares shall yeald vp 
the full power recued, & writings relating to the premises, 
then vpon renownsing to be repaid the full sume, in the same 
spctia pd you, & that without interest. 

This being the major (hauing gon so far beyond whatever 
my intentions ware) if heareto you assent the minor will fol- 
low. I haue no desire in what I do but plainely thus : ist. if 
should be sicke & not able to goe ouer, it will be so vast a 
charge, & to no purpose to send any other ; 2ly. to en j age 
your vttmost assistance in advise, power, & writings, for re- 
couerey of the same ; 3ly. in Case of mortallitey : know my 
wifes insuffitienty to accomplish the same, therefore clayme 
liberty to renounce : which if euer should come to pas, would 
be to my great lose, after the vndergoing of (not) a little 
Trouble, — hearein-yov will be certine to meet with nether 
trouble nor lose, but rather gaine, by the improuement of what 
will be in your hand. I know not how things may stand be- 
twne Mr. Gennings ■ &you. If any need of his hand, pray lett 
the same be oblayned, & the whole affare mannegd with much 
candedns, that, howeuer prouidence may dispose of it & vs 
therein, we may with peace submite to devine plesure. If 
hearein you have satisfaccon by returns of this post, signifie 

1 It will be remembered that Robert or cousin of John Trelawny. This in- 

Trelawny was the son-in-law of Abra- dicates that Wescott thought that possi- 

ham Jennings; hence, the Jennings here bly Jennings might have some interest 

referred to was probably either an uncle in the property. 



IG7S-] THOMAS WESCOTT TO JOHN TRELAWNY. 387 

the same, & Care shall be tacken about your mony & orders 
giuen to speed the writings, which suppose must be accom- 
pleshed aboue ; otherwise plese to returne this, my letter, 
which shall put a stop to any farther trouble from 

Your ffrendly seruant, 

THO: WESCOTT. 

For Mr. John Tralawney, 
Marchant, 

These 
In London. 




THOMAS WESCOTT TO JOHN TRELAWNY. 

Plymoth, March 13"', 167 J. 

Mr. John Trelawny : — 

Sir, youre letter dated 6th instant did receue, intimateing 
the articls sent to Mr. Sammoijse, which accordingly Sent for & 
thereto would haue returned answere last post, had not some 
distemper rendered me incapable of doing the same. Some 
things therein find so obscure that cannot rightly iudge thereof, 
and therefore haue Transcribed yours, not only expressing my 
plaine intent and meaning therein, but vseing all Deligence 
lickwise to comprehend yours. In the first article there is 
your absolute grant to me, with its warranty without except- 
iance, according to which the deed or Conueyance must be 
mad : because the same must be produce both in Courte & to 
Jordan, which would giue him not only great aduantage agaist 
me, but also against yourselfe, if euer I should renounce ; 
therefore, haue prouided for it by way of defetience as in the 
3th acticle doth appeare. As to the payment which is in 
the second article, relating both to the nature & tyme you 
haue, in defaulte of gould, siluer, and for the tyme at two con- 
uenient seasons, viz. conueyance & fenishing, you mention 
the one halfe at sealing of the articls, which may not be so 
conuenient for me, in case of your mortallity (which God for- 



388 THE TRELAWNY TAPERS. [1675. 

bid) betwne it & conueyance I haue prouided, and am redij 
that if ye writing ware made you should not faile of receuing 
all the same ; as to the fourth articls, twill only Serue to fill 
a Charge against Jordan ; and for the fifte, may be of absolute 
use to you ; in the 6th articl haue left a blancke for what 
house you plese to express in Plymoth, if that fatall tyme 
should be to renounce; and lastly, shall giue bond one equall 
terms, therefore no need upon renownsing to giue the same 
spettialij ; because you express nether the sume, nor the may 
plese you, I have with as much candednes as I can indeuvre 
to express in these articls the plaine intent and meaning of 
our so far treated one affare, and altho the opportunity lost of 
going ouer, as formerly advised & deserted by other's that 
herein promised to stand by me, yet hauing passed my word 
& writing to you, shall with much singelnes performe the 
same. I hope you will see no cause at all to alter the articls, 
which if you approue of returne with the bond, & before such 
as you shall appoynt I will sine & Seale them, desiring you 
to do the licke by myne, giueing your best advise and vttmost 
assistance to despach the affare. I had almost forgotten to 
render a reson for obtayning liberty to dispose of the prem- 
ises, as is expresed in the latter parte of the first article, the 
patten has such one exceptiance in itt, & therefore needfull to 
be don, which at plesure may be had from Gorgg, or Counsel- 
lor Lutterell,' which suppose will suffice. Some from London 
haue aduise me that Georgg on very resonable term will sell 
the grand patton, but hauing past my promise alredi, shall 
not touch or medell with the same. Shall not giue farther 
trouble, saue due respects from 

Your frend & seruant, 

THO. WESCOTT. 

1 This is Ferdinando, the grandson Monmouth. Usher acted as the agent of 

of Sir Ferdinando, and Luttrell is his Massachusetts, and conveyed it to that 

cousin. He sold the " grand patton " commonwealth for the price paid by 

here alluded to, May 6, 1677, to John him for it, viz. twelve hundred and fifty 

Usher, greatly to the chagrin of Charles pounds. By this sale the long contin- 

the Second, who was intending its pur- ued controversy between the family of 

chase for his natural son, the Duke of Gorges and Massachusetts was ended. 



1675] ABSTRACT OF TITLE. 389 

The last article is howly omtd in myne, being comprehend 
in the former. Preij aduise wheare I may direct mij frend to 
waite one you in London. 

Since fenishing of the aboue Mr. Sammoijs : has bene with 
me to know what resolution I come to ; so haue shewed him 
the articls which intend to send, who recons it needfull the 
mony to be paide fully at Conueyance, and not to macke two 
Troubels thereof, which am content to accomodate you in ; he 
seems not to licke the 4th article, recking you may obtaine 
debts from Jordan. I know not what may be betune you, but 
sure I am since I was there he has owed me mony but cannot 
yet obtaine the same. I should be glad it ware fully fenished, 
for about nine or ten days gose away from hence a uessell 
bound to New England by whome must send possitiue order 
to call of ,£96 which Mr. Laphorne, Mr. Vinsen, & my selfe 
haue there in Cashe, which I would reserue for my there 
occations, paying them heare if we had fenished. Shall runn 
my selfe out of much money & sertenly Create much Trouble, 
not knowing whether any aduantage may come thereof. I 
act for no percon hearin neather haue any partner and alto- 
gather in the darcke touching it. If you come not downe sud- 
denly, shall desire to fenish the conueyance and papers, with 
what aduise you Judge needfull as sowne as possible may be. 

For Mr. John Trelawny, 
Marchant, 
These, 
In London. 



ABSTRACT OF TITLE. 

[1674?] 

i8' h Jan y . 3' 1 Nov'. — 1st. The Letters Patent from the King 
to the President & Council of New England, of the Land in 
New England. 



390 THE TRELAWNY TAPERS. [1675. 

" 1631, I st Nov'. — State the Grant to Capt. Thos. Camack. 

163 1, I st Dec'. — State the Grant from the President & 
Council of New England to Robert Trelawney and Moses 
Goodyear fully & with all the Recitals. 

An exact Copy also to be made to be annexed to Ler. of 
Atty. & attested with Seal of the Corp", of Plym°. — Tre- 
lawney and Goodyears Letter of Attorney to Winter & 
Pomeroy to take Livery and Seizin, and the Certificate en- 
dorsed thereon of its bein^; given to Winter, 21st July, 1G32. 

1631, i8 ,h Jan y . — Its presumed that Goodyears Name was 
made use of only In Trust for Mr. Trelawny, as it appears by 
the whole Correspondence & Transactions relative to this 
Matter that Mr. Trelawny was the only Person concerned 
therein. 

1636, 11 th Aug 1 . — An Order from Mr. Ferdinando Gorges 
to his Nephew Captn. Wm. Gorges, Govr. of New Somer- 
set, to enlarge Mr. Trelawny's Posscons towards the River 
of Casco some 2,000 Acres more, & to cause a Plot thereof 
to be made & annexed to his Return of his Proceeding, in 
order to a further Grant being made thereof to the said Mr. 
Trelawny. 

1637, 26 March. — Said Moses Goodyear died, & there- 
upon the whole Benefit of the Grant by Survivorship came to 
& was solely uested in the said Robt. Trelawny & his Heirs. 

1637, 30 June. — Richd. Vines of Saco, in the Name of said 
Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Knt, Govr. of the Province of New 
Somersetshire. 

1638, 12 th July. — A Certificate by Richd. Gibsonn, Richd. 
Foxwill, Henry Watts, & John Mills, that on this Day John 
Winter did, in the Name & by Order of said Robert Trelawny, 
enter into and take posscon of One Neck of Land on the 
Northwest side of the said River of Casco of the said Black 
point, Part where of was in the Occupation of John Mills, & 
which he then possed as part of the said 2,000 Acres, so as it 
did not entrench upon any former or lawfull Grant. 



1692.] JOHN COOKE TO SIR JONATHAN TRELAWNY. 39I 

JOHN COOKE TO SIR JONATHAN TRELAWNY.' 

Boston, 31 th 8 ber , 1692, New England. 

My Lord : — 

Here is a Tract of Land in this Country contayning Rich- 
mond Ilsland and Cape Elizabeth in the Late Prouince of 
Mayne, now Called the County of Yeorke ; which was fferdi- 
nando Gorges Country. Your Lordships ancestors had a pat- 
tent for the Same before him from the Councell of Plymouth ; 
and those that pretend to haue propriety in it now haue it 
only by possession from one Winter & Jourdan, which were 
your Lordships ancestors agents. This, my Lord, is the In- 
formation that I haue from some persons who haue Liued on 
sd Ilsland, and that your Lordship is the True & Rightfull 
proprietor of the Same. Although att present tis in the pos- 
session of the heathen, haueing Driuen the English from those 
parts Since the Reuolution here ; but when peace corns your 
Lordships Claime thereto will bee Requisite ; and what au- 
thenticq papers your Lordships Can gett to proue your Lord- 
ships title must appeare here per your agent, with full power 
to Demaund & Sue for the Same, and if your Lordship please 
to giue your Directions & orders aboute the Same, or to Dis- 
pose of itt as your Lordship shall thinke fitt, I shall vse my 
vtmost endeauour to serue your Lordship herein ; or In Case 
your Lordship will Sell itt, notwithstanding tis in the heathens 
possession, Doe Iudge Some persons will venture to giue 
Some monyes for itt. 

I am, My Lord, your Lordships most humble and obedient 

Seruant, 

JOHN COOKE.- 

To the Rt. Reuerend Father in 

God, Jonathan, by Deuine Prouidence 

Lord Bpp of Exon. 

' Cooke erroneously supposed Sir than to John Trelawny, the person 
Jonathan Trelawny, Bishop of Exeter, to whom it should have been ail- 
to be the owner of the property. The dressed, 
letter was forwarded by Sir Jona- - John Cooke was by occupation a 



392 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1692. 



JOHN TRELAWNY TO LORD 
My Lord : — 



Tis about 50 years since my Father dyed. His New Eng- 
land estate he gave to his youngest Son, an infant about 9 
years of age, & by the neglect of his Trustees, who tooke no 
care thereof ; twas in the fatall yeare of 48. One Jordan (my 
father's agent) pretended a great debt, & in the fatall yeare of 
48 got an order from the Council at Boston to haue the stock 
appraised & adjudged him towards his satisfaction, since which 
tyme he & his sons have possest it without tending any ac- 
count, until the Indis 2 about ten years tooke it from them ; for 
my younger Brother 3 dyed soone after he came of age ; my elder 
Brother 4 made severall attempts, but by reason of his infirmi- 
ties prevented him could not effect its recovery, prosecute it 
as was needfull ; & since it fell to me I haue been otherwise so 
imbroil'd that I could not attend it as it ought to be ; & in- 
deed since twas over run by the Natives I haue not thought 
it worth the trouble ; besides I fear many of the material 
writings are lost. But I shall endeuor to returne them, & then 
advissed what couse is most proper to recover my right, & I 
am highly obliged to your Lordship for your frank & gener- 
ous offer to promote. It shalbe my care to therefore requite]. 
Your Lordships great respects with my utmost services, & 
alwaies approve myself to [be your humble servt, 

JOHN TRELAWNY.] 

shipwright, and owned property in ' This appears to be the rough draft 

shipping. He is recorded as being a of a letter to an influential friend or 

vestryman of King's Chapel in 1699. kinsman, probably Sir Jonathan Trc- 

His autograph may be found in the lawny. 

Memorial History of Boston, Vol. II. " Indians. 

p. 201, and he is mentioned in Drake's 3 Robert, youngest son of Robert 

History of Boston, p. 471, and also in Trelawny. 

the Hutciiinson Collections, Book HI. •• Samuel, eldest son of Robert Tie- 

p. 401, Mass. Archives. lawny. 



I697-] JAHLEEL BRENTON TO JOHN TRELAWNV 393 



JAHLEEL BRENTON' TO JOHN TRELAWNY. 

Sir: — 

I received yours of the 30th of Aprill, & in answer to what 
I wrote you concerning your Land in New England, you say 
you think it more proper for me to make profer to you for it, 
then for you to make a Demand. I am no ways capable of 
making an offer for it, not knowing the Bounds or Quantitie 
of it, nor your title to it. I do therefore desire you in your 
next to send me a Coppy of your grant, or lett me know where 
I may see it, for I think no Man that is willing to sell refuses 
to shew his Deeds ; nor will or can any man offer any price 
before he has seen them ; and I assure you, I have no other 
end or intent then to be your Chapman ; but if we cannot 
bring the matter to a Bargain, if I can do you any Service in 
New England, you may be sure of it. 

I expect to be upon my Voyage for New England in three 
Weeks or a Months time at farthest, & therefore desire your 

1 Jahleel Brenton was the son of in London to defend their charter. On 
Governor William Brenton of Rhode his return from London, shortly after 
Island, who emigrated to this country the date of this letter, he brought a 
from Hammersmith, England, and was commission under the royal seal to ad- 
admitted to freemanship in Boston, minister the official oath to Governor 
May 14th, 1634. He subsequently re- Clark, who, being a Quaker, refused 
moved to Rhode Island, where he had to receive it, which caused Brenton to 
large landed possessions, and erected a counsel his impeachment. He was a 
mansion at Brenton Point, Newport, man active and bold in affairs, and not 
His son Jahleel was reared in affluence, easily put aside, as the aggressive 
his father's distinguished official posi- Phipps found in a personal encounter 
tion giving him rare opportunities for with him in Boston, which occasioned 
gaining a knowledge of public affairs, much talk at the time. He served the 
which he happily improved. He was Colony well and faithfully during liis 
made Collector and Surveyor General life, which came to a close on Novein- 
of Rhode Island by William and Mary, ber 8, 1732. He was buried at Bren- 
whose commission to him is still pre- ton Point. Vide Arnold's History of 
served, and was employed by the Col- Rhode Island, I. 530, 537 ; II. 4, 6, et 
ony in its defence against the claims of passim. Rhode Island Hist. Collec- 
the Countess of Hamilton, and subse- tions, III. 295. Records of Colony of 
quently, in May, 1699, was appointed Rhode Island, III. 329, 331, et passim ; 
sole agent of the Rhode Island Colony IV. 326. 



394 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1699. 

"answer as speedy as you can. If upon the Conclusion of a 

Peace with the ffrench, a Peace should be allso concluded with 

the Indians in New England, & the Lands which you claim 

should be Disposed off by the Government there, (which I 

am assured will be done, unless you do prevent it,) your title 

will thereby be so much undervalued & Incumbered, that you 

will hardly finde a Purchaser upon any tearmes whatsoever. 

I am, Sir, your most Humble servant, 

JAHLEEL BRENTON. 
London, June the 10th, 1697. 

ffor Mr. John Trelawny, 
at Ham, 
nigh Plymouth. 

[Indorsed :] 

London, 10 June, 1697. 

Jahleel Brenton, 
concerning my plantation in New Eng. 



SAMUEL ALLEN TO COLONEL TRELAWNY.' 

Province of N. Hampshire, in Newengland, 
the 14 day of January, 169JJ. 
COLLONEL TRELANY ! 

Sir, you haueing, I understand, a track of Land by pattant 
from your predisors, and thay from the Crown in the Province 
of Maine, whereunto a Joyning I haue about The Same quan- 
tity of yours by Richmonds Island, which by Reson being soe 
Remote from this Mathethus Baye the Gouerment Could not 
Defend it from the power of the Indians, soe that all the in- 
habitance about that place came into this province, Whereof 
I am proprietor, amongst whome came here fiue sons of one 
Jordan, who acquaints me their father Deceased wase seruant 

1 Cousin to John Trelawny, to whom this letter should have been addressed. 



1699.] SAMUEL ALLEN TO COLONEL TRELAWNY. 395 

or Stuard to your predisesors, and that hee was to haue Aj 
part of the whole for the managment and improuement 
thereof ; but they being by this late Ten yeares warr Ruined 
thay haue noe power in their hands to Return to settle their 
againe when peace is concluded with the Indians, which we 
expect euery day to heare the confirmation thereof. 

Then I intend to goe there to take order about settling 
some seruants to improue my Land there. If I can be any 
way Servisable unto you in the management of Yours on 
Sending mee your commands with yor Letter of Aturney, the 
copy of your Grants to know the extent of your bounds, I 
will doe for yours as my owne, and case it to be managed to 
your vtmost aduantage, Eyther by granting deeds to them 
and their heires for euer Reserueing a quitt Rent, which is 
my waye I take in this prouince, or putting in Seruants of my 
owne to manage it with a stock, allowing them J- the increase 
for their paynes, which is the coustoms of these partes. If 
any of those ways after tryall plese you not, but Rather will 
be more willing to dispoase thereof, I know all the most likely 
chapmen in these parts to make the vtmost thereof. You may 
be assured that on all occassions I shall giue you Testimony 
of the vallue I haue for your worth and meritt, although I 
neuer wase but once in your company In London. 
I am with all Respect, Sir, 

Your humble seruant, 

SAM. ALLEN. 1 

1 The writer of this letter was Colo- Earl of Bellomont. His right to the 
nel Samuel Allen, a successful mer- territory was opposed by those hold- 
chant of London, who purchased of ing under the famous Wheelwright 
the heirs of John Mason, April 27, title, and he was constantly in litigation 
1691, their title to the Province of until his death, which took place on 
New Hampshire. He was Governor the 5th of May, 1705. At this time the 
of the Province, and John Usher, controversy was upon the eve of a Set- 
his son-in-law, Lieutenant-Governor, tlement favorable to him, and the arti- 
for several years. He removed from cles were drawn up to be presented to 
London here in 169S, — the year that him when his death put an end to the 
this letter bears date, — but was super- business. 1 1 is son took up the fight, 
seded shortly after his arrival by the which he continued till his death, in 



396 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1699. 

I haue the honour to be known by his Grace the Duke of 
Leeds, and The honorable Sqr. Blathwait." 

Plese to direct your letters to mee under covert to John 
Vsher, Esqr.,- In Boston. 

[Indorsed :] 

Mr. Samuel Allen's, 
A tre 3 from New Eng., 16 January, 
169I, directed to Col. Trelawny, but 
concerng my Plantation theire. 



[Eight months having passed without a reply to the fore- 
going letter, a copy was mailed to Colonel Trelawny, with the 
following note :] 
gjR . 30 September, 1699 

The above is a Coppy of a letter by Captaine Smith, whoe 
I conclude by your Sylance never came to your hands. If you 
recue this, honor me with Line of your intentions about said 
Country. B[e sure] I can be serviceable. [Mr. John Usher,] 

1715, after which no further steps were then large sum of two thousand seven 
taken by his heirs. He is spoken of as hundred and fifty pounds (Adams says 
a benevolent man, a faithful and exem- seven hundred and fifty), it would hardly 
plary Christian, and an honorable mer- pay for him to litigate the Trelawny 
chant. Adams says that " he was in- claim. For an interesting account of 
duced, for the sake of gain, to enter into Samuel Allen, reference may be had 
land speculations, but his hopes were to Belknap's New Hampshire, I. 301- 
delusive. Like those who had pursued 32S; also vide Provincial Records of 
the same course before him, he found New Hampshire, II. 514-562 ; Adams's 
his labors attended with perplexity and Annals of Portsmouth, 94, 121. 
expense, without reaping any of the ex- ■ The Honorable William Blathwait, 
pected reward." This explains why Auditor-General of the Plantations in 
nothing came of his negotiations with London, to whom the accounts of rev- 
John Trelawny. He doubtless found enue and disposal of moneys raised in 
the troubles attendant upon gaining the Province of New Hampshire were 
possession of his large property in sent. 

New Hampshire were all he could at- = Lieutenant-Governor John Usher, 

tend to. Certainly he must have felt Vide postea, p. 401, note, 

that, if he could not enforce the excel- 3 Abbreviation for letter. 
lent title which he had purchased for the 



i 7 oo.] DAVID WATERHOUSE TO JOHN TRELAWNY. 397 

my Son in law, is the bearer heereof, will give you an Account 
of the affayres of the Country. I am, with all Respect, &c, 

Your humble servant, 

SAMUEL [ALLEN]. 



DAVID WATERHOUSE TO JOHN TRELAWNY. 

London, 9ber 21th, 1700. 
Mr. Trelawny : — 

I understand that you are concerned in Richmond Island, 
& some land on ye Eastward Part of ye Maine in New Eng- 
land, which is also claimed by severall others. But if you can 
make out a good title, & will send me an abstract of it, & sett 
me a reasonable price, I am ordered to treat with you about 
it. Your answer in this matter will oblige, Sir, 

Your humble servant, 

DAVID WATERHOUS.' 

Please to direct for me, Mercht. in London. 

1 David Waterhouse, says Savage, Trelawny claim, but having seen how 

"was of Boston in 1679, then of the difficult it was to get a verdict in the 

Artillery Company, and was a warm Provincial courts dispossessing actual 

patriot in the outbreak of 16S9 against settlers, no matter how perfect the Eng- 

Andros ; but after the restoration of lish title might be, he did not care to 

quiet, we hear no more of him. By this embark much money in the undertak- 

letter we see that he returned to Lon- ing. There is no doubt that public 

don, where he probably went into busi- sentiment was in favor of what has since 

ness, and was acting with William Par- been popularly denominated squatter 

tridge, the rival of John Usher, and who, sovereignty, and that titles derived 

proceeding to London in 1695, sue- primarily from the King, whose right 

ceeded in getting appointed to his place was the shadowy one of occupation by 

of Lieutenant-Governor of New Hamp- arms, were looked upon by the colonists 

shire, June 6, 1696, but did not succeed with disfavor. Vide Colonial Records 

in really displacing Usher till 1699. of Rhode Island, III. 256 et scq. 

Partridge belonged to Portsmouth, was Savage's Gen. Diet., IV. 431. Provin- 

an energetic man, and well acquainted cial Records of New Hampshire, II. 259, 

with land claims. He doubtless saw 261, 267, et passim. Belknap's History 

an opportunity to speculate in the of New Hampshire, pp. 297, 304. 



398 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1700. 

November 29, 1700. 
Sir: — 

In answer to yours of the 21 Corrt., I have a patent for 
Richmond Island and the adjacent shores, with a large tract 
of land upon the maine, which, while my Father & his agent 
Winter lived was well stockt, and peepled insomuch as one or 
more ships laden with fish were yearely sent from thence to 
Bilboa, and a good trade (particularly for furrs) driven with 
the natives. But after my Fathers Death, his Children being 
very young, and through the great disturbances here at home 
the Trustees divided ; that concerne was much (if not totally) 
neglected, which gave advantage to Parson Jordan (who had 
married Mr. Winter's daughter and was his Executor) by a 
false suggestion of a great debt oweing his Father-in-law, to 
prevailewith the Assembly at Boston to adjudge him the stock 
for satisfaction, & he and his sons for waut of prosecution have 
ever since kept me out of Possession of the plantation, but I 
know of no other that lays any claim thereto. And if your 
Freind (who I suppose knows the estate & its present circum- 
stances better than I do) will make me a valuable offer, I will 
assigne him the Patent, and all my right, title, and interest 
therein. I am, &c. 

Feb. 6. — Sir, I've been very lame, perticularly in my 
right hand, euer since I received your 2d lettre ; otherwise 
had sooner answered it. But if your freind thinkes to have 
so cheap a purchase twilbe in vain to discourse the matter 
farther. Several have been a hovering about it, but I remem- 
ber not the name of Partridge, 1 or that ever I gave any man 
the price you mention. A little longer disseizure will not 
prejudice my right, & it may be, one of my sons may heer- 
after recover the possession. 

[Indorsed:] 

Mr. Waterhous, with Mr. Trelawny's 
Answers to it. 

1 Vide antea, p. 397, note 1. 






i 7 oi.] JOHN TRELAWNY TO BRIGADIER TRELAWNY. 399 



JOHN TRELAWNY TO BRIGADIER TRELAWNY.' 

I 've now some use of my right hand, which has been long 
disabled by that inexorable Tyrant that has opprest me up- 
wards of 39 years, & lately assaulted the H: B: But I hope 
e'er this he 's quite expelled to : may you for ever be free from 
farther attacks. Sir, I do with all thankfulness acknowledge 
your favour in transmitting me the New England papers, & 
frank proffer of assistance in recovering my estate there, & 
indeed I doubt shall need the help of powerfull Freinds to 
achieve it, considering the long disseizance, the loss of many 
material papers, & above all the knavish combination of the 
inhabitants, who by Mr. Allen's relation keep him out of his 
unquestionable Right, notwithstanding several! positive orders 
of the King & Council to the contrary ; and 't is very reason- 
able to believe what he more than intimates, that I must ex- 
pect no better usage from those who invaded my property, 
& untill Mr. Allen getts possession, I think twill availe me 
little to apply to his Majesty for reliefe, especially in this criti- 
cal juncture of publick affairs, when it may be private & so 
remote concerns cannot be duly attended. However, if there 
be an opportunity, and you can by the friendship of S. Black- 
wait & others contribute towards Mr. Allen's settlement, 
please to be so kynd ; for tho it doth not immediately affect 
me, yet twil be a fair president for me to lay in & prosecute 
my claime, & that you may the better comprehend the busi- 
ness, I herewith return you Mr. Allen's papers, Will, &c. 

February 28, 170J-. 

To Brigadier Trelawney. 

[Indorsed :] 

28 ffeb. 1 700- 1. 
Copy of Mr. Trelawny's Letter. 

1 Cousin to John Trelawny 



400 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1702. 

JOHN USHER TO COLONEL TRELAWNY.' 

London, 18th June, 1702. 
Honored Sir: — 

Itt may Seeme Strainge, nott being acquainted with your 
Selfe, I Should attempt giueing you the trouble of these lines ; 
butt interest Emboldens me to Signify to you, there is a tractt 
of Land in ye province of Main, in New England, called Rich 
Mans Island, which for itts bizncss of ye greattest vallevv of 
any in those partts, nott onely for ye goodness of ye Soile, butt 
alsoe the accommodation for ye ffishery. Lastt Summer an 
order in ytt Govermtt ytt every person whoe made any claime 
in those partts Should lay ye Same before Comistioners 
apointed for receiuing & Examining the Same ; am Satisfied 
the rightt belongs to your family : the thing worth lookeing 
after formerly was in the possession of one Mr. Jordan, now in 
possession [of] one Mr. Elliott, 2 whoe hath bought Jordan outt. 
Though I am a Strainger to you, I haue formerly bin ac- 
quainted with Captt. Sanclod, to whome I giue my service in 
case you thinck worth while to lay claime to your right. Could 
I haue a veivv of your Grauntts, beleiue you may be putt into 

1 Vide antea, p. 393, note. of the Province, being an associate 

- Robert Eliot was, according to with Partridge and Usher in Governor 

Willis, a resident of Casco (Portland) Allen's, and subsequently in Governor 

in 1670, while Southgate tells us that Dudley's Council. On December S, 

he was that year a resident of Scarbor- 1695, ' le obtained from Robert Jordan, 

ough, and Savage compromises the mat- then living at Great Island, Ports- 

ter by making him of Casco in 1670, mouth, N. II., for the consideration 

and of Scarborough in 16S5. Southgate of £22,0 19s. a conveyance of all his 

is probably correct in making him a resi- land at Falmouth. He died in 1720, 

dent of Scarborough, where he held a and his son-in-law, Colonel George 

large estate derived from Jordan, and Vaughan, inherited his estates, to whom 

was a selectman of that town in 16S2, many titles of land in this vicinity are 

and Deputy to the General Court in now traced. Vide Willis's Portland, 

1685. He had come from Kittery to ed. 1S45, p. 139. Maine Hist. Coll., III. 

Scarborough to settle upon his lands 210. Savage's Gen. Diet., I. m. Pro- 

here in 1670, and the Indian troubles, vincial Papers of New Hampshire, I. 

caused him to remove his residence to 428, 4S9 ; II. 63, 293, 614, et passim. 

his old home in New Hampshire. York Registry of Deeds. 
Here he was prominent in the affairs 



1702.. 



JOHN USHER TO COLONEL TRELAWNY 



401 



away for recovery of your right by : if you pleas to write, may 

directt, to be leftt att Mr. Jno. Jues, Merchatt, in London. 

Honored Sir, your ffriend & Servatt, 

JNO. USHER.' 
For Honbl. Coll. Trelawney, 

Gouernor of the Cittidall, 

In Plimoth. 



* John Usher was a native of Bos- 
ton, and the head of a prominent 
book house established there. His 
business frequently called him to Lon- 
don, and there he became acquainted 
with Samuel Allen, a London mer- 
chant, and for his second wife married 
Allen's daughter. In 1677, while in 
London, he purchased of Ferdinando, 
the grandson of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 
the grand patent to the Province of 
Maine, taking the conveyance in his own 
name, for the paltry sum of twelve hun- 
dred and fifty pounds. He must have 
managed the affair with shrewdness, 
for the agents of the King had made 
overtures for the purchase of the patent 
for the Duke of Monmouth, the natural 
son of Charles the Second, and the King 
was greatly annoyed when he found his 
agents anticipated, but in vain tried to 
have the sale annulled. This transac- 
tion gave him a taste for land specula- 
tions, which he indulged on a grand 
scale and with considerable success. 
Being a man of attractive manners 
and interested in military affairs, he 
assumed a prominent position in the 
community, and, on the consolidation 
of the New England Provinces in 16S5, 
he was appointed one of President 
Dudley's Council, and, upon the acces- 
sion of Andros, became a favorite of 
that much hated official, and shared his 
confidence, holding under him the offices 
of Councillor and Treasurer. Upon 
the displacement of Andros, sharing in 



the odium which attached to his patron, 
he went to England with complaints ; 
and while there, doubtless, he induced 
his father-in a w to purchase of the 
Masons their title to the Province of 
New Hampshire, which he completed on 
April 27th, 1691, Samuel Allen being ap- 
pointed Governor in 1692. Usher was 
made Deputy Governor, but his former 
connection with Andros and his arbi- 
trary and injudicious course rendered 
him obnoxious to a large party, and in 
1696, William Partridge, of Portsmouth, 
a man of parts, a shipwright and me- 
chanic, was appointed in his stead ; but 
Usher declined to yield place to him, 
and Partridge did not gain undisputed 
possession of his seat until 1699. Usher 
was not a man who could long remain in 
the background, and in 1703 he again 
came to the front as Deputy Governor 
of the Province, which position he held 
urn' year, at the expiration of which 
time he gave up political life, and de- 
voted his attention to his extensive pri- 
vate interests. He died at Medford, 
where he had a magnificent estate, Sep- 
tember 5, 1726, seventy-eight years of 
age. Vide Belknap's History of New 
Hampshire, I. 2SS-315. Provincial 
Papers of New Hampshire, I. 591; 
II. 12, 63-70, 215, 406, et passim. 
Adams's Annals of Portsmouth, pp. 96, 
107,111, 112, et passim. Williamson's 
Maine, I. 451. Andros Tracts, Prince 
Society, I. 7, 84, et passim. 



26 



402 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



[171s 



THOMAS BANISTER 1 TO LORD TRELAWNY (LORD 
BISHOP OF WINCHESTER). 

New England, Boston, December 9 th ' 1712. 
My Lord : — 

Your Lordship will wonder at an Address of this Nature 
from an absolute stranger ; But it is designed for your Lord- 
ship Service ; and if you judg otherwise of it, I doubt not but 



1 Thomas Banister, the author of 
this letter, was the son of that Thomas 
Banister mentioned by Drake (History 
and Antiquities of Boston, pp. 504, 
51S, 529) as one of the tithingmen of 
that goodly city, and managers of the 
" Company for Propagating the Gospel 
in New England and the parts adja- 
cent " ; a wealthy and munificent man, 
whose gardens on Beacon Street, once 
the orchard of the noted Blackstone, 
are well known to antiquarians as 
" Banister's Gardens." Memorial His- 
tory of Boston, I.84; Il.xlviii., li. This 
Thomas was a graduate of Harvard 
College in the Class of 1700, and in- 
herited a considerable estate from his 
father. Before this letter came to light, 
the name of his wife was unknown, al- 
though it was known that she came 
from Banbury, Oxfordshire, England. 
At the time this letter was written Lau- 
rence Fiennes was the fifth Viscount 
Say and Sele, but was unmarried. His 
predecessor, Nathaniel, who died in 
1710, was also unmarried. William, 
the third Viscount, who died in 1685, 
left a widow, the daughter of John 
Walker, of Banbury, Oxfordshire ; and 
the wife of Thomas Banister was 
doubtless a younger sister of this lady. 
Shortly after the date of this letter 
Thomas Banister went to England, and 
it is reasonable to suppose that a part 



of his business there was to make some 
arrangement with the grandson of K< ib- 
ert Trelawny relative to his estates in 
New England. Be this as it may, noth- 
ing resulted from the negotiations, as the 
vessel upon which he took his return 
passage was wrecked, and he perished. 
Samuel Sewall, under date of December 
24, 1 716, writes : " I dine with the Gov r 
at Mr. liromfield's. When came from 
thence, heard of a ship from England 
Confirming the Death of Mr. David 
Jeffries, Mr. Banister, Redknap, and 
all his Company, saving Beard, the 2nd 
mate, who swam ashore." And, Jan- 
uary 1st following: "I visit Madame 
Banister to Condole with her ; find her 
Sister Dyer there, and Condole her, all 
under one." This refers to the subject 
of our sketch. John Chamberlain and 
Henry Newman, to whom Banister re- 
fers, were associates in the Society for 
Propagating the Gospel in Foreign 
Parts ; the former being its Secretary, 
in which office he was succeeded by the 
latter in 1720. Vide Burke's Genealo- 
gical and Heraldic Dictionaiy, p. 1030. 
Collins's Peerage of England, Vol. Vf. 
33. Massachusetts Historical Collec- 
tions, Fifth Series, VII. 114 et seq. 
Also cf. Oilman's and Winthrop's MS. 
notes on Harvard graduates, College 
archives. 



I 7 I2.] THOMAS BANISTER TO LORD TRELAWNY. 403 

your Goodness will pardon my Presumption, hower you may 
Esteem my offers and Intelligence. 

There is a tract of Land belonging to (I suppose to your 
Lordship) to the Family of Trelawny, lying in our Eastern 
Country upon Casco Bay, and altho' at present rendered of 
little Vallue by the Indian War, yet I doubt not but it will 
very much Advance upon the Peace we belieue at hand. 
This Interest was managed in the Daies of your Lordships 
Progenitors by an Agent (if I misteake not) one Jordan. Mr. 
Jordan owing Money to Eliot, 1 Eliot sues and Recovers Judg- 
ment against him, and accordingly Levies Execution on the 
aforesaid Tract, and enclosed a Spot in the Middle of it, ex- 
ceeding prejudicial to your Lordship's Interest. The Barbar- 
ity of the Salvages in a tedious and bloody War, Dispossessed 
and destroyed all the Towns thereabout, Driving them into 
the heart of the Neighboring Provinces ; and amongst the 
rest, Eliot, who had a fine fflourishing Plantation on your 
Lordships Land. The approaching peace puts People in mind 
of their Interest in that desolate Country, and its more than 
probable that Eliot is not unmindfull Should he repossess 
himself, notwithstanding the manifest injustice to your Lord- 
ship, it may be very difficult to dispossess him, on Accompt of 
a Law of Possession now in fforce in this Country. With 
submission, my Lord, I offer it to your Lordships considera- 
tion whether it be not for your Lordships Interest to empower 
an Agent or Attorney to take Possession immediately, and to 
Transact for you in the whole Affair. I should grow tedious 
should I enumerate the Advantages and disadvantages that 
will necessarily accrew upon your Lordships possessing the 
whole before Eliot, and Eliot possessing the part he pretends 
to before your Lordship. And now, Sir, I offer my Service to 
your Lordship as Agent or Attorney. I am at a loss, as a 
Stranger, how to gain Credit with your Lordship. The world 
is not fond of belieueing a Man that is forward to call himself 
honest. I am no Lawyer, consequently haue not put you upon 

1 Vide antea, p. 400, note 2. 



404 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1712. 

ft for the benefit of a rich ffee, but a Gentleman, my Educa- 
tion liberal and my Religion both in Principle and Practice 
conformable to the Church of England, and my circumstances 
far from necessitous or contemptible. Your Lordship may 
further inform your Self of me by John Chamberlain, Petty 
ffrance,' Westminster ; or Henr Newman, my Lord Almoners 
Secretary, who Liues in the Lodgings over Whitehall Gate ; 
or Mr. John Street, lately gone from this Country, of whom 
Doctor Smalbridge can inform your Lordship. Mr. George 
& Mr. Robert Woodroffe, of Pile in Surrey, may I belieue 
giue you my Character, tho' I am known to none of them 
but by Report, having married a Gentlewoman of their par- 
ticular Acquaintance, and Sister to my Lady Say & Sele, to 
whom I haue the Honour to be known. 

Once more, my Lord, I heartily Ask Pardon for the Trouble 
I giue your Lordship in this tedious Leter, and beg^that I may 
be numbered as One of your Lordships 

Most Obedient Sons and most humble Servant, 

THO. BANISTER. 

1 Petty France. Stow, after speak- Tuthill Street E. and James Street W. 

ing of the churchyard without liish- so called "because the French mer- 

opsgate, says: "Now without this chants who traded with the wool staplers 

churchyard wall is a causeye leading to lived in that place." The name was 

a quadrant called Petty France of changed by the inhabitants to York 

Frenchmen dwelling there." This was Street, in honor of Edward Augustus, 

added to Bishopsgate churchyard in Duke of York, who temporarily resided 

1615, and, singularly enough, the first there. Vide Stow's Survey of London, 

person buried there happened to be a ed. 1S42, p. 62. New View of London, 

Frenchman, Martin de la Tour by 170S, I 63. History of Westminster 

name. The Petty France here alluded Abbey, 1751, p. 92. Walcott's Memo- 

to must have been a street between rials of Westminster, p. 2S9. 



I7I5-] THOMAS BANISTER TO LIEUTENANT TRELAWNY. 405 



HENRY HOOKE TO LIEUTENANT TRELAWNY. 1 

c IR . Plymouth, the 10th February, 17J- j. 

I here with send you the Coppy of a letter which his Lord- 
ship reeeiued from New Ingland, and, belieuing yt the Estate 
there belongs to you, ordered me to send it to you, & I heartly 
wish it may answer the End. Robert Younge, to whome I 
showed the letter, told me yt he had bundled up severall of 
your father's papers relating to that matter ; that you may 
not mistake twas to my Lord Bishop of Winchester to whome 
Mr. Banister wrote, whoe hopes he has not pretention to it. 
I am, Sir, your humble servant, 

HEN : HOOKE. 2 

To Lieunt. Trelawny, 

of Liuent. Genii. Seymours, 

Regiment att Portsmo. 

via Hartford 

Bridge. 

THOMAS BANISTER TO LIEUTENANT TRELAWNY. 

London, August 2, 1715 
Sir : — 

Sometime Agoe I addrest a Letter to the Lord Bishop of 

Exeter,' which I Since understand is come to you, to whom 

1 Lieutenant John Trelawny, to whom land, and possibly he may have deter- 
this letter is addressed, was grandson mined to drop the matter himself. If 
of Robert Trelawny, and son of John so, it was a fatal determination. 
Trelawny, M. P., who died in 1706, and 2 Henry Hooke was evidently the 
to whom Wescott, Brenton, and Water- secretary of the Lord Bishop of Win- 
house wrote. Sickness, or possibly Chester. 

disgust bred of frequent failures in ne- 3 Sir Jonathan Trelawny. He was 

gociating his titles to the property in at this time Bishop of Winchester. He 

question, probably prevented John Tre- was Bishop of Bristol from 1685 to 

lawny from acting resolutely in the mat- 16S9 ; of Exeter, from 1689 to 1707 ; and 

ter. It will be remembered that in a of Winchester, from 1707 to his death 

previous letter he rather impatiently in 1721. He was one of the seven im- 

tells one of his correspondents that his prisoned bishops. Vide 1st Report of 

son may recover the New England the Royal Commission, p. 52. 



406 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [17^5. 

"indeed it should haue been directed, Captain Elford 1 inform- 
ing me that Richmond Island & other Lands, which were the 
Subject of that Letter are your Propriety. There Seems to 
be a Necessity that Something Should be done about it, if 
you would not intirely loose your Interest. The Story, as I 
have heard it, was attended with some barbarous Circum- 
stances to your disadvantage. I believe this the best Time 
to try your Title, which may doe for a Small Matter in New 
England, for I think less than ten pounds Sterling will carry 
it thro' all our Courts. If I can any way be serviceable, 
you may Command, 

Sir, your most humble Servant, 

THOS. BANISTER. 
A Letter for me in London will find me. 
[Indorsed :] 

Mr. Banester about my 
estate in New England. 
London, 2 Aug., 171 5. 



[Following Banister's letter of 1715 are the following docu- 
ments, which were evidently prepared as a basis upon which to 
found an action for recovery of the Trelawny property. They may 
have been prepared at the suggestion of Banister ; indeed, this 
seems quite probable.] 



EXTRACT FROM THE BOOK OF EASTERN CLAIMS. 

(Page 31.) 
1714—15. — Mr. Roger Dearing, junior," of Kittery, claims 
a Tract of Land lying upon Spurwinke River, known by the 

1 It will be seen by reference to Ap- George Deering, one of Winter's men. 

pendix No. I., that a sister of Robert Vide antra, p. 119, note 1. He was a 

Trelawny, Senior, married an Elford, man of some distinction, and resided at 

so that the person here named, we may Kittery until 1716, when he purchased 

reasonably infer, was a cousin of Lieu- of the heirs of Robert Jordan the N.one- 

tenant Trelawny. such farm, which was comprised in the 

= Roger Deering, Jr., grandson of second grant of 2,000 acres to Robert 



I7I5-I EXTRACT FROM THE BOOK OF EASTERN CLAIMS. 407 

Name of None Such, and derive their Right from Mr. Robert 
Jordan, whose Right proceeded from Mr. Robert Trelawney, 
as appears by an Instrument dated December 18, 1648. And 
by Said Instrument the Heirs of Robert Jordan lay Claim to 
Richmonds Island and the Lands adjacent, according to Mr. 
Tralayney's Pattent, as also producing two Evidences, proving 
Possession at Nonesuch for Twentynine Years. 

(Page 53.) 

January 12, 1713-14. — Elenor Clements, wife of William 
Clements, of Boston, claims a Tract of Land called Clem's 
Point, with all the Lands that lies at the South West End of 
Clem: Sweets Land & John Parrots ' Land, and so down to 
the Sea by Richard Popes Land, & from thence round by the 
Sea till it comes to Clem: Sweets 2 Land again. By virtue of 
an Imperfect Conveyance from Robert Jordan & Nathaniel 
Fryer, 3 Owners of Cape Elsabeth, to Edward Vitree & Heirs, 



Trelawny (see map), and upon this 
valuable estate he settled with his fam- 
ily, where he resided happily with them 
until June 26, 1723, when the savages, 
three of whom were well known to the 
family, unexpectedly attacked his house, 
ruthlessly killing his wife, and carrying 
his children into captivity. A portion 
of this farm was sold by Deering to 
Joseph Calef of Boston, who appears in 
a future letter. Roger Deering, Jr. 
left his farm after the murder of his 
wife, but subsequently returned to it, 
where he died in 1741. 

' John Parrott settled on the Tre- 
lawny lands in 1684, and pursued his 
occupation of a fisherman till his death. 
His name, however, became extinct in 
the vicinity, as he left no son to per- 
petuate it. 

• I have been unable to ascertain 
anything relative to Clement Sweet. 
The Rev. Henry G. Storer, a descend- 
ant of Robert Jordan, writes me : " Your 



note furnishes me with the first 
/tint I have ever had as to the origin 
and adoption of Clement' as a Chris- 
tian name, that has been steadily per- 
petuated in the Jordan family from 1720 
to the present day. And again, one of 
my own great-grandmothers, the wife of 
Dr. Levi Dearborn, was Sarah Sweat, 
Swett, or Sweet, of Hampton, N. II., 
for the name was quite indiscrimi- 
nately written in all those forms a 
century and a half ago, and her great- 
grandfather Captain Benjamin Sweat, 
of Hampton, was slain here in Black 
Point, at the very gate of Scottow's 
Fort, and half his company of soldiers, in 
King Philip's war ; and, if your 'Clem. 
Sweet ' or Swett was of his family, I 
should like to know it. But where, short 
of Siriusor the Pleiades, can one hope to 
reach his goal and rest, who has under- 
taken to look up the genealogy of a fam- 
ily, or even the history of an estate ? " 
3 Nathanel Fryer, who was living 



40S THE TRELAWNY PATERS. [1715. 

Dated 7 July, 1685. No purchase Consideration nor Num- 
ber of Acres exprest, not acknowledged nor recorded, the Said 
Vitree being a former Husband of Hers, & by his Will gave 
her the Said Land, as She Saith. 

Robt. Jor[dan], Admisr., &c. — The estate of Mr. Jon. 
Winter, & in Consideration of a Legsay of .£10 sterling Dew 
unto the Side John by the testiment of his Grandfather John 
Winter, together with Divers other Concernments, he geive, 
grant, Set over unto ye Side John Jordan, his heirs, &c, 
all my Right of the Island Commonley Calld Richmonds 
Island, Between the mouth of Spurwink River & Cape 
Elizabeth, also 300 acres on the maine, to hould to his 
owne proper vse for ever, provided allwaies, & notwithstand- 
ing this present Deed in cace the Side John or his heirs 
shall att any time hereafter be molested, outed, or any 
wais Disseized of the whole or any part of the Island, marsh, 
or upland above premised by any of the heyrs, &c. of the 
said Worshipful Robert Trelany, of Plymouth, merchant, De- 
ceased, then the Side Robert Jordan Doth by these pres- 

at Great Island, Portsmouth, whither Province under Edward Cranfield, in 

Robert Jordan fled upon the break- 16S3. At the close of his term of office 

ing out of Indian hostilities, and he probably settled on the Trelawny 

where he died. He was appointed lands. His son Nathaniel, Jr. re- 

by Jordan in his will as one of his mained in New Hampshire, and con- 

" overseeres, and to end all differ- tinned the work of his father. It is 

ences in any matters arising " under plain that such men as Eliot and Ca- 

it. He was an enterprising merchant, lef were not satisfied with the validity 

engaged in trade with the settlers along of their titles, and were anxious to 

the coast, and was father of James, have them perfected by purchase of the 

who, being at Black Point in one of heirs of Trelawny, while speculators, 

his vessels at the time of the Indian at- learning the particulars of Jordan's 

tack in 1676, was one of the first vie- title, were at the same time trying to 

tims of savage fury. He was one of purchase. Many of the writers of these 

the Commissioners with Shapleigh and letters, it is seen, were in some way 

Champernoun, who concluded articles connected. Vide Jordan Memorial, 

of peace with the Indians at Casco, pp. 77, 124. Willis's Portland, ed. 

April 12th, 167S. He filled many im- 1S65, pp. 211, 214, 254. Provincial 

portant offices, finally attaining the Papers of New Hampshire, I. 474, 47s ; 

position of Deputy Governor of the II. 34, 37, 63, ct passim. 



1715I EXTRACT FROM THE BOOK OF EASTERN CLAIMS. 409 

cnts in lew thereof geive, grant, appropriate, & Confirme one 
Moity or full l of all Such Sumes of Money as shall appeeur 
to be Dew to the above Sayd John Winter & Robert Jordan 
by assignment & Delegation, & Shall be recovered from them 
or any of them, upon the payment of which Sumes to be by 
them made ye Sayd Robert Jordan & his heirs by act & Con- 
clusion of all Shoud Obleidg to Deliver unto them or any of 
them the Intrest of nine parts of the Sid Island & not other- 

wais. 

By me, 

25th January. ROBERT JORDAN. 

Dew to Winter 2153: 16. The above is a Rfeport] of 
Commiss for Trespass, Richmond Island harbor, by order the 
1 oth of October, and Delivered the 16th December of 1648. 



[Following this is a copy of the Document to be found at page 63, 
entitled, — 

" A Remembrance how the pointes of land do lye on from 
the other of Mr. Robert Trelawnyes Patten at Richmon Hand 
& the Maine over against yt," — 

Ending with this indorsement : — 

"A Particular Relation of the bounds & distances & lying of my 
land assigned me by Pattent in New Ingland. Rd from J no. 
Winter, the 28th of July, 1635." 

And beneath this attestation : — 

"The aboue was wrote on the Original, & by Mr. Robt. Tre- 
lawny himselfe."] 



4IO THE TRELAYVNY PAPERS. [1719. 



UNKNOWN TO LORD 



Boston in New England, May 19, 1719. 

My Lord : — 

It will be a matter of Surprize unto your Lordship That 
One at so Remote a Distance in so Obscure a part of the 
world should presume to Address your Lordship about an 
affair with which I have no Other Business than to inform 
your Lordship of Some things which it is Possible your Lord- 
ship may not as yett have had many (if any) Thoughts about. 

I am informed That your Lordship is Descended from the 
Family of Sir John Trelawny, 2 a worthy Gentleman who 
formerly Settled a Fishery upon an Island Called Richmonds 
Island here in New England, and which has now for many 
years past been Left uninhabited because of the Indian warr. 
But a Peace being now Concluded with the Salvage, and a 
number of People going to Resettle & Inhabit the Eastern 
Parts of this Countrey, where the saide Island Is Scituate. 
If your Lordship, whose well known Great wisdom is abun- 
dantly sufficient to Direct you therein, Shall have any Inclina- 
tions to Resettle On the said Island, it may not be amiss for 
your Lordship to take this time to do it In. 

The Eastern parts, and- that [islan]d in Particular Is Es- 
teemed the most Commodious [pl]ace in all North America, 
Newfoundland and C[anada] being themselves not Excepted, 
to Carry [on as a plantation or for the fishing business], 
which T[hose who know say that they think it to] beas Pro- 
ductive, and indeed even more so] than the Mines of Gold 
in the Spanish West India. 

1 I have filled out several consider- mentioned, who married Lydia Martin, 

able spaces in this letter where words Unfortunately, I have not the original 

were obliterated, a clue being given to letter in my possession, and have been 

the meaning by letters still decipherable, obliged to rely upon a copy supposed 

It would be interesting to know who to be verbatim et literatim. The same 

the author was, but we can only conjee- may be said of several other letters in 

ture. The word Martin, standing as it this collection. 

does, would indicate that he was a de- - The writer had been misinformed, 

scendant of Robert Corbin, elsewhere and confounded John with Robert. 



173 s 3 SAMUEL WALDO TO CAPTAIN TREFUSE. 41 1 

I need not Inform your Lordship That the Cod fish Caught 
& Dried here is the Principal Branch of the Returns made 
from the Continent to Great Brittain by the way of Spain, 
Portugall, and the Streights, &c, for the Great Quantities 
of woollen and all kinds of Manufacture with which they are 
supplyed from Thence. And Our Scale fish and Machrel are 
of a Like Consequence unto Great Brittain, because the Plan- 
tations in the Sugar Islands, whose whole Dependence is On 
their Negro's, Are Supply'd with this fish, and Can't Subsist 
without them. 

Or If your Lordship has any Inclination to Sell your Interest 
here, I Suppose your Lordship may have in your Keeping the 
Writings which Relates unto the Ancient Settlement thereof, 
most Certainly the Island will be worth a Considerable Sume 
of Money when ever the Adjacent Places have again Peace- 
ably settled, of which there is now a very Likly prospect. 

Or However your Lordships may be Inclined, whether to 
Settle or to Sell, your Lordship will at this Juncture think 
It not unseasonable to Appoint Some agent or Overseer to 
make Your Claim unto said Island before Our Generall Court, 
which is now Necessary According to the Laws of this Coun- 
trey, and to take the Possession thereof in your Lordship's 
Name. 

My Lord, My Father's Grandmother was [servant ?] to the 
said Sir John Trelawny, and was [married] unto One [Rich- 
ard ?] Martin, who 
the Great P 
Descend 



SAMUEL WALDO TO CAPTAIN TREFUSE.' 

Sir : — 

Inclosed you have a Copy of the last Act of the Province 
of the Massachusetts Bay, which respects the Lands of Mrs. 

' Captain Trefuse, brother of Mrs. John Trelawny, to whom the letter of 
Margaret Trelawny, widow of Lieut. August 2, 1 715, was addressed. 



412 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



[I73S. 



Trelawny. I could have Sent the Act to which this refers, 
but that I conceived it would be of no Service to you. You'll 
doubtly think it necessary to take Some Speedy Resolution in 
this affair, in executing which if I can be Serviceable, Pray 
Comand, 

Sir, Your most Obedient & most Obliged Servant, 

S. WALDO.' 
New England Coffee House, behind the Exchange, 
3' 1 February, 1738. 

Capt. Trefusis. 

To 
Capt. Trefusis, 

In Prince's Court, Westminster. 



1 General Samuel Waldo. He was 
born in England in 1696, and brought 
up in affluence, his father, Jonathan 
Waldo, being one of the wealthiest of 
Boston's merchants. At this time 
Samuel Waldo was a large land-owner 
in Falmouth (Portland) and vicinity, 
and a proprietor of the famous Waldo 
Patent, which comprised the present 
counties of Knox and Waldo. He was 
a man of great executive ability, of 
polished address and popular manners, 
and his whole career was brilliant. He 
commanded one of the regiments which 
captured Louisburg from the French in 
1747, and was subsequently appointed 
by Massachusetts to lead an expedition 
against Crown Point. Besides his in- 
terest in public affairs, he was greatly 
interested in settling emigrants upon his 
lands, and, in furtherance of this object, 
visited Scotland in 1752, and the next 
year sent his distinguished son, Samuel 
Waldo, Jr., to Germany, to induce emi- 



grants to come over. In this he was 
successful, and many of the present in- 
habitants of Knox and Waldo Counties 
are descendants of those who came here 
under his patronage. lie is said to 
have crossed the Atlantic fifteen times. 
He was instrumental in bringing about 
the construction of Fort Pownal, the 
most magnificent and costly fortifica- 
tion in the Province of Maine, which 
was located on the line of the Waldo 
territory, near the mouth of the Penob- 
scot. While viewing the location, on 
the morning of May 23d, 1759, with 
Governor Pownal, whom he had ac- 
companied thither, he stepped upon the 
line of his patent, and, exclaiming to the 
Governor, " Here is my bound," fell 
dead upon the spot. The Governor, to 
commemorate the sad event, caused a 
lead plate, suitably inscribed, to be 
buried where he fell. His loss was 
considered a public calamity. 



1738.] SAMUEL WALDO TO CAPTAIN TREFUSE. 413 

[Copy of the Act accompanying Samuel Waldo's Letter.] 
Anno Regni Regis Georgis Primo, 

Chap. 9. 

An Act in Addition to an Act of Limitation for Quiting of 
Possession. 

Wheras the Limitation of time for Continuance of Posses- 
sion by the aforesaid Act did not extend, or was understood 
to extend unto any Houses or Lands lying to the Eastward of 
Piscataqua River, or in other the Frontiers referr'd to in said 
Act j but a further time -was enlarged & lengthened out for 
the Space of Five years next after the ending of the War with 
the Indians, during which Space all persons might pursue 
their right & Claim to any Houses & Lands lying in those 
parts : And forasmuch as since the Enacting the aforesaid 
Law, the Peace was made & Concluded with the said Indians 
in the Tenth Year of the Reign of his Late Majesty King 
William ; Notwithstanding which the aforesaid Indians broke 
out again into open War and Rebellion in the Second Year 
of His late Majesty's Reign, and continued the same untill 
the last Year ; By Reason of which rupture Percons could 
not without great Hazard and Difficulty pursue their right and 
Claim to Houses and Lands lying to the Eastward of Piscata- 
qua River, or in other the aforsaid Frontiers : And inasmuch 
as the Setling of the Eastern parts and Frontiers will be of 
great benefit to this Province : The Accomplishment whereof 
will be very much retarded and hindred unless Percons can 
be Secured in their Purchases and Possessions : 

Be it therefore enacted by His Excellency the Governour, 
Council!, and Representatives, in Generall Court assembled, 
and by the Authority of the Same, That there shall be a fur- 
ther time from Five years from the last of this Instant July 
One Thousand Seven hundred and fifteen, allowed all Percons 
to pursue their right and claim to any Houses and Lands in 



414 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. (1749. 

those parts and places, and every of them, and no longer. 
And all Actions and Processes to be thereafter brought for 
the Same are hereby extended and for ever debarred. 

Provided alwayes, That there shall be a saveing of all pub- 
lick Lands, belonging to this Province, not orderly disposed of. 

Provided also, That this Act shall not be understood to bar 
the Title of any Infant, Feme Covert, or Person Non Compos 
Mentis Imprisoned or in Captivity ; who shall be allowed the 
Term of five years next after such Imperfection removed to 
pursue their Claim or Challenge to any Houses or Lands 
wherein they have Intrest or Title. And the time of Five 
yeers shall be allowed to Persons haveing an Estate in Rever- 
sion in any Houses or Lands, from the time such reversion 
falls to recover their right ; And percons beyond Sea shall be 
allowed the Term of Ten Years from the publication of the 
Act, to pursue their Claim and Challenge to any Houses or 
Lands as aforesaid. 1 



PETER KENWOOD TO THE WIDOW OF DR. SAMUEL 
TRELAWNY. = 

Topsham,3 March 17 th , 1749. 

Madam : — 

I lately received a letter from a Freind in New England, 
who wrote me that two Persons of that Countrey had desired 
him to write me about purchasing the title of the heirs of Mr. 

1 It will be seen by this, that the 3 Topsham is a seaport in Devon- 
period within which persons living out shire, situated on the pleasant river 
of the country could legally enter claims Exe, four miles below Exeter, and is a 
in court to lands was extended to 1725, thriving little town, with commodious 
seventy-seven years after the award to quays and warehouses, and busy witli 
Jordan; and had the heirs in England the manufacture of cordage, chain cables, 
taken the proper legal steps to recover and the building of an occasional ship. 
their rights at any time previously to A short distance from the town is the 
the date mentioned, they would proba- interesting seat of the Earl of Devon, 
bly have been sucessful. Their neglect known as Powderhorn Castle. From 
to act in the matter is remarkable. this little seaport on the Exe the early 

- Mother of Samuel P. Trelawny. settlers of our own Topsham on the 



1749] PETER KENWOOD TO MRS. TRELAWNY. 415 

Trelawney to a part of Land, at Cascoa Bay, desireing to know 
what they will take for it, & to have the preference of it, & a 
Coppey of the paper & the lowest termes Sent them by the 
first oppertunity. One of the Persons that desires to be a pur- 
chaser Saw the contentes of the orriganell Deed, that I had 
with me in New England, that the Widow Trelawny ' had, who 
I think was Sister to Capt. Trefuse. I think I heard Mr.. 
Veale Say that he had Seen it in his keeping ; no Doubt thare 
is a coppey of it in Som Office at London if it is lost. The 
Lands, as I tould you, is now of great Value, I have bin tould 
ten thousand Pound Sterling. Onetowne call'd Falmouth = is 
built on part of it, and hath a Fine Harbour, but wheather by 
the length of time that the Persons who. now possess it may 
not becom lawfully possesed of it I know not. No doubt, if 
you had any proper Person in New-England that had proper 
power, many if not all that are Setteled on the Land would 
geive up part, or pay Somthing to have the right of Trelawny 
made to them. I think were it Possable to recover it all by 
law, it would be hard to tacke it all from those who Claim it, 
and Built on it, thinking their title good. 

I am, Madam, your moast Humble Servant, 

PETER KENWOOD. 

Ouere if any sale can be made if the heir is under age. 3 
[Indorsed :] 

17"' March, 1749. 

Mr. Peter Kenwood's Lfe to Mrs. Trelawny 
(New England). 

Androscoggin, also a shipbuilding town, At this time he was living at Topsham, 

are said to have come, and there can and in correspondence with Sir William 

be little doubt that Captain or Sir Pepperel, for whom he was acting as 

Peter Kenwood, though not a settler, merchant. Vide Parsons's Life of Sir 

was a moving spirit in the enterprise, William Pepperel, pp. 20S, 225, 295, 

as he was a man of influence, and made 306. Drake's Boston, p. 583. 

visits to New England, where he had ' Mrs. Margaret Trelawny, widow 

friends and landed interests. Indeed, of John, and mother of John Addis 

he resided in Boston, as he elsewhere Trelawny. 

states, for several years, and was one of = Now the city of Portland. 

the first vestrymen of King's Chapel. 3 Samuel Pollexfen Trelawny. 



416 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. L'749- 



ABSTRACT OF MRS. TRELAWNY'S TITLE TO LANDS IN 
NEW ENGLAND, WITH THE PEDIGREE OF THE TRE- 
LAWNYS. 

163 1, i Dec'. — No. 1. The President & Councill of New 
England Grant to Robert Trelawny and Moses Goodyear a 
Certain Tract of Land in the Bay of Cascoe in New England 
(see the Discription of it in the Grant), 2Co fl^oltJ to the 
said Robert Trelawny and Moses Goodyear, their Heirs, 
associates, and assigns forever, to their own Use, under the 
Yearly Rent of I2d. for every 100 acres and some other 
Reservacbns.' 

18* Jan ry , 1 63 1. — No. 2. Trelawny and Goodyear by Let- 
ter of Attorney appoint John Winter and Thomas Pomeroy 
to take Livery and Seizin, which was accordingly given to 
Winter, 21th July, 1632, as appears by an Indorsement on the 
Letter of Attorney. 5 

30 th June, 1637. — No. 3. Richard Vines gives to John 
Winter for and in Behalf of said Robert Trelawny, his Heirs 
and associates, lawfull possession and Seizin 2,000 acres of 
Land next adjoyning to the Lands granted by the 1st Patent 
in pursueance of an Order or Warrant of Sir fferdinando 
Gorges, Governour of New England, to the said Richard 
Vines and others. 3 

Robert Trelawny surviving Moses Goodyear, who dyed the 
26th day of March, 1637, became intituled to the whole Lands 
granted them in Jointenancy. 

1643, 24 lh August. — Robert Trelawny by his Will, dated 
this Day, gives all his Lands in New England to his Youngest 
son Robert in ffee, 4 and he dying soon after he Came of age 
without Children Intestate, these Lands descended to his 
Eldest Brother Samuel, who dying without issue intestate, 
the Lands thereon descended to his only Brother John Tre- 

1 Vide anted, p. 7. 3 Ibid., p. 105. 

2 Ibid., p. 15. -t Sec Appendix, No. III. 



1758.] SAMUEL P. TRELAWNY TO PETER KENWOOD. 417 

lawny ; ' John Trelawny making no Disposition of these 
Lands by his Will, they descended on his Death, which hap- 
pened in the Year 1706, to John Trelawny, his son and Heir, 
who dyed Intestate in the year 1737 ; and thereon these Lands 
descended to John Addis Trelawny, his only Child, who by 
his Will duly executed & attested, dated 28th Nov., 1738, 
devised all his Lands, Tenements, & Hereditaments in New 
England & elsewhere to his Mother, Mrs. Margaret Trelawny, 
To hold to her, her Heirs, Executors, Administrators & 
Assigns, forever, To her & their own use & Behoof forever- 
more. 



SAMUEL POLLEXFEN TRELAWNY TO PETER KENWOOD. 

Plymouth, 3 d September, 175S. 

Sir : — 

My Mother I find was favoured with a Lre from you so 
long ago as the year 1749, by which you desired to know 
whether said Heir of ye Trelawny would sell his Right to a 
Tract of Land at Cascoa Bay ; if he would, that you was re- 
quested to know on what Terme. 

The Reason that Nothing has been done in it since, I 
imagine you were thoroughly acquainted with ; but now, Sir, I 
being of Age, And the Original Grant together with all other 
papers necessary to make out an undeniable Title being in 
my Custody, I would be glad to receive proposals from any 
of the present Occupyers, who have any Inclination to pur- 
chase ; and provided the Gentlemen shew by their Offers a 
Disposition to buy, they will not find me averse to treat on rea- 
sonable Terms. I am fully perswaded this Affair will not be 
presently settled ; but having such a clear Title to these Lands 
I am resolved to leave no Stone unturned to come at what is 
absolutely my Right. Therefore, Sir, I should be obliged to 
you, if you would acquaint those Gentlemen who desired you 

' Vide letters, pp. 3S5, 3S7, 391, 392, 396, 39S. 
27 



4l8 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1758. 

to write My Mother of my Intentions. And (as I've said 
above) let them act candidly, and they shall have no Cause to 
complain of my Behaviour to them. 

Had I been sure you still resided at Topsham, I should 
have presumed long since to have troubled you ; but of this 
I was not certain ; And, indeed, 't was by meer Accident 
that I came to ye Knowledge of it now. 

It happened the other Day that I was talking with Mr. 
Joseph Collier about this Affair, and at the same time men- 
tioned the Letter that we received from you ; He advised me 
to write to you about it, and said He knew you very well, 
and that you had large Correspondence at New England, and 
very likely might be of Service in ye Transaction of such 
an Affair. 

On this, Sir, I took ye Liberty of troubling you with ye 
above, and a Line by Return of ye Post, directed for me at 
Mr. Veele's, an Attorney in this Town, (with whom I at pres- 
ent reside,) will be esteemed as a very great Favour con- 
ferred on, 

Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant, 

S. P. TRELAWNY.' 

If you think it necessary I '11 wait on you at Topsham, or if 
you were coming in this part of said Country, should be glad 
if you would call on me. 

[Indorsed :] 

3 d Sept r ' 1758. 
Copy of my Letter to 
Mr. Peter Kenwood, 
(Topsham,) 
relative to ye Estate 
at New England. 

1 Son of Dr. Samuel Trelawny, grandson to Colonel John Trelawny, and great- 
grandson of Robert Trelawny. 



I75 s -J PETER KENWOOD TO SAMUEL P. TRELAWNY. 419 



PETER KENWOOD TO SAMUEL POLLEXFEN TRELAWNY. 

Topsham, Sept. the 4* 175S. 
Mr. Samuel Pollexfen Trelawney : — 

Sir, — I have yours of yesterday : I have Serched, and 
found letters that caused me to write your mother. One of 
the Persons that desired a Coppey of your Grant, & to know 
what you would Sell your Right for, lives in Boston, & the 
Other is one that I think lives on Som of the Land mentioned 
in your Deed ; 't is not possable for you, I think, to geive a 
price of what you know nothing of, nor can I tell how you can 
feind any Person in New-England, whare I lived many years, 
that would engage fully in the affaire for you ; the Persons 
being so very long Possest of it, Built on it, &c, every one 
would think it hard they Should be put out of it now. The 
first thing needfull for you to know, in my oppinion, is 
wheather by law you can Recover it ; if you can, no doubt all 
would be Content to geive up part of the lands that they Call 
their owne, rather then Contend it ; money is hardley to be 
found in that Countrey. In Case you could recever by law, 
I think it would be well that you Should be moderate in your 
demands. Sundry Persons See the Contents of the Deed for 
your lands that I had ; one Desenting Parson, I think his 
name was Smith, 1 & that he lived at Falmouth, a fine Harbour 

1 The Rev. Thomas Smith, author What changes must the possessor have 

of the famous journal which bears his seen ! On the record of Harvard's 

name, a man whose memory will be sons, we find his solitary name ; to all 

ever revered in the locality where he around is prefixed the signature of 

so long lived and so faithfully labored, death. The wilderness where he first 

He was settled in the pastoral office on pitched his tent is now the place of 

March 8th, 1727, " a day," says Willis, vineyards and gardens. Not a soul 

"memorable in the annals of the town." that first composed his flock is now in 

He died, May 25th, 1795, at " le a S e °f '' ie ' an d of the living! He beheld a 

ninety-three years. The Rev. Elijah wide destruction in his own family, 

Kellogg in his funeral discourse thus which came in upon him like a breach 

eloquently spoke of him : — of waters. He lived under the reigns 

" A life of more than ninety-three of four different sovereigns. He saw 

years, how replete with incidents ! death take one Governor after another 



420 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1758. 

in Cascoa Bay. He Saide he knew all the places that I had 
out of the Deed, and that they retaine the same names still. 
I thinke Richmon Island & Spurwink Point was two men- 
tioned ; these you may see on the Sea Chart of the Coast. I 
left a small memorandum about Som of the Persons that had 
lived on Richmon Island, I think with your mother, that had 
kept a fishery on it, on Jordan. I examined the Records, and 
found he left in his Will, if the Familey of the Trelawney's 
would pay severall Hundred pounds Sterling, I think it was, 
that he had advanced in Carrying on a Ficshery on their ac- 
counts, that then his Heirs should geive up the Lands to the 
Trelawnys. This Person of Boston that desired a Coppey of 
the Writings, & to know the price you would tacke for it, 
See the Contents of your Grant that I had, & very licke may 
have som of the Land that is on your Grant that he Calls his. 
I think Capt. Trefuse when liveing talked of getting the 
Station Ship at New-England, & to Serch into the affaire for 
his Kinsman, Since dead. As you are young, what if you 
took a Trip to New-England your Selfe about it, provided the 
law will geive it you. In that Case go to the place & learne 
its Bounds & Valve, and feind out all that settel on it as 
theirs ; & it might be best if you Could doe it without being 
Knowne who you was. It is a Considerable parcell of Land, 
& by all I Could learne very Valvable ; I think the Towne of 
Falmouth Stands moastley, if not all, on it. If you would 
have me write anything to my Freind about it I will, that you 
are of age, & will asert your Right ; and if you dont think of 
goeing over your Selfe, may put it in the Boston Gazet.' If 

from the head of the Province, judges its rest." For an account of his labors, 

from the bench, and ministers of God vide Journal of the Rev. Thomas Smith 

from his temple. What changes, what and the Rev. Samuel Deane, by Wm. 

vicissitudes, are here ! They conduct Willis, Portland, 1849. 

us through a long tract of lapsed time. ' The " Boston Gazette and Country 

We are walking among the tombs of Journal " had been published at this 

our fathers. Venerable pilgrim ! thy time about three years. It was a small 

long journey is happily closed. Thy but enterprising paper, printed on a 

way-worn body hath at length found half-sheet of crown folio, having a rude 



1758.] SAMUEL P. TRELAWNY TO PETER KENWOOD. 42 1 

your Freinds may think well of it, pray my Service to your 
Good Mother, if Liveing, & to Mr. Collier. 

I am, Sir, your moast Humble Servant, 

PETER KENWOOD. 

Sir, — I dont know that I shall go to Plymouth ; if I should, 
would Call on you. Nor can I think it would answer your 
comeing here on purposs about this affaire, as you may write 
anything. 

To 
Mr. Samll. Polln. Trelawny, 
at Mr. Veales, Attorney, 
At 

Plymouth. 
[Indorsed :] 
4th Sept. 1758. 
Capt. Kenwood 
(New England). 



SAMUEL POLLEXFEN TRELAWNY TO PETER KENWOOD. 

Plymouth, 2o,"> September, 175S. 

Sir : — 

I should have acknowledged the Receipt of your Favour 
had n't ye Illness of my Mother called me so much with her 
at Ham. Was it Peace, as it is War,' I would go over, but 
at present think it most prudent to treet at a Distance. I 
am therefore, Sir, to beg your Favour (as you was so obliging 
as to offer) that you'll write to some of our Freinds at New 
England acquainting them that I will assert my Right; but if 
they have any Proposals to make desire they would forthwith 

heading of an Indian, with the conven- the first, and became the organ of 

tional bow and arrows, and a figure of Adams, Otis, Hancock, and other 

Britannia freeing a bird bound to the friends of liberty. 

arms of France. It was noted for its ' The war then existing between 

fearless expression of opinion from France and England. 



422 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS [175S. 

send them either to you or me, And if they prove to be just 
& such as can reasonably be complyed with, that I will readily 
agree with them ; that I should be glad to treat with them 
amicably, for which Reason I do expect they would be as 
generous with me. I conceive there is a long Arrear to be 
settled ; therefore imagine the sooner this Affair was ended, 
the better for them. Somewhat to this Effect, I imagine, 
would quicken them ; but, Sir, I must request you '11 take 
your own Method in writing to those Gentlemen, for certainly 
you being so well acquainted with their Constitution must 
best Judge how to address them. I can't learn that any 
Memorandum was ever left with my Mother about Jordan's 
Will. I could therefore wish it was possible for you to be a 
little more particular in that Point. I could not presume 
being so troublesome to a Gentleman without assuring him 
that I will make him any satisfaction, as I can with Truth 

stile myself, Sir, 

Your much obliged humble Servant, 

S. P. TRELAWNY. 
To Mr. Peter Kenwood. 

[Indorsed :] 

29th Sept., 1758. 
Copy of my Letter 
to Captain Kenwood, 
relative to ye Estate 
at New England. 



PETER KENWOOD TO SAMUEL POLLEXFEN TRELAWNY. 

Topsham, October the 5th, 1 758. 

Mr. Saml. Pollen. Trelawny : — 

Sir, — I have your favour of the 27th past. I have wrote 
A Freind at Boston, that I think is an Honest man, about 
your affaire to go by the next Packet, & let him know the two 
Persons that formerley desired to Purchase your Right, & to 
tell them that you are of Age, and would Asert your Right, 



1758.] PETER KENWOOD TO SAMUEL P. TRELAWNY. 423 

and would treat with any one in an Amicable way that would 
act with Honour, & that they may write you or me about it if 
they Please ; that when I told your Mother of the affaire for- 
merly, Shea Saide that would leave it till you might come of 
Age ; Though when I talked with her Shea knew not whare 
the deed was. I tould her I was Shure thare was one, & that 
I had it in my hand when the former Madam Trelawny was 
living, who I wrote from New England about the Affaire, but 
dont remember that I ever had any answer. When I came 
home, I think it was Captain Brabant I wrote to aske her 
whye Shea had not answered my letters. I had for Answer 
that Shea had been long dead. I know I took Som trouble 
about the affaire, and Road to Yorke, 1 whare the Records are 
Keept for the Provence your Lands lays, & took Som meme- 
randum about one Jordan, I think his name was, that left 
in his will- that he had ben Its advance Severall Hundred 
pounds Sterling, I think Six or more, in earring on a fishery 
for the Trelawney's Familey ; if they would pay that, I think 
it was also Saide with Intrest, that then his Heir Should 
deliver up the Land to them. I think it was Richmond 
Island that he lived on. I am pretty Shure I left it with 
your Mother, & that Shea Saide did not know if anything 
might com of it, if did I might be satisfyed. I Saide I never 
expected it otherwais ; it was but little Expence I had been 
at, & that the paper might be of Som Service to her, it could 
be none to me. I could get it againe, I Sopose, by writing 
Some one to See into it. If you should go over, it may be 
best left for you to doe ; I quere if it was not a Contrivence 
of Jordan to leave Such a thing to discourage any of the 
Family ever haveing the Land, as the Sume was large, & to 
have Intrest on it: but then an account Should be produced, 
& an Order from the Trelawnys for his Disbursing that 
money. How can you manage about that other partnor, 3 that 
I think is on your Grant with the Trelawny's Familey ? If 

' York, in the State of Maine. 3 Moses Goodyear. 

- Vide Appendix, No. XL 



424 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. I1759. 

■ever it may be in your power to Recover the Land, great 
allowance Should be made for Clearing the Land, Building 
on it, &c, being all at first full of Woods. I mack no doubt 
but that, if it was so that you Could be thare, many would 
geive up a part of the Lands, to have you Confirme their 
Rights. I quere if they have any, many of them, unless it 
may be from the Agents Sent out by the first propriators, 
the Trelawnys, &c., who lickley had no power geiven them 
to dispose of Lands ; but the first propriators dying, the 
Young Heirs not knowing how to manage, the Agents Mar- 
ring in New England, I presume left all to their Famileys as 
their owne. I fancy it may not be long before we may have 
a Peace. We may lickley hear Something to what I write ; 
when I may, Shall let you know, & I should licke to hear if 
you Should have anything first. Pray my Complt. to your 
mother & all Freinds. 

I am, Sir, your Moast Humble Servant, 

PETER KENWOOD. 
To 
Mr. Samll. Polln. Trelawny, 
At Mr. Veales, Attorney 
at 

Plymouth. 
[Indorsed :] 
5th Oct., 1758. 
Capt. Kenwood 
(New England). 



PETER KENWOOD TO SAMUEL POLLEXFEN TRELAWNY. 

Topsham, July the 2S th , 1759. 

Mr. Saml. Poll. Trelawny : — 

Sir, — I have this day a letter from my freind, Mr. Thos. 
Greene, 1 of Boston, Dated May ye 29th, who writes as fow- 

1 Thomas Greene was the eldest son His father, who was a member of the 
of Nathaniel and Anne (Gold) Greene, historic Greene family of Rhode Island, 



1 759] 



TETER KENWOOD TO SAMUEL P. TRELAWNY. 



425 



lovves in answer to mine about your affair : As to land of 
Mr. Trelawny's Heirs, Mr. Calef 1 & Mr. Jordan Som years 
ago Spoake to Mr. Dowse " about them, and desired him to 
write to you to inquire about the heirs. There was a very 
Valuable claim belonging to that Estate, & Mr. Dowse thinks 
it will be worth the heirs trouble to come on the Spot, and 
not be under the influence of any of the persons who are pur- 



removed from Warwick in that State 
about the beginning of the century, and 
took up his residence in Boston, where 
Thomas was born, June 4, 1705. Bred 
to mercantile pursuits, Thomas Greene 
became one of Boston's wealthiest mer- 
chants, and is said by tradition to have 
been the first private individual who 
kept a carriage in the city of Boston. 
He was a prominent member of Trin- 
ity Church at the time when Joseph 
Dowse and Peter Kenwood were also 
members, and at his death left a be- 
quest to that church for the support of 
an assistant minister, which is known 
as the Greene Foundation. The estate 
of Mr. Greene extended from the Com- 
mon to Washington Street, and his 
residence was situated on what is now 
Mason Street. He was twice mar- 
ried, and left a numerous family. The 
Rev. Mr. Hooper, who preached his 
funeral sermon in August, 1763, said 
that in his death the town and public 
had lost a great benefactor. His por- 
trait, painted by Copley, probably about 
175S, is in possession of the person to 
whom I am indebted for many facts 
contained in this note. 

1 Joseph Calef was a tanner in Bos- 
ton, and lived in a mansion well known 
in its day as having been built by 
Deacon Henry Bridgham, who was 
prevented by death from occupying it. 
He married Hannah, a daughter of Do- 
minicus Jordan, called the Indian-killer, 



who was murdered by the Indians, 
August 10, 1703, and his family made 
prisoners. By this marriage Calef be- 
came interested in the Trelawny lands, 
his wife being a granddaughter of the 
Rev. Robert Jordan, and, knowing the 
flaw in his title, desired to heal it by 
purchasing the rights of the English 
heirs. He is said to have moved from 
Boston to his lands near the Spurwink, 
and to have died in 1763. We can see 
why the negotiations at this time sud- 
denly ceased. Calef's death took place 
while they were in progress, and put an 
end to them. Vide Memorial History 
of Boston, Vol. II. p. xxiv. Jordan 
Memorial, p. 133. Maine Hist. Coll., 
III. 209. 

- Joseph Dowse was the son of the 
" Hon. Jonathan Dowse, Esq.," of 
Charlestown, where he was born, Jan- 
uary 14, 170S-9. Like Greene, he be- 
came a successful merchant and a large 
owner of real estate. He was mar- 
ried to Jane Steel in 1734, his pub- 
lishment being dated December 13th 
of that year, and by her had a family 
of six children. He was a prominent 
member of Trinity Church and an in- 
timate friend of Sir Peter Kenwood, 
who mentions him in one of his letters 
to Sir William Pepperell. Vide Wy- 
man's Genealogies and Estates of 
Charlestown, I. 306. Letter of Ken- 
wood, in the possession of Dr. John S. 
II. Fogg, Boston. 



426 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1759. 

chasers of Land, who are moast of them in law disputes with 
one another, and the law So uncertain that verry Seldom any 
Judgment can be obtained against a person in possession. 
If such a person comes over he must bring clear proofs of his 
being the Heir, & then no doubt he will get most by quiet- 
ing them that are already in possession. Mr. Calef Seemes 
very ready & Desirous to be acting in this affair, and I do 
not doubt but he may be made Serviceable. Thare is no 
Court of Chancery with us, nor no appeal to England in titles 
of land. As far as can be learnt by Mr. Calef, the title Stands 
thus. Mr. Trelawny had a Patent for a large tract ; he em- 
ployed Mr. Jordan as his Agent ; he Sould Jordan absolutely 
6,000 acres.' Jordan leased Som Considerable quantity to 
many who were to pay a quit rent, by which many hould 
now, and have never payd the quit rent. Also, there was a 
large running account between Jordan & Trelawny. Jordan 
demanded a large ballance, & Sued in the law, recovered 
Judgment, & levyed Execution on the whole pattent, which 
proceeding may be Set aside upon the Heirs overhaling this 
affaire & Satisfying what is Justly due (if any). The lands 
are many of them verry Valluable, & if the affair be managed 
with prudence something considerable may be made of it. 
This is Mr. Calefs Account. It will be best to have the 
original pattent, & by Searching the records in the County of 
Yorke there may be found who houlds under Trelawny or his 
agent. Thus far Mr. Dowse gives me the Account, and 
Sends you his Compliments. The above is all that is Saide 
on your affair. I thought that as appeals might be made to a 
Chancery Court in England for any considerable sume ; I 
hinted to my Freind that you might lickley appeale to a 
Court of Chancery. It is in your Favour that all Lands are 
Recorded in New-England. I was at the Court at York 
about this Affair, and left the memorandum I took with your 
Mother, as wrote you formerly. Mr. Calef & Mr. Jordan was 
the men that desired Mr. Joseph Dowse, merchant of Boston, 

1 This is a manifest error, no such conveyance having been made. 



1760.] PETER KENWOOD TO SAMUEL P. TRELAWNY. 427 

to write me about this affaire. He then wrote they desired to 
purchese your Right. Jordan, I Sopose, is of the Famaley of 
the Agent that was first Sent by the Trelawney's. My Com- 
pliments to your Good Mother, Mr. Colliers, & all Freinds. 
I am, Sir, your Moast Humble Servant, 

PETER KENWOOD. 

To 

Mr. Samll. Polln. Trelawny, 
at Mr. Veals, Attorney 
In 

Plymouth. 
[Indorsed :] 

28th July, 1759, 
Capt. Kenwood 
(New England). 



PETER KENWOOD TO SAMUEL POLLEXFEN TRELAWNY. 

Topsham, September 25th, 1760. 

Mr. Samuel Polln. Trelawny : — 

Sir, — The inclosed I received this day from my Freind in 
Boston. It was delivered to him by one Mr. Calfe' of Boston, 
who in time past offered to purchase the Right of The Tre- 
lawney, & I Beleive he has Lands ; lickley in that belonging 
to you. I presume they dont want to See any one of your 
Family in New England. I wrote my Freind that you had 
thoughts of goeing to New England. 

I am, Sir, your moust Humble Servant, 

PETER KENWOOD. 
Sir, Mr. Calfe 
desires an attested Coppey of your Pattent of the Land, & how 
Mr. Winter went over to New E., on what lay, & your Name. 
To 
Mr. Samull. Polln. Trelawny, 
At Plymouth. 

1 Calef. The name often appear.- as Calfe 



428 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1761. 

PETER KENWOOD TO SAMUEL POLLEXFEN TRELAWNY. 

Topsham, October 23rd, 1761. 

Mr. Samull. Polln. Trelawny: — 

Sir, — I am desired by a Gentleman of Boston in New- 
England to get from you an Authenticated copy of your 
patent for your Lands in New England. If you think proper 
to let me have it, I am desired to pay you the Expence of 
Copying it, & to Send it to my Freind. I wrote you this 
once before, Some time past, but you gave me no answer to it. 
I have no Intrest in the affaier. The Person that desired the 
Copey is him that I formerley wrote your Good Mother 
wanted to buy your Right. You had best Consult your 
Freinds, wheather it may be well for you to let me have it to 
Send or not ; if I have it, I Shall Send it to my Freind in 
Boston ; he lichley will advise me what the Person that desired 
him to write me for to get it may Say to it. I Sopose the 
thing must be produced, if you was to go your Selfe thare. If 
they See the Copey, lichley the Person that desires it or Som 
other may macke you Som offer for your Right, & you may 
then better judge how to act. I think thare is others con- 
cerned besides your Familey in the Grant. I dont know how 
to advise in the Affaire, but desire, when you have Confidence 
of it, you will let me know what Answer I may geive my 
Freind in the affaire. 

I am, Sir, your moast Humble Servant, 

PETER KENWOOD. 

Sir, — I Send this by Mr. Jn. Collier, who will Convey it 
to you. My Compliments to your Good Mother. 

To 
Mr. Samuel Polln. Trelawny, 
In 

Plymouth. 



1762.] PETER KENWOOD TO SAMUEL P. TRELAWNY. 429 

PETER KENWOOD TO SAMUEL POLLEXFEN TRELAWNY. 

Topsham, January 13th, 1762. 

Mr. Samul. Polln. Trelawny : — 

Sir, — I have wrote you Sundrey times that A Freind of 
mine in Boston, New England, had desired me to get from 
you a Copey of the Deed of your Lands in New England, & 
to pay the Charge of it and Send it to him. I thought you 
would be so Kind as to let me know wheather you would let 
me have it or not ; if you dont think well of it, be so Good 
as to let me Know it, that I may advise my Freind, who may 
lickley think that I dont regard his request of me. I send 
this by my Kinsman Isaac Blight, that goes in Company with 
Mr. Robt. Collier to Plymouth to his Vncle, Mr. Collier the 
Gould Smith. I Desire you will Send a line for me to the 
Gould Smith's, that my Kinsman or Mr. Robt. Collier may 
bring me at their return here, or by Poast. 

I am, Sir, Your Moast Humble Servant, 

PETER KENWOOD. 

To 

Mr. Saml. Polln. Trelawny, 
at 

Plymouth. 

[Indorsed :] 

13th Jan., 1762. 
Capt. Kenwood 
(New England). 



PETER KENWOOD TO SAMUEL POLLEXFEN TRELAWNY. 

Topsham, February the 4th, 1762. 

Mr. Samull. Polln. Trelawny : — 

Sir, — I have your favour of the 29th past. It would have 
been kind if you had answered my Letter Soner, as I wrote 
my Freind I Could not get any answer from you. My 
Freinds name is Thomas Greene, merchant In Boston. He 



43° 



THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1762 



was Desired by one Mr. Calfe to write me, to endeaver to 
get a Copey of your Deed ; this Mr. Calfe See the bounderey 
of your Lands that I had formerley tachen out of your Deed, 
by the Deceesed Madam Trelawney. Mr. Calfe has Som 
Lands near yours, I Sopose ; not unlichley but Som may be 
within the Boundereys of your Deed. He formerley desired, 
I think, to know what the heirs would take for their Right, & 
that I wrote or Tould your mother of it. How to Advise you 
as to the Law, I know not ; wheather their Long Possession 
will cut you of or not, I am no judge ; but I think it can be 
no Damage, but may be of Service to you to draw out the 
Boundereys as it is mentioned in your Deed, and Send me or 
Send it your Selfe to Mr. Greene or Mr. Calfe ; I think his 
name is John, a Tanner in Boston. No matter, I think, how 
many knows what claime you have to the Lands. Wheather 
any one tooke a Copy of what I had, or wheather I left it at 
New England, I dont mind, as it was many years past. I 
think I remember Som of the Places mentioned, as I have 
Seen them in my Draught of that Countrey. I was tould that 
the Harbour of Falmouth & part of the Towne of Falmouth 
was in your Boundery ; Spurwink Point, Richmans Island, & 
Cape Elizabeth, I think, was also mentioned in the Abstract I 
had. If Mr. Calfe only Should have it, it might be beter for 
you if the thing was Publichley knowne, as it might put others 
on purchesing it. On Mr. Smith, I think his name was, a De- 
sinting minister of the Towne of Falmouth, Saide that he 
admired 1 that the Heir did not assert his Right or Dispose of 
it, for that it was of Great Value ; I think he Saide ten thou- 
sand pound Sterling, & that they had often Disputes & quareles 
amongest them for want of Good titeles to their Lands. 
I am, Sir, your Humble Servant, 

PETER KENWOOD. 
To Mr. Samull. Polln. Trelawny, 
At Ham, 
Near Plymouth. 

1 This should doubtless be Joseph. 

'-' I. e. wondered, a not uncommon use of the word at this time. 



i 7 66.] ABRAHAM OSGOOD TO SAMUEL P. TRELAWNY. 43 1 



ABRAHAM OSGOOD 1 TO SAMUEL POLLEXFEN TRELAWNY. 

Honored Sir : — 

I am informed by Mr. Street you have A large Track of 
Land in Casco Bay, which I am informed begins at Cape 
Elizabeth, and runs back in the country A considerable way, 
and if it begins at the cape all away up is Cleard considerable, 
and A great many good farms on it. The Waldows seem to 
hold under your name, as I am informed, for I am told yt sum 
of the Land the writings are held in your name, which People 
informs me is Esqr. Trelonys land. I shall be glad to do any 
thing that lays in my Power to serve you, but I think as it is 
Summer time it will be best for you to Cum your Self in the 
mast ship with Capt. Tate, 2 which will be A very good 

1 Abraham Osgood was at the date latter part of his life his residence was 

of this letter a merchant in Portland, on Green Street, near his place of busi- 

Willis says that he came from London, ness. It was here that he died, in 1S16, 

He is supposed by Rev. George M. at the advanced age of eighty-seven 

Bodge to have been born in Amesbury, years, leaving a family of seven chil- 

county of Wilts, in 1729. At what dren. His old house at Windham is 

date he came to New England we are still standing, almost unchanged, and 

not informed. We first hear of him was quite recently in the possession of 

two years previously to the date of this his descendants. 

letter, when he seceded from the First 2 Captain George Tate, who was 
Parish Congregational Church to join born in England in the year 1700, and 
the Episcopal movement under the according to Willis was a seaman on 
Rev. Mr. Wiswall. He was married, board the first frigate ever built in 
December 29, 1771, (possibly a second Russia during the reign of Peter the 
marriage,) to Bathsheba Mayberry, of Great. A grandson was the famous 
Windham, where he removed shortly Admiral Tale, who was in the service 
after, and settled upon a farm. He was of Russia, and obtained great renown, 
an influential citizen of the town, being Smith tells us that this passage was 
a selectman in 1777, and one of the made in twenty-four days from Land's 
Committee of Safety in 1781-82, and End, instead of twenty-one. He brought 
subsequently town clerk. Willis in his news of the repeal of the Stamp Act, 
many notices of early citizens neglects which occasioned great excitement, 
him, merely mentioning him as coming Smith says, under date of May 19, 
from London, and being in business on 1766 : " Our people are mad with drink 
India Street, Portland, in 1785. After and joy; bells ringing, drums beating, 
this time, we find him engaged in the tan- colors flying, the court-house illumi- 
ning business with his son Francis, on nated and some others, and a bonfire 
Green Street, where the old vats of his and a deluge of drunkenness." Tate 
tannery may still be seen. During the died in Falmouth, August 20, 1794. 



432 THE TRELAWNY PArERS. [1766. 

bpertunity. If you get the Land it is Very Valuable, which I 
think if you do not cum to see after it you stand in your own 
light. We have fishing & fowling & Hunting Very Plenty. 
I wish I could get A Cuple of young hounds for Fox & Hares, 
to breed out of. The mast ship had but 21 Days passage 
from land to land. Thare is A large Quantity of Oak Timber 
& Mast which is Valuable on the above land. Thare is 365 
Islands in the Bay. If you do not cum I should be glad of A 
line per the Barer, as they will return back as soon as dis- 
charg'd. If you do not cum your self, I shall be glad to know 
whare your Bounds begins, & What Cours it runs, & I will 
Enquire farther into it for you, & Conclude with Mr. Streets 
Best respects to you & Mrs. Hope ' Likwise, who is with 
Your Very Humble Servant, 

AERAM. OSGOOD. 
Casco Bay, 21 June, 1766, in New England. 

N. B. Mr. Street = says he should be glad to see you in this 
part of the Country, as you may have an Apertunity to re- 
turn back Just when you please. 

To Esqr. Trelany, 

at Ham, near Plymouth. 
Q. D. C. 

Per favor of Mr. Turner, 
Chief mate of the ship. 
[Indorsed :] 

2 1st June, 1766. 
Mr. Abraham Osgood, concerning 
Lands in New England. 

1 Mrs. Hope was the wife of James but a few weeks. His wife, who, it 
Hope, whose eccentricity has caused would seem, was a friend of Abraham 
his name to come down to posterity. Osgood, crossed the ocean upon hear- 
He came to Falmouth about 1762, from ing how he had disposed of his prop- 
Stoke Damerell in Devonshire, where erty, and succeeded in having the will 
he left his wife and daughter. Here he declared void. 

was engaged in business, and on Octo- - This is probably the same John 

ber 16, 1765, shortly before his death, Street mentioned in Banister's letter of 

willed all his property to a clerk, Jona- 1712. If so, he must have been at this 

than Craft, who had been in his employ time far advanced in years. 



17O7-3 JOSEPH SQUIRE TO SAMUEL TRELAWNY. 433 

GODFREY SMITH TO TRELAWNY. 

Newbury, 1 6th September, 1767. 
The State of the Lands Granted in a Patent to Mr. Robt. 
Trelawney stands thus, as much as is in My remembrance 
(without having the Papers which are in Boston) his Grant is 
all alonge to the Shore at least 40 Miles, Extending from Cape 
Elizabeth East Ward in Cluding Fhalmouth, & out of which 
Lands were morgaged a Certain tract to the family of the 
Jordans, living then round Casco Bay, & their Children are 
Still there at Present. The Pattend or the copy of the same 
is in the hands of Mr. Joseph Calef, in Boston, who is married 
to one of the Jordans, & Claims the right of the morgage. 
The Estate is very valuable, & is to be recovered if the right 
of the Grant is Proved. A Number of Papers of importance 
are in the hands of say'd Joseph Calef, & very necessary for 
Both Partys, as the Jordans & Trelawney's, to act together. 

GODFREY SMITH.-' 

N. B. The Copy was gott from England in 1766. 



JOSEPH SQUIRE TO SAMUEL TRELAWNY. 

31 October, 1767. 

Saml. Trelawny, Esq. : — 

Sir, — When my Capt. Edw. Sears sailed from hence for 
New England I gave him Particular Orders to enquire into 

1 Newbury, in Essex County, Mas- one, being in delicate health, decided to 

sachusetts, thirty-four miles north by try a change of climate, and, joining a 

east from Boston. German regiment, came to America. 

~ Dr. Godfrey Christian Schmidt, or While in the army he was at the surren- 

Smith, came from Ulm on the Rhine, der of Crown Point and Ticonderoga. 

about 1752. He was an only child, and, Leaving the army he went to Newbury- 

losing his parents in youth, was adopted port, Massachusetts, where he met and 

by an uncle, who gave him an excel- married the daughter of Joseph Calef. 

lent education. He studied medicine (Scenoteon Joseph Calef,««ta;, p. 425.) 

in Germany, and at the age of twenty- Dr. Smith resided in Newburyport 

2S 



/ 



434 TIIE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [176S. 

the State of Your Affairs there, & he has been very Care- 
full to get every Information in his Power. This Post brought 
me a Letter from him with the Inclosed, which hope will be 
something satisfactory to You. He remaines there to Launch 
a New Ship for me, & do not expect him home till January, 
when I will Acquaint You & send him to You. 

I am, Sincerely, Sir, your most Humble Servant, 

JOSEPH SQUIRE. 
To 
Saml. Trelawny, Esq., 
At 
Ham. 

[Indorsed :] 

31st October, 1767. 
Mr. Jos. Squire's Lre., 
with Mr. Smith's enclos'd 
relative to Lands in 
New England. 



SAMUEL POLLEXFEN TRELAWNY TO SIR WLLIAM 
TRELAWNY. 

Mr. Trelawny presents his respectfull Compliments to 
Sir William Trelawny. He fully intended to have din'd at 
Butshed to Day, but being oblig'd to go to Whitleigh this 
morning, & from thence to D[evonport], He is but just arriv'd 
at Ham, therefore presumes that, Sir William being engag'd 
with Company, Mr. Trelawny's waiting on Him now about 
Business will be rather inconvenient. However, if Sir Wm. 

until his death, which took place about was a captain in the Royal Navy, and 

1777. I am indebted for particulars in Governor of Jamaica. He died at 

this note to a great-granddaughter of Kingston in December, 1772, and was 

Dr. Smith, Mrs. Anna S. Bigelow, of buried with almost regal display. Vide 

Boston. Betham's Baronetage, Vol. I. pp. 331, 

1 Sir William Trelawny, Baronet, 332. 



1768.] INSTRUCTIONS FOR CAPTAIN SEARS. 435 

Trelawny thinks it necessary for Mr. Trelawny's Attendance 
at Butshed this Evening, He will by Return of the Bearer 
immediately come. 

Mr. Trelawny begs Leave to acquaint Sir Wm. that He 
is ready chearfully to execute any Instrument on the plan 
propos'd at Mr. Putts last Monday, & will therefore attend Sir 
William Trelawny, Mr. Veale, or Mr. Putt at any time Sir 
William or Mr. Veale shall be pleased to appoint. 

He desires also to inform Sir William that He yesterday 
went to Sir John Rogers, who told Him that He had not 
John Addis Trelawny's Will ; but imagined it to be in the 
Custody of Mr. Veale, but if not to be found in that Gen- 
tleman's Keeping, that Mr. Archer most probably must 
have it. 

Mr. Trelawny desires his best Compliments to the Ladies. 

Ham, Thursday Afternoon, 5 o'clock, 
Thursday, July, 1768. 



INSTRUCTIONS FOR CAPTAIN SEARS. 

Upon your Arrival at New England you will be pleased to 
make Inquiry Who now possesses the Tract of Land granted to 
my Ancestor, Mr. Robert Trelawny, & Mr. Moses Goodyear. 
Mr. Goodyeare dyed in the Lifetime of Mr. Trelawny, & there- 
upon the whole Benefit, as they were joint tenents, came by sur- 
vivorship to Mr. Trelawny, under whome (as is well known in 
this Town) I hold at this Time many Lands of not small Value. 
You will also inquire who now possesses the 2,000 acres of 
Land granted by Sir Ferdinando Gorges to Robt. Trelawny 
only. You have Copies of the 2 Grants herewith. You will 
take down in writing the Names of the several Occupants, 
with their Trades or Professions, & What they respectively 
possess, in as particular a Manner as You can, in Order to 
my bringing this Metter, if theire should be Occasion, before 



436 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1768 

the King in Council, as I am advized & most certainly shall 
doe forthwith, for my Title is not against Strangers who 
entered into the Lands under a Colour of a Right, of which 
by Length of Time they might possibly have availed Them- 
selves, but only against the Representatives of my Ances- 
tors owne Agent, who came first into possession, & have 
ever since held under the Trelawny Right, who in trouble- 
some Times pretended they were Money in Advance for their 
master, & under that pretence (which could admit of no Con- 
tradiction, their master being in old England) they got a Sen- 
tence or Decree for the Stock on the Plantations ; but none 
did or could pass for the Plantations themselves, for they 
were Trelawnys, & the Right could not be alienated or 
altered, as the Grants are recorded in the County. No person 
can pretend Ignorance of the Title. No Statute of Limitation 
bars the Claim of one Merchant on Another. 

If there was really any money due to ym, I presume it was 
authenticated on Record, in which Case I shall not only pay 
due Regard thereto, but also to whatever shall appear to haue 
been lain out in Building & improving the Premisses, And in 
this Respect shall make to every Person, disposed to doe the 
Thing that is honest & right, without further Trouble, the 
most liberal Allowances. Not only so, but I would on proper 
& reasonable Terms' convey the Inheritance to such Tenants 
as shall appear deserving of it. 

And to that End I desire that you will receive proposals 
from any that shall be so inclined to compound & agree with 
me. Those who come in first will certainly fare best. If after 
so candid a Declaration any shall stand out & occasion Trouble, 
they must expect no Favour, & how much soever their purses 
may swell from their unlawfully possessing my Undoubted 
Right, I belieue you can satisfy them that I haue Means suffi- 
cient to assert it. 

I shall be very unwilling to giue my honoured Relation, Sir 
Wm. Trelawny, the Trouble of going from Jamaica to New 
England. You haue heard from his own Mouth what he saith 



I77°l MARTIN & KAY TO PUTT & STEPHEN. 437 

on this Occasion, and you will, as he Desires, send him an 
Account of Your Proceedings, bringing me home a Copy 
thereof, & if it shall be found necessary or proper I will goe 
over Myself also. I wish you a good voyage & safe Returne 
& am, 

Sir, Your very humble Servant, 

SAMUL. POLL. TRELAWNY. 



MARTIN & KAY TO PUTT & STEPHEN. 

Sirs : — 

You may remember we sometime ago corresponded with 
you in a matter between Shea, Esq. & Stein. We now 
request your assistance in the following Business. In 
December, 163 1, the President & Council for the affairs of 
New England granted diverse Lands there to Robert Tre- 
lawny & Moses Goodyeare, Merchants of Plymouth, & its said 
the Grant is to be found in the Castle of Plymouth, with a 
Plan of the Lands thereby granted. Authenticated Copies of 
the Grant & Plan, & also of all Papers relative thereto at 
Plymouth, are wanted, & we desire you will forthwith make 
search for the above Grant, & acquaint us with what you find ; 
also, as near as may be, how much authenticated Copies will 
come to, & we should be glad you'd favour us with an answer 
hereto as soon as convenient. 

We are, Gentlemen, Your most obedient Servant, 

MARTIN & KAY,' 
Greys Inn, 26 July, 1770. 

To Messrs. Putt & Stephen. 

' The papers referred to by Martin found out by some means the where- 
& Kay, solicitors in London, to Putt & abouts of the papers, and hoped to 
Stephen, solicitors in Plymouth, were obtain them through their correspond- 
perhaps sent by John Trelawny, with ents Putt & Stephen ; but Putt, being 
papers of Samuel Allen, to Brigadier friendly to Samuel P. Trelawny, at once 
Trelawny, his kinsman, and governor apprised him of the matter. This per- 
of the Citadel of Plymouth, for his con- haps caused the latter to get possession 
sideration. Martin S: Kay may have of the papers. 



438 THE TRELAWNY PAPERS. [1770. 

R. PUTT TO SAMUEL POLLEXFEN TRELAWNY. 

Plymouth, 30 July, 1770. 

Dear Sir: — 

The above is a Copy of a Letter I received yesterday. I 
thought it best to send it Mr. Veale, as it seems to be of a 
tender Nature. I dare say the above Gentlemen are con- 
cern'd for the Persons you mentioned to me some time since 
that were Claimants of Lands in New England, & whom 
Lord Edgcumb assisted. I should be glad to have those par- 
ticulars in writing of what you know of the Matter. I have 
hinted this claim as above to Mr. Veale, but can't mention 
the particulars. When I hear from you it will enable me the 
better to Answer those Gentlemen, & ask them if they are 
not concern'd for such & such persons who are aided by Lord 
E — . If so, this may be a Matter worth your Attention. If 
Lord E. can serve, why not you as well as strangers, & when 
we shew him the Deed & your just Title I dare say he will 
lend his Assistance to the Person best entitled, which he must 
see & know is yourself. I should be glad if you would come 
to Town one Day this Week, when I hope to have Mr. Veale's 
Answer. If I have it to Morrow I will call on you Wednes- 
day Morning in my way to the New Inn if I chance to go 
there. You must consider I have no Horse, therefore its all 
uncertain. 

I am, Dear Sir, your very humble Servant, 

R. PUTT. 

To 

Mr. Samuel Trelavvny, 
at 
Ham. 



iSog.] SETH HUNT TO GEORGE COLLINS. 439 



SETH HUNT TO GEORGE COLLINS. 

London, Tavistock Hotel, Covent Garden, 
4 April, 1S09. 

Mr. George Collins * : — 

Sir, — My Solicitor, Mr. Cole, handed me your Letter of the 
30 Ultimo, last Evening, but too late to return an answer by 
the last night's post. The very great length of time that the 
property which you Mention has been hi the possession of 
the present occupants, their ancestors, or of persons from 
whom they have derived their titles, leads me to apprehend 
that the Courts would consider the titles as fully perfected by 
a quiet and undisturbed possession for so many generations 
— unless it can be proved that a continued succession of 
Minorities or Covertures have prevented the Heirs at Ham 
from asserting their Rights, in which case it is possible that 
the Statute of Limitations would be inoperative. But the cir- 
cumstance which you mention, as to a Decree having been 
obtained by the Heirs of Winter, who kept possession upon a 
plea of Debt, looks very unfavorable, & I am led to fear will 
be fatal to the supposed Rights of Mrs. Collins. If this 
decree was legally pronounced by the Courts, & a sale was 

1 George Collins was born at Cler- property which had belonged to Robert 

kenwell Green, London, October 29, Trelawny was mentioned. The Ameri- 

1762. His wife was Mary Trelawny, can became interested in the matter, 

the only daughter of Samuel Pollexfen and Mr. Collins then learned that he 

Trelawny, to whom he was married in was the Attorney-General of the United 

1784. He descended from a distin- States, and immediately placed the 

guished ancestry, being the grandson papers relating to the property in his 

of Arthur Collins, the author of " The hands. In due time he received back 

Peerage of England,'' whose great the papers, with an opinion that, while 

grandfather was Francis Collins, of "abetter title could not be shown for 

Stratford on Avon, an executor and any land in New England, too long a 

legatee under Shakespeare's will, time had elapsed, according to the law 

While travelling to London by the of the United States, for the recovery of 

mail, in 1S04, he made the acquaint- the property." Not discouraged by this 

ance of a fellow traveller, who turned opinion, it would appear by this letter 

out to be an American. In the course that he again sought legal advice, with a 

of conversation, the New England simihr result. 



44-0 THE TRELAWNY TAPERS. [1809. 

"legally made of the land under it, & the Sheriff executed, 
acknowledged, & delivered a Deed for it to the purchaser at 
a public sale, I should dispair of being able to disturb the 
title of the present possessors, at this late period (173 years). 
If, however, you should think it worth your while to furnish 
me with Copies of the original Grant to Robert Trelawney & 
of His Will, with the names of the persons through whom the 
title to Mrs. Collins has lineally descended, I will on my 
return to Massachusetts (of which I am a Citizen) make the 
necessary Enquiries to ascertain the present situation of the 
property, & the nature of the titles of the occupants, which I 
can do without any very great inconvenience ; but you should 
first satisfy yourself that neither of the Heirs at Ham, since 
the Death of Robert Trelawny, have been in America to 
reclaim the property, and that there are not other persons, 
descendants from Robert Trelawny, who would be equally 
entitled with Mrs. Collins to inherit the property. You must 
be particular as to this point, because there has not been for 
a long period any law of primogeniture, or the Hereditary 
Entailment of Real Estate, & Daughters Equally with Sons 
Inherit the property of an Intestate, share and share alike. 
I am, Sir, very Respectfully, your obedient Servant, 

SETH HUNT.' 

To 
Mr. George Collins, 

Ham, Surrey. 

' The Honorable Seth Hunt, son of interested in various enterprises, which 
Colonel Seth Hunt, of Northampton, caused him to visit Europe several 
Mass., where he was born in 17S0. His times, and was widely known and re- 
father dying, he was educated by his spected. The latter portion of his life 
uncle, Dr. Ebenezer Hunt. After study- was passed in the quiet town of Wal- 
ing law he was appointed Territorial pole, New Hampshire, where he sud- 
Governor of Alabama, and administered denly died, in 1S46. 
the office with ability. He was largely 



APPENDIX. 



No. I. 

THE WILL OF ROBERT TRELAWNY, 

Father of the Subject of this Memoir. 

[Extracted from the Principal Registry of the Probate Division of Her Majesty's 
High Court of Justice, in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury.] 

In the Name of God, Amen. This last of June, 1627, I, 
Robert Trelawny, of Plymouth, Marchant, doe make this my 
last Will, and being in good and perfect health, thankes 
be to Allmighty God, and first before all other thinges I 
cofiiend my Soule, which is heavenlie, to the handes of All- 
mightie God my heavenlie father, beleevinge, without all 
manner of doubte or mistrust, that by His grace and meritts 
of Jesus Christ his onelie sonne and my alone Saviour I have 
and shall haue remission of all my sinnes. And for my bodie, 
which is but fraile and transitorie, I comende the same to 
the Earth from whence it hadd his beginninge, the same to 
rest in hope of a full assurance of a blessed resurreccon, &c. 
And nowe, touchinge of the orderinge of such temporall goodes 
as God hath sent me, first I give to the poore people of Saint 
Germanes twentie shillings. And more I giue to the poore 01 
Plymouth five poundes to be distributed by the Maior for the 
time beinge. Item, I give to Judeth, my good wief, all her 
plate and househould stuffe she brought, and alsoe my will is 
she have the house she dwelt in before I married her. And 
my desire is that if anie time be to come of the said house 



442 APPENDIX. [Xo. I. 

after the death of my said wief, that then the said yeares then 
to come doe remaine to my sonne John Trelavvny, in regard of 
the great legacies and debts I paid for my predecessor, which 
my said wief was chargeable to paie. And more, I give to my 
said wief all my stuffe and Corne I haue at pound at the time 
of my death, or ells, if my said wief leave it to my Executor 
hereafter named, then he to haue the said goodes and corne 
and stuffe aforesaide, and to paie to my said wief three score 
poundes in money within two moneths after my decease. And 
more, my will is that my said wief haue during her lief the rent 
of Catt Close, nowe in the tenure of Ambrose Diginges. And 
more, I give to her in money sixe poundes thirteene shillinges 
and fower pence. And I hope my said wief wilbe therewith 
verie well content. Item, I giuc to each of my wief's children 
five shillings a peece to buy them gloves. Item, I give to 
each of my brother Gayer's children five shillings a peece to 
buy them gloves. And more, I give to each of the children of 
my brother Baron, hadd by my sister, five shillinges a peece 
to buy them gloves. Item, I give to my sonne Edward Tre- 
lawney the lease of my house wherein Mr. Thomas Cely latelie 
dwelt in. And more, a lease for twentie and one yeares of 
Mottley, wherein the Widowe Rowe now dwelleth, in the said 
terme, to beginne after the death of the Widdow Rowe, and 
Abraham her sonne payeinge therefore yearlie duringe the 
saide terme of one and twentie yeares to my Executors here- 
after named when it falls the rent, which is xxxi s. per yeare. 
And more, I giue to him the lease or terme of there closes 
of land and there gardens, and one Barne in Greene Streete, 
which I hadd from Mr. Jefford. And more, I giue to him in 

money . And more, I giue to him and his heires 

All my land I bought of John Cresfield of Saint Germans, 
nowe in the tenure of Ric. Hearing and John Wootton, Joyner. 
Item, I giue to my sonne John Trelawney after the decease of 
my wief All my land at Lipsonne, which I had conveyed to 
me before marriage with her. And my Executor hereafter 
named to paie one hundred and fiftie poundes to Jane Sparke, 



No. I.] WILL OF ROBERT TRELAWNY, SENIOR. 



443 



according to agreements in full of three hundred poundes 
which I was to paie. And more, I giue her in token of my 
love five poundes in money. And more, I giue to my sonne 
John Trelawney Catt close after the decease of my wief, to him 
and his heires, which is now in the tenure of Ambrose Di°-- 
ings. And alsoe one plott of lande I bought of my brother 
John Amadas, nowe in the tenure of Ric. Streamer, and to 
his heires. And alsoe the house which was some time Rey- 
nold Amadas, nowe in the tenor of late the wife of one I3al- 
hagett, all which I giue to my said sonne John Trelawney and 
his heires. And more, I give to my said sonne John Tre- 
lawney and his heires all my land at Pounds, and more, I giue 
to him in money one hundred and fiftie poundes. Item, I 
giue to my daughter Margarett Trelawney in money fower 
hundred poundes, to be paid her sixe moneths after my decease. 
Item, I give to my sister Elford, my sister Baron, and to my 
sister in lawe Elizabeth Gayer in money five shillings, to buy 
them gloves to each of them. Item, I giue to Elizabeth Le- 
mote three poundes in money. And more, I give to each of 
my servants which shall be with me att the time of my death 
three shillings four pence per piece, and to each of my god- 
children which comes for it two shillings a piece if they 
demande it. Item, I giue to my servant John Kinge sixe 
poundes thirteene shillings and fower pence. Item, I give to 
my sonne Robert Trelawney all my land in Saint Johns called 
Stone, nowe in the tenor of John Skinnerd, and all my land 
in Macker, called Sollocke, And my land at Mottley, nowe 
in the tenure of Willmot Rowe. And he my said sonne 
Robert to make a Lease for one and twentie years to my 
sonne Edward Trelawney after the death of Willmot Rowe 
and Abraham Rowe, if soe be my sonne Edward Trelawney 
be then livinge. And further my will is, and I hartilie desire 
my said Overseers hereafter named, that if there shall be anie 
matters or differences arise or growe betweene my said wief 
or children, or by anie other by reason of anie exception or 
vnsufficiency of this my Will, after my death, that then the 

\ 



444 APPENDIX. [ No I. 

same differences be had and composed by my said Overseers 
hereafter named for avoyding of strife, suites in lavve, or other- 
wise. But I hope in God that my said wief and children will 
soe agree together that they will live all in peace and much 
love together. And my desire is that all my debts be paid 
which maie be iustlie due. And more, I giue to Mr. Nicholls, 
our Preacher, in token of my love, twenty shillings, and to 
Mr. Ric. Morris five shillings to buy him a paire of gloves. 
Item, I giue to my brother Edward Trelawney, Mr. Thomas 
Sherwell, my brother Elford, Mr. Leonard Pomeroy, and 
my brother in lawe Ric. Gayer twentie shillings a piece in 
token of my love, and theis five I desire to be my Overseers 
of this my said Will. And I desire them to be helpefull to 
my said wife and children, whom I praie God to increase His 
graces in them, that they may live in his feare. The rest of 
my goodes not given I give unto my sonne Robert Trelawney, 
whom I make my lull and whole Executor. 

Probatum fuit testamentum Supra Scriptum apud London 
coram venerabili viro Dno Henrico Marten milite legum dcoro 
Curie Prerogative Cant. Mfigro Custode sive Comissario 
ltime Constituto Vicesimo Octavo Jurament Roberti Trelaw- 
ney filij diet. Dof et Executoris in hilioi testamento nominat 
Cui Coiuissa fuit administrate) omni et singulorem bonorum 
iurium et creditorum diet, defunct De bene et fideliter admi- 
nistrand eadem ad Sancto Dei Evangelia (Coram Matthia 
Nicholls Clico vigore Commissionis in ea parte als emanat 
iurat. 



ROBERT TRELAWNY'S FIRST WILL. 445 



No. II. 

ROBERT TRELAWNY'S FIRST WILL. 
October 26, 1640. 

In tljc ft.tmc of ©ob ;a.nun, I Jtobert enlaront) of Plymouth, 
Gent., Being at present by Gods great goodnes of parfaict 
health & Memory, Doe Ordaine & make this my last will & 
Testament. And first I Commend my soule to God the Giuer 
of itt, Humbly beseeching him for Christ Jesus sake his 
Sonne & my Lord & Sauiour to be Mercyfull vnto mee, to 
pardon all my Shines, & to receaue me into his kingdome, 
that I may there for Euer blesse & praise him, for all his 
Mercyes. In Confidence of which I againe Commend my 
selfe to him, in Jesus Name. My body I Commend to Chris- 
tian buriall, to be led vp in the Earth, there to rest in full 
assurance of a glorious resurrection, at Christ my Sauiours 
next Cominge. My worldly goods I dispose in Manner follow- 
ing. Inprimis I giue to Doct. Wilson my Pastor fourty 
shillings. To Mr. Thomas Bedford our Lecturer I giue 
Twenty pounds. To the poores portion in Plymouth I giue 
One hundred pounds to be in Stocke for Euer. To the hos- 
pitall of Orphans ayde I giue Twenty pounds. Item whereas 
at the Motion of the building of anew Church here in Ply- 
mouth (aworke there of Soe much piety, Charity, & Necessity), 
I promised to giue Towe hundred pounds (which worke is not 
withstanding delayed, & not likely Suddainly to goe on), I 
doe now in Lieu thereof & for the present & future Service of 
God hereby giue vnto the Towne of Plymouth Eight hundred 
pounds in Monny to buye a sheafe for the annuall & per- 
petuall Maintaynance of a preaching lecturer there on the 
Wensdaye in Euery weecke, prouided they presently Secure 
Mr. Thomas Bedford the now present Lecturer there during 
his life (if he there Continewes & nott otherwise) fifty pounds 



446 APPENDIX. 

yearly. And I hereby desire them to take Care to haue the 
Monny well imployed. Item, I giue to the poore of Meua- 
gisa Twenty pounds. To the poore of St. Michaell Carry- 
hayes fiue pounds. To the poore of Stonehouse fiue pounds. 
And to the poore of Plymouth I giue Tenne pounds to be 
distributed, all these legacyes to be paid within a yeare of my 
death. To Mr. Worth & Mr. Horsman the Scoole Masters 
of Plymouth, to each of them I giue fourty shillings. To 
Mr. Jno. Buckly & to Mr. Richard Gibson, to each of them 
I giue fourty shillings. Item, I giue to my most faithfull 
to my & l° vm g wiefe, Anne Trelawny, One thousand Fiue hun- 
w.efe. dved pounds, in Mony. And also I giue her during life 
My dwelling house, garden, stable, pallace,' lofts, & Sellers. 
And I also Confirme vnto her during her life all the rentts & 
reuersions of the lands I had with her in Marriage, and after 
her decease I order itt & giue itt to my Eldest sonne, accord- 
ing to Couenants. I also giue her my garden in Hake Streat. 
And I also giue her during life my barton 2 at Hame, with all 
the appurtenances. And I also giue her all my Cattle, & 
other quicke stuff 3 there, & all implements of husbandry with 
my barge & all things belonging to her. And I also giue her 
all my wollen, lynnen, plate (excepting my guilt plate), & all 
my pewter, brasse, & household goods what soeuer, that I 
haue either here in Plymouth or att Hame, desiring God 
most humbly & heartily to be for Euer her Guide, Guarde, & 

1 Palace is the Devonshire for store- but in other places it denoted the 
house. Max Miiller, in Lectures on manor-house and even the out-houses. 
Language, II. 276, derives the word Wright tells us that a coop for poultry 
from Pales, a pastoral deity and pro- was also in some places called a barton. 
tector of flocks. The use of the word The reason for this is seen in the mean- 
in Devonshire coincides with this mean- ing of the words. Barn is from the 
ing, namely, a place where things are same root, and signifies the barley or 
protected or safely kept. corn place. Vide Bosworth's Anglo- 

2 Bosworth derives this word from Saxon Diet., p. 53. Jacob's Law Diet., 
bere, barley, and tun, a town or an II. 293. Wright's Provincial Diet., I. 
enclosure. In Devonshire the word 171. Skeats's Etymological Diet., in 
had a restricted meaning, and was ap- loco. 

plied to the mesne lands of a manor, 3 I. e. live stock. 



ROBERT TRELAWNY'S FIRST WILL. 447 

Comforte. Item, I giue My Sonne Walter Trelawny One 
thousand pounds in Monny, & all my guilt plate. To my 
sonne Samuell Trelawny I giue a thousand pounds in Monny. 
I also giue my Said sonne Samuell & to his heires for Euer 
all my lands at Stone in St. Johns Parish, in the possession 
of Jno. Skinnard or his assignes, which I order my sonne 
Walter to confirme to him. To my Sonne John Trelawny 
I giue a thousand pounds in Monny, And all my lands at 
Solke in the possession of John Euans ore his assignes, which 
lands lyes in Maker Parish, which I also order my said Sonne 
Walter to confirme vnto him. And in Case he refuseth to 
make this Confirmation to each of his brothers (though I 
Conceiue itt good without him), I then giue them in lieu of 
itt all my lands at Hame & Motley, but in Case he Con- 
firmes vnto them my first bequeast, this latter to be Voyde. 
To my Sonne Robert Trelawny I giue One thousand pounds 
in Monny, and all my lands in New Ingland to him & to his 
heires for Euer. And in Case my Sonne Samuell ore my 
Sonne John, ore either of them, shall happen to dye befor 
they attaine to 21 yeares, ore are Married & haue children, I 
then will & ordaine that the lands of him or them soe dying 
doe discend & be to my said Robert Trelawny & his heirs for 
Euer. To my daughter Anne Trelawny I giue a thousand ^ l2 °° 

J ° J a to my 

towe hundred pounds in Monny. "To my daughter Eliza dau s'>- 
Trelawny I giue a thousand pounds in Monny. To my daugh- Ann - 
ter Judith I giue a thousand pounds in Monny. And in Case 
that any of my children dye before Marriage or that they 
attaine to the age of 21 yeares, I order & declare my will & 
meaning is that the Monny of him ore her soe dyinge be 
Equally deuided betweene my wiefe & children in Equall 
portions, my wiefe to haue as much as Each of my Children, 
& each of my Children to haue as much as my wiefe. Item, I 
giue to my Sonne Walter Trelawny, & to his heires for Euer, 
all my other lands what soeuer. Item, I giue my Bro: Edw: 
Trelawny Twenty pounds in Monny. Item, I giue him yearely 
to be paid out of Smarts meadow alias New meddow at Cocke 



448 ArrENDix. 

sede & out of other lands I purchase of Mr. Jetfard (except 
Hame) Sixteen pounds per yeare, during his naturall life. 
And I giue to him & to his heires for Euer the house & gar- 
den in Stilman Streat, now in the possession of Mary Roe, 
widdowe. I also giue him & his heirs for Euer the tenement 
adioying, now in possession of Dorothy Herrnig. To my Sister 
To my Mrs. Margarett Martyn I giue Fourty pounds, & to Each of 
™£.' her children I giue hue pounds. To each of my Vnckell 
Edw : Trelawnyes children I giue fourty shillings. To my 
Aunte Mrs. Mary Andrew & to each of her children I giue 
fourty shillings. To each of my household servants I giue 
fourty shillings, such as Hue with me in Plymouth, & to each 
of my servants at Hame tenne shillings. To each of my ap- 
prentises fourty shillings. To Marcus Maine Twenty pounds. 
To George Spry fiue pounds. To Joseph Marke Eighty 
pounds, in lieu of what I had with him. To Arthur Spry 
fiue pounds. To Thomas Maynard fiue pounds. To Willmot 
Winspeare & to her Sonne Robert to each of them I giue 
Tenne pounds. To my Cosne Rich : Spurwell, Bartho : Nicolls, 
& Richard Morehouse, to each of them I giue fourty shil- 
lings. To Jno. Winter I giue fiue pounds. To Eardinando 
Marks I giue fiue pounds. To my aunt Besse Gay re & her 
children to Each I giue Twenty shillings. To my Bro : 
&>£■ John Trelawny I giue fiftye pounds, & to my deare frinds, Mr. 
Symon Snow, Mr. George Potter, & John Kinge, to each of 
them I giue Twenty & fiue pounds. I saye to each of them 
25 pounds. And I hereby make & appointe them my Execu- 
tors in trust to & for the Vse & benifitt of my Sonne Walter 
Trelawny, of whome & of the rest of my children, especially 
of my deare wiefe, I hartily desire them to haue an espcciall 
regard. And I hereby declare that in Case my Estate falls to 
be fiue pounds shorte of the Inventory taken & Entered in 
one of my books, then I ordaine that each one to whom I haue 
hereby giuen a legacy shall beare his proportionable part of 
the losse & demenution. And for the Mannaging & improv- 
ing of my said Childrens portions I referr itt whoely to their 



ROBERT TRELAWNY'S LAST WILL. 



449 



discretions, for I knowe itt is not fitt to wrap them vp in a 
Napkinge. Soe with my prayers to God for and for my wiefe 
& children, frinds, land, & Church in generall, desiring God to 
blesse, guide, & guarde them. I Conclude this worke & firme 
itt this 26th of October, 1640. 




To the child that my wiefe is now Concerned with all I 
giue one thousand pounds in Monny, to be pd by my ex- 
ecutor, & in Case of itts death he to haue itt whoely againe. 
Witnes my hand this iith. of October, 1641. 



ROBERT TRELAWNY. 



My Last Will & Testament, 
made the 26th of October, 
1640. 

[Indorsed :] 

26th Oct., 1640. 
R. Trelawny's Will. 
No. 20. 
St. Michael Carahayes, in the Hundred 

& Deanery of Powder, Cornwall. 
Mevagessey, Hundred & Deanery 
of Powder, Cornwal. 



29 



450 APPENDIX. 



No. III. 

ROBERT TRELAWNY'S LAST WILL. 
August 27, 1643. 

In flje name of <3ots, Slmcn! I Robert (Urclainnn of Plymouth, 
in the County of Devon, Esq., being (by Gods blessing) in 
perfect health & memory, doe make & ordaine this my last 
will & testament, heerby revoking all formers, & giveing to 
this all strength & virtue. 

My soule I commend to God, my Creator, in the name & 
mediation of Jesus Christ my Lord & Saviour; trusting alone 
in Gods everlasting mercys & Christs All sufficient merits, for 
remission & salvation ; as he hath promised in his Gospell to 
all penitent sinners, & seales the truth of it by his holy Spirit 
to all beleivers. 

My Body I commend to Christian buriall in hope of a Joy- 
full resurrection, & my desire is to be laid in the Church of 
Plymouth as neer vnto my deceased wife as may be. 

And first, whereas I have set apart some of my estate in my 
bookes for pious and charitable uses: In lieu thereof I doe 
heerby give (according to a former promise made in the Guild 
hall of Plymouth) two hundred pounds, towards the building 
of a new Church in Plymouth, according to an act of Parlia- 
ment: I also giue unto the Towne of Plymouth six hundred 
pounds on this condition they giue my heires good security 
for the yearely payment of thirty pounds for ever to be paid in 
the Guildhall of Plymouth every 25th March before 12 a Clock 
in the morning for ever, to be paid in manner & forme follow- 
ing, viz. : That every 25th of March (being the day of my 
nativity) there be a sermon preached in ye parish Church of 
St. Andrews in Plymouth, & that the Major & Magistrates doe 
from thence repaire with my heire male or his Deputy for ever 
to the Guildhall to receive & dispose of the aforesaid .£30 
yearely as followeth : 40s. to the Vicar of St. Andrews Church. 1 



ROBERT TRELAWNY'S LAST WILL. 



451 



& 40s. to the Vicar of the New Church that is ordained to be 
built ; And those two Vicars & their successors for ever to 
preach the sermons aforesaid, Exhorting all people to workes 
of piety and charity : To a maid servant that is of a spotless 
life, & hath served in one house, that is with one Mr. or Mrs. 
five yeares, or more, & that with in the Towne and Parish of 
Plymouth (for all else are excluded), To such a one (to be 
chosen as heerafter is directed) I order to be giuen twenty 
pounds : None but Maides are heerof capable : And also I 
order to be given to a young sailor that hath served faithfully 
five yeares or more of his apprenticeship in the Towne or 
Parish of Plymouth aforesaid five pounds, None else to be 
capable : Now I ordaine the choice of this young man & maid 
to be made by lott in manner & forme following : That my 
heir male for ever with the Major & Magistrates of Plymouth 
shall each of them name a severall name to be put into a hatt 
all rold up alike, and that name which my heire male, or in his 
absence his Deputy, shall draw out, shall have the mony heerby 
severally given to be presently paid them, the same way of lott 
to be used, as for the maid soe for the young man : Provided 
alwaies & it is my will & meaning, & I doe heerby expressly 
order, that every third yeare my heire male for ever shal 
receive & take the severall sums of twenty pounds & five 
pounds before mentioned to be disposed off by lott, & shall 
without lott by his owne discretion, without any accompt to be 
given, dispose of the said severall sums to any of my blood & 
poore kindred that he pleaseth : I also order to be given to 
the Towne Clarke of Plymouth & to his successors for ever ten 
shillings to keep the accompt of the yearely dispose of all & 
to whom ; To the eldest sergeant to attend yearely five shil- 
lings, & to the sexton to tole the bell & take care for the ser- 
mon five shillings ; All to be paid out of the thirty pounds, 
which the Towne is to secure & convay vnto my heires for 
ever, in lieu of the six hundred pounds given them on this 
Condition ; And I farther declare & ordaine that it shall not 
be in the power of my heires, or any of them, to sell or alienate 



452 APPENDIX. 

this trust, & if they doe I heerby declare & make that sale 
void & of noe effect, And I make it my earnest request to the 
Major & Magistrates of Plymouth from time to time, that they 
will take speciall care to see this part of my will accordingly 
to be performed, for the glory of God, & the good k benefit of 
those to whom it is intended. 

I also giue unto Mr. Thomas Bedford, Batchelor in Divin- 
ity,' one hundred and fifty pounds in Mony, to be paid the 
one halfe within a yeare, & th' other halfe within two yeares 
of my death. To the poore of the Towne of Plymouth to be 
distributed I give ten pounds. To the poore of the tything 
of Pennycross in Plymouth I give forty shillings. To the 
poores portion in Plymouth I give twenty pounds. To the 
Orphans aide in Plymouth I give tenn pounds. To the Almes 
house in Plymouth I give tenn pounds. To the poore of 
Meva-gissa, where I married my deare wife, I give five 
pounds, to be distributed by the Parish, & to ye poore of St. 
Michael Carheyser, the place of her birth, I also give five 

1 The Rev. Thomas Bedford, B. D., sea, prisoner to London, from whence 

of Plymouth, to whom this legacy of he never returned. The occasion of 

£i$o is bequeathed, received at the this treatment was an honest sermon 

hands of Parliament similar treatment he had preached in the town, and possi- 

with Trelawny himself, as appears from bly His Majesty's countenancing him 

the following entry in the Journals of the added not a little to it." Mr. Bedford 

House : " 1643, Sept. 4. Ordered that died in London, and in his will is this 

Mr. Bedford shall be discharged of clause (1653): "To the Minister and 

being Lecturer in the Town of Ply- Church wardens of the New Church in 

mouth, and that he be sent for as a Plymouth do I bequeath Ten pounds, 

delinquent by the Sergeant at Arms." to be bestowed upon a Font Stone, or 

Of this Mr. Bedford, Walker, in his some other utensil for that Church, 

" Sufferings of the Clergy," says : "He and this I do as a testimony of my 

was Curate here [Plymouth] to the very thankfulness to God for that legacy 

worthy Dr. Wilson, at the time of that which by the last will and testament 

Doctor's death, upon which His Ma- of mine ever honored friend, Mr. Rob- 

jesty [Charles I.], in whom that right ert Trelawny, was bequeathed to me." 

had always been vested, presented him The money was not laid out in a font 

to that Vicarage, but the faction put stone, but in two pieces of sacramental 

him by, and were not content to plate, which are now used in Charles 

throw him out of his undoubted right, Church, having the name of the donor 

but proceeded also to cast him into a thereon, and the date 1662. 
nasty jail, and soon after sent him, by 



ROBERT TRELAWNY'S LAST WILL. 453 

pounds. And thus for the dispose of what I have assigned 
for pious & Charitable vses. Item, I give and bequeath 
unto my Son Samuell Trelawny two thousand pounds in 
mony. To my daughter Ann Trelawny I give seventeene 
hundred pounds in mony. To my daughter Elizabeth Tre- 
lawny I give twelve hundred pounds in mony. To my daugh- 
ter Judith Trelawny I give twelve hundred pounds in mony. 
To my Son John Trelawny I give & to his heires for ever 
all my land in Stone in St. John's Parish in Cornwall, & I 
give my said son John more in mony One thousand pounds. 
To my son Robert Trelawny I give & to his heires for ever all 
my Lands at Motley in Plymouth parish, & all my lands in 
New England with all my cattle, hogs, corne, & other things, 
except my fish & traine : I also give unto my said son Robert 
Trelawny & to his heires for ever all my adventure for lands 
in Ireland, & the proceed of it, being foure hundred & fifty 
pounds my part, paid into the Guildhall of London, on an act 
of Parliament (ye rest belongs vizt: .£150 to my Brother John 
Trelawny, and .£75 to John Winspeare, which make ,£675 the 
sum paid in). Item, I give my said son Robert Trelawny One 
thousand pounds in mony. Item, I give unto my Brother Ed- 
ward Trelawny, & to the heires of his body for ever, the house 
& garden in Stillman Street, in which Mary ffurse, widdow, now 
liveth, & for default of such heires it shall returne to my 
heires for ever : I give him more, during his life & noe longer, 
the rent of new meddow alias Smarts meddow, which I bought 
of Thomas Gifford, Esq., & in case I purchase or take a farther 
estate in the house on the New Key in which John Winspeare 
now lives, I doe heerby give unto him the rent of that during 
his life. Item, I give unto him in mony ten pounds, & forgive 
him all that he owes me, soe he doe not clamor for any legacy 
given him by my ffathers will which I have abundantly paid 
him : Yet if he pretends any thing of that, I heerby declare 
that all I have heerby given him is void, & he shall have noe 
benefitt at all of any legacy heerby given him. Item, I give 
unto my Brother John Trelawny fifty pounds. To my Sister 



454 APPENDIX. 

Margaret Martin I give thirty pounds, & to each of her Chil- 
dren I give ten pounds ; To Wilmot, the wife of John Win- 
speare, I give twenty pounds, besides what I owe her by my 
bookes. To her son Robert I give ten pounds. To Joseph 
Marke, my Servant, I give twenty pounds. To Thomas May- 
nard I give ten pounds. To Marcus Mayne I give ten pounds. 
To Martin Comb I give ten pounds, besides what I owe him by 
my bill. To Mr. John Winter at Richmond Island I give ten 
pounds. To William Hingston I give five pounds. To Capt. 
William King I give forty shillings. To Mary Bedford I give 
five pounds. To my Servant Jone Joell (besides the ten pounds 
I owe her for mony shee delivered me) I give her other ten 
pounds. To each of my other household servants, & appren- 
tices in any of my ships, I give forty shillings. To every 
Nurse, that nurst any of my Children, for every Child of myne 
that was nurst out, I give forty shillings, & in lieu thereof I 
give to Richard White & to his wife Jone that Nurst foure of 
my Children, I give ten pounds. To my Cossen Hugh Potter 
I give five pounds. To my Cossin Joseph Snow I give five 
pounds, & to my friend Bartholomew Nicholls I give five 
pounds. To my Aunt Mrs. Taylor I give ten pounds. To 
my sister Mrs. Elianor Snow I give ten pounds. To my 
Cossen Mrs. Mary Spurwell I give ten pounds. To Christian, 
the wife of William fflute, I give five pounds. To Each of 
Vncle Edward Trelawnys Children I give forty shillings. 

And I farther declare my will & meaning to be, & I heerby 
ordaine that my Son Robert Trelawny & his heires shall 
inherit the lands heerby given to my son John Trelawny & 
his heires, in case the said John dies without heires & before 
he accomplishcth one & twenty yeares of age ; And in like 
manner my will is that my son Samuell & his heires shall in- 
herite the Lands heerby given to my son Robert & his heires, 
in case he dies without heires, or before he be one & twenty 
yeares old ; And my Son John Trelawny & his heires to inher- 
ite what is given my Son Samuel, in case he dies without heires, 
or before he be one & twenty yeares of age. And in case that 



ROBERT TRELAWNY'S LAST WILL. 455 

any of my Children dye before marriage, or before they be 
one & twenty yeares old, my will & meaning is that my eldest 
son that shalbe living shall have the half of the whole portion 
of mony of him or her that shall dye, & that each of my other 
Children over-living shall have the other half to be equally 
divided amongst them ; but the Eldest to be at the whole 
charges of the funeral of him or her soe dying. 

To my Servant George Spry I give ten pounds. Item, I give 
to Mr. Simon Snow, to Mr. George Potter, to John King, and 
to Arthur Spry, to each of them twenty pounds ; which foure 
with my Brother John Trelawny I heerby declare & appoint to 
be my Executors in trust to & for the benefit & behoofe of my 
son Samuel Trelawny, or in case of his death before he be one 
& twenty yeares of age, for the benefit of my heir at law ; To 
whom I heerby give all my other lands & goods not formerly 
given. Provided if my estate fall shorte of my legacies given 
(which God forbid, being at present much more in my ac- 
compt) then every of my Children & others to whom I have 
heerby given a legacy (except my foure Executors) shall beare 
their proportionable parts of the loss. And lastly I make it 
my earnest request to my Executors to accept of this charge, 
& to take care of the breeding & disposeing of my Children, 
and by all good waies (they thinke best) to improve their por- 
tions, holding it unlawfull to wrap up their talent in a napkin. 
And thus with my humble prayers to God for a blessing on 
my Children, & on all, I conclude with my hand & seale this 

24th August, 1643. 

ROBERT TRELAWNY. 



A Codicill to be annexed to the last will & testament of Rob- 
ert Trelawny, of Plymouth, in the County of Devon, Esq., 
as a farther explanation thereof, made ye 23 ffebry, 1643. 

Wheras I have in my hands ye Sum of ^2200 of lawfull 
English mony, being the portions of ye daughters of my 



456 APPENDIX. 

Sister Margaret Martin, widdow, I doe will & desire my Ex- 
ecutors named in my said will to satisfie & pay the same to 
them or their assignes in the first place, before any other 
legacy be paid, or to secure the payment thereof to them or 
their Mother as they shall consent & agree. 

And whereas I have given my Lands at Stone in St. John's 
Parish, in the County of Cornwall, to my son John Trelawny 
& his heires, & in case he dye without heires, or before he 
comes to ye age of 2 1 yeares, to my son Robert Trelawny & 
his heires, My intent & meaning is & I doe heerby declare 
yt, my will is, yt if ye said John Trelawny my son dye without 
heire male of his body lawfully begotten, then I give & be- 
queath the said Lands to my said son Robert Trelawny & his 
heires for ever : And soe likewise my will & meaning is, that 
if my son Robert Trelawny dye without heire male of his body 
lawfully begotten, yt then ye Lands which I have formerly 
given him at Motley, in Plymouth, & in New England shall 
remaine to my son Samuel Trelawny & his heires for ever : 
And my farther will & meaning is, yt if my son Samuel Tre- 
lawny dye without heire male of his body lawfully begotten, 
that then all the Lands which I have formerly given him by 
my will shall remaine & be unto my son John Trelawny and 
his heires. In witnes whereof I have hereunto set my hand & 
seale the day & yeare above written. I commit my funerall 
to the discretion of my Executors, as a prisoner & according 

to the sadness of the times. 1 

ROBERT TRELAWNY. 
s. d. 
Pious & Charitable vses 
Childrens portions 
Other legacies 

Read & published in presence off 

WILLIAM BROCKMAN, Knight. 
JOHN LANG, Recorder of Ipswich. 
GULIELMAS INGOLDESBY, Minister. 
WALTER MAYNARD. 

■ Singularly enough, this striking ex- the times," appears in the York Court 
pression, "according to the sadness of Records at Alfred, Maine, from which 



SIR JONATHAN TRELAWNY. 457 



No. IV. 

SIR JONATHAN TRELAWNY. 

(See page xviii.) 

The seven Bishops who were imprisoned in the Tower at London 
by James II., A. D. 1688, were : — 

Sancroft, Archbishop of Canterbury. 

Ken, Bishop of Bath and Wells. 

Turner, Bishop of Ely. 

White, Bishop of Peterborough. 

Lloyd, Bishop of Norwich. 

Frampton, Bishop of Gloucester. 

Trelawny, Sir Jonathan, Bt., Bishop of Bristol. 

" Seven Holy Men, loved Mother, of thine own, 

Superior one in honour as in age, 

Stood forth, despite a Bigot Tyrant's rage, 
Thy People's Guardian 'gainst a Despots Throne. 
Of those Seven Holy Men, when treedoms frown 

Had chased that Bigot Tyrant from the stage, 

Five to his name held fast their plighted gage, 
And lost their Mitres, to maintain his Crown! 
Angels of Anglia's Church, Stars fair and bright, 

I greet you in her crowded galaxy ! 
'T was yours to suffer wrong ; yours to requite 

Wrong meekly borne with steadier loyalty ; 
Nor dare abandon in his friendless flight 

Whom in his pride of power ye dared defy ! " 

Bishop Mant. 

When Sir Jonathan Trelawny, one of these seven Bishops, as 
stated in the Memoir, was committed to the Tower, in 1688, the 
Cornish men rose, one and all, and marched as far as Exeter, on 
their way to extort his liberation. It was on this occasion that 
" The Song of the Western Men " was written and sung throughout 

it would appear that it was not original ter in my possession, to have supposed, 
with Robert Trelawny, as the Rev. C. It was probably a popular quotation 
T. Collins Trelawny seems, from a let- from some early author. 



458 APPENDIX. 

Cornwall, but only a fragment of it has survived the lapse of time. 
A clever poet of the county, the Rev. R. S. Hawker, Vicar of Moor- 
winstow, in 1825, wrote and published anonymously the supposed 
original song, including the chorus, which passed current for some 
years as being the veritable ancient song. He has so thoroughly 
caught the ancient spirit of the ballad, that Sir Walter Scott and 
Macaulay, and even Mr. Davies Gilbert, the historian of Cornwall, 
were convinced of its genuineness. It was set to music, and com- 
monly sung to an old French tune, " Le Petit Tambour." I may be 
forgiven for inserting it here. 

THE SONG OF THE WESTERN MEN. 

A good sword and a trusty hand ! 

A merry heart and true! 
King James's men shall understand 

What Cornish lads can do ! 

And have they fixed the where and when ? 

And shall Trelawny die ? 
Here 's forty thousand Cornish men 

Will see the reason why ! 

Out spake their captain brave and bold, 

A merry wight was he, 
"If London Tower were Michael's hold, 

We 11 set Trelawny free ! " 

We '11 cross the Tamer, land to land, 

The Severn is no stay: 
All side by side, and hand to hand, 

And who shall bid us nay! 

And when we come to London wall, 

A pleasant sight to view, 
Come forth! come forth ! ye cowards all. 

To better men than you ! 

Trelawny, he 's in keep and hold, 

Trelawny, he may die, 
But here 's forty thousand Cornish bold 

Will see the reason why! 



WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 



459 



No. V. 

(See page 33.) 
WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 

Richmond Iland [the April, 1634.] 
Mr. Robert Trelanye : — 

Syr : Yt may please you to vnderstand that I have receaved 
sundry letters that Came safe to my hand with the Invoyes of 
the goods sent by Mr. Pommery In the Hunter, and I haue 
receaved all the goods a shore except the 2 pece of ordinance 
which ar vnder the salt. Yt had bin better that you had 
sent me malt and meale In stead of bread and beare, for I 
haue fytted our house heare at Richmon Island to brew our 
beare and to bake our bread, and haue don yt all this winter 
past : I hired a man a purpose for to do yt, but he is to serue 
me but this yeare. Our bread sent by Mr. Pomeroy doth 
proue good, but our beare very bad : som stinkes, som hodg- 
heds I out, som 4 or 5 gallons In a hodghed. Our barrells of 
wyne you sent, somm lacke 5 Inches, som 4 Inches, and som 
3 Inches. The 2 hodgheds of aquavite lacke 5 Inches each 
of them. The hodghed of oyle wanted 4 Inches ; the hodg- 
hed of veniger was filled Into another hodghed abord the 
ship, and when yt Came ashore yt wanted 8 Inches, and not 
good neyther. The dry goods Com well Conditioned, but 
their wanted 2 pair of shues and 2 pair of stockins of the 
account. The Cootes ar good, but som what of the shortest, 
for the Indians make Chose of the longest Cootes, they pas 
best, but the Coverletts ar not for this Country, they will not 
pass to the English nor to the Indians, for the must haue 
them soft and warm. The waskotes ar made, most of them, 
to litle, otherwyse they ar made well Inough. The hatts ar 
sent without bands or lined In the browes, which neather 
English nor Indian will weare them, therefore I pray send no 
more of them except they be better fitted, for I haue not put 



460 APPENDIX. 

away on of them. The shurtes, shues, and stockins ar fitt, only 
the shues ar most of them to litle, for the snow doth Case the 
shues to shrinke. I haue receaved the goods sent by Cap- 
taine Smartes accordinge to the bill of lading. Mr. Pomeroy 
arrived heare the second of February, but it is to late for the 
fishinge heare. The best fyshinge we had heare this yeare 
was in January and February. Yf you purpose to follow your 
fyshinge heare, you must expect to haue your ship heare by 
Chrismas. Since March we haue had very bad fishinge this 
yeare : we haue taken at present, since Chrismas, neare about 
30 thousand fish, on and other, but I thinke we haue at lest 
5 thousand hake and haddocke now ; our later fishinge is 
much hake and haddocke. We took after Mr. Gylle departed, 
before Chrismas, 13 thousand fish, most Cod, and yt keepes 
very well yt ; we kept yt in house all this yeare. We haue not 
made aboue 3 hundred of Cor fish all this yeare. Traine we 
haue made very litle accordinge to our fish : the fish all the 
winter doth yeld very litle traine ; we haue made but 5 hodg- 
heds all this yeare. The bas was plentiest heare at the tyme 
we weare building our house, which was in July and August, 
that we had but litle tyme to saue any ; we did saue but 2 
hundred Cor and dry, but I hope we shall saue more this 
yeare. Mackrell weare heare plenty In September and Octo- 
ber ; we salted 8 hodgheds full & som what better, which did 
serue vs for bait all the winter, but towards March and Aprill 
they did not proue so good baite as before ; the pilchards 
weare a great deale better. I Cannot vnderstand of any other 
fish heare all this yeare that is any benefitt to be made of. I 
haue made tryall of fishinge all this yeare. I had a boote to 
sea alwayes when ther was weather for them to go to sea ; they 
did never mys a week, but they weare to sea 2 or 3 dayes in 
the weeke & had alwaies fish, somtymes 30 fishes, somtymes 
40 fishes, & som tymes ^ C. Only 2 weekes of Chrismas tyme 
we did forbeare, but the 7th of January all 3 weare ready to 
go to sea againe, but had no weather before the 10th of Jan- 
uary ; then they weare to sea all 3 bootes, & we had for that 



WINTER TO TRELAWNY. ^l 

seaford of fish 5 C, all Cod, and so yt did Continue all Jan- 
uary and till the 20th of February, when yt was weather to go 
to sea for yt. 

Now for tradinge busines with the Indians, I haue not re- 
ceaved from them since I Came to this land but 3 skins, and 
that was 2 moneths after I Came hither, and was for strong- 
waters. Heare hath not byn to this Hand on Indian all this 
yeare, nor to the maine to our house. I sent out a boote 
twise the last winter & got not on ounce of bever from the 
Indians, for the winter tyme the Hue In the Country and get 
no bever at all before the ponds do thaw. The trading heare 
abouts with the Indians is not worth any thing, for heare is no 
Indian lines nearer vnto vs then 40 or 50 myles, except a few 
about the River of Salko, for the planters here abouts, yf they 
will haue any bever, must go 50 or 60 miles Into the Country 
with their packes on their backes, and put away most of their 
goodes with in a small matter as good Cheepe as they pay for 
yt, that yt is hardly worth their labour. I sent a man this 
yeare 2 voyages into the Country to put away som goods with 
the Indians, but he put away but on Coote, 3 waskotes, & 3 
shurtes, 2 paire of stockins, and did not get aboue a pound & 
\ of bever more for yt then I sold yt for heare at home ; and 

1 was faine to giue an Indian to go his pilot In the Country 
more then I got by goinge there by this goodes, only I bought 
a few of the Indian beads and sent vp Into the Country with 
him, & by that he got som 6 lb & \ of bever, otherwise I 
should haue bin a loser by sending Into the Country. I 
bought som Cootes and Ruggs the last yeare after Captaine 
Smarte arrived Into the Country, hopinge to haue put them 
away to the Indians the last winter, but Could not ; but now 
haue put away the Ruggs againe and 2 of the Cootes at the 
price I bought them. Heare is such store of these goods 
brought heare by the Bastable ships, that fills all the traders 
with goods, and they put yt away at such easy Rates that I 
thinke they do hardly gett any thinge by them. Cootes at 

2 lb of bever a pece, Irish stockins at 2 lb bever for dosen, and 



462 APPENDIX. 

good shurtes and waskotes at 1 a pound a bever a pece. The 
Indians ar now so well sen Into our tradinge Commodities, 
that heare is litle to be got by yt, for the traders do on vnder 
sell the other and ouer throw the tradinge with the Indians 
altogether. The best tyme of tradinge with the Indians is best 
when we ar hopefullest for our best fishinge, that we Cannot 
attend yt ; and I se those that do vse yt getts litle by yt 
except those that haue houses In the rivers to be with them 
Continually ; but I haue an Intent to send a boote to the 
eastward after the ship is gon, God willinge, to se what good 
is to be don at that season. I haue put away almost as much 
of our sacke & aquavite as I do purpose to put away before 
winter, and som bread and pease. I dare not put away much 
bread before I se how our harvest will proue, for fear of want- 
ing ; for our men Cannot worke the winter with out their 
bread. The oyle is heare still ; the planters haue so litle bever 
that they Cannot do as they haue don. Here hath bin never 
a ship from the Virginia this yeare. 

Now for our land busines. I am in good hoope it will proue 
well with the helpe of fyshinge, for the last yeare I did not sett 
nor sow any seed but yt did proue very well. I had the last 
yeare neare about 10 hodgheds of Corne, and the most parte 
of yt very good Corne ; the worst was good for our piggs [in] 
the winter. Our pigs did spend the last winter at lest 6 
hodgheds of Corne, for In Chrismas tyme I had 5 sowes that 
had younge pigs, & I was desirous to bread as many of them 
as I Could to Increase our stocke. We bread 21 younge pigs 
that we weare faine to giue them meat, and the sowes also, tyll 
the beginning of Aprill that the ground was open of the frost. 
Our other piges that weare bread the last sommer, we gaue 
them no meat at all this winter, [but] they did get their meat 
them selues, and kept them selues in very good Case, for this 
last winter was a very fair winter, and we haue at the maine 
store of Acrons and glames in the River that the pigs feed 
vpon : our River is not frozen all the winter, by the meanes 
yt is all salt water, the frost is but litle. We haue now at the 



WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 463 

maine neare about 70 pigs, younge and old, and I hope we 
shall haue more very shortly. I hope for this Company that 
we haue heare we shall not need to haue any porke sent to vs 
the next yeare, and I hope the next yeare after yt wilbe plen- 
ties when the pigs ar growen to som bignes. I hope we 
shall kill 9 or 10 this winter season yf we lose none of them, 
for the feed them selues when the Acrons do fall. 

Now for our buildinge and plantinge. I haue built a house 
heare at Richmon Hand that is 40 foote in length & 18 foote 
broad with in the sides, besides the Chimnay, and the Chim- 
nay is large with an oven in each end of him, & he is so large 
that we Can place our Chittell within the Clavell pece. We 
Can brew and bake and boyle our Cyttell all at once in him, 
with the helpe of another house that I haue built vnder the 
side of our house, where we sett our Ceves & myll and mor- 
ter In to breake our Corne & malt & to dres our meall in : 
and I haue 2 Chambers in him, and all our men lies in on of 
them, and every man hath his Close borded Cabbin, & I haue 
rome Inough to make a dozen Close borded Cabbins more, yf 
I haue need of them ; and in the other Chamber I haue rome 
Inough to put the ships sailes into & all our dry goods which 
is in Caske, & I haue a store house in him that will hold 18 
or 20 tonnes of Caske vnderneath ; and vnderneth I haue a 
Citchin for our men to eat & drinke in, & a steward Rome 
that will hold 2 tonnes of Caske, which we put our bread and 
beare into, & every on of these romes are Close with looks 
and keyes vnto them. At the maine we haue built no house, 
but our men Hues in the house that the old C leues built, but 
that we haue fitted him somewhat better, and we haue built a 
house for our pigs. We haue paled Into the maine a pece 
of ground Close to the house, for to set Corne in, about 4 or 5 
akers, as near as we Can Judge, with pales of 6 foote high 
except the pales that the old Cleues did sett vp, which is but 
4 foote & i. He had paled of yt about an aker and quarter 
before we Came their, and now yt is all sett with Corne & 
pumkins. 



464 APPENDIX. 

I haue an Intent, God willinge, to send home the bever 
that I haue by Mr. Pomeroy ; he wilbe ready to departe hence 
about the beginninge of July. By him I shall write you at 
large. I am doubtfull to advice you of any thinge that you 
shall send me the next yeare by this Convenience. I was ill 
dealt with all the last yeare by Conveyinge my letters. The 
Barnestable men do not favour our prosedings heare : I know 
not the Case of yt. I haue an Intente, God willinge, to come 
home for England the next yeare, and I thinke so will all our 
Company that ar hear with me. They ar much desirous to 
go home this yeare, but yf you do resolue to "keepe forth fish- 
inge heare, you may please to agree with men at home, for I 
think they ar to be hired better Cheepe at home then they 
wilbe heare, to Com out in the ship for the voyage and to 
agree with them for the tyme they shall stay heare after the 
voyage is ended ; and they must be good, Carefull, plyable 
fishermen, or els I doubt they will do but litle good ; and 
you shall do well to haue yt vnder their hands for the per- 
formance of their promise, otherwise when they Com heare 
they will forgett their promise and slack their busines. I 
shall write you by Mr. Pomeroy what men I shall agree with 
all after this next yeare, yf you purpose to go onward in the 
plantation, which I thinke you shall not do well to lett yt ly 
deed when it doth begin to liue : you wrote to me yf that we 
weare not like to do any good heare, that I should sell and 
bringe away all in the ship: that Cannot I well do now, for 
heare wilbe store of salt left, and I haue provision to serue till 
the next fishinge season, and I haue much of your goods to 
put away yet : and we ar setled heare to the Hand with house 
rome, and to the maine with ground and Corne, when please 
God to send the harvest, & we ar likly to haue store of pigs, 
and Cattel would proue well yf they weare heare. This is 
the 4th letter I haue written you of our prosedings. You 
may please to Consider of yt, & by the next Convenyence to 
advize me what you purpose to do in yt : I hope by our 
prosedings heare you shalbe no loser, God sendinge a safe 



WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 465 

returne, but what is lost by the ship, that Cannot I helpe : they 
that Com to this Country must be plyable men, or els they 
will go home with losses. I wold haue written you more at 
large by this Convenience, but that the messenger is very 
hasty, that I Cannot fully Consider what I haue to write. So 
I end and rest, 

Yours to my best power and service that I Can, 

JOHN WYNTER. 

To the right worshipfull 
Roberte Trelawnay, Mayor 
of Plymoth, this be dd. 




WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 

Richmond Iland, the 5* of May, 1634. 
Mr. Robert Trelawny : — 

Syr, yt may please you to vnderstand that I haue re- 
ceaved sundry lettars that ar Com safe to my hand with the 
Invoyes of the goods sent by Mr. Pomery In the Hunter, and 
I haue receaved most of the goods ashore, only bread and 
beare I fetch yt as I vse yt, and the 2 pece of ordinance 
which ar Vnder the salt. Yt had bin better that you had sent 
me malt and meall In stead of bread and beare, for I haue 
fytted our house heare at Richmon Iland to brew our beare 
and to bake our bread, and have don yt all this winter past. I 
hired a man a purpose for to do yt : but he is to serue me but 
this yeare. Our bread sent by Mr. Pomeroy doth proue good, 
but our beare very bad : som stinkes, somm hodgheds J out, 
somm 4 or 5 gallons In a hodghed. Our barrells of wyne you 
sent somm lack 5 Inches, somm 4, & somm 3; the 2 hodgheds 
of aquavite lack 5 Inches each of them, the hodghed of oyle 
wanted 4 Inches, the hodghed of venyger was filled Into an- 
other hodghed abord the ship, & when yt Came ashore yt 
wanted 8 Inches. The dry goods Comes well Conditioned, but 

3° 



466 APPENDIX. 

their wanted 2 pair of shues & 2 pair of stockins of the ac- 
count. The Coates ar good, but the Coverlets ar not for this 
Country ; they will not pas to the English nor to the Indians, 
for they must haue them soft and warme ; the waskotes ar 
made most of them to lytle, otherwise they ar well Inough ; 
the hatts ar sent without bands or lined In the browes, which 
neather English nor Indian will weare them : the shurtes and 
shues and stockins ar fit, only the shues ar most of them to 
litle, for the snow heare doth Case the shues to shrinke. I 
haue receaved the goods sent by Captaine Smarte accordinge 
to the bill of lading. 

Mr. Pomery arrived heare the second of February, but yt 
is to late for the fishinge heare : the best fishinge we had 
heare this yeare was in January and February : yf you pur- 
pose to follow your fishinge heare, you must expect to haue 
your ship heare by Chrismas : all March and Aprill hath 
bin very bad fishinge this yeare. Now at present we haue 
store of herringes, 1 but litle fish ; som a C fish, som not 
so much, & somm i lade. We haue taken since Chrismas 
near about 24 thousand of fish for our 3 bootes, wherof 
ther is about som 3 thousand haddocke, the rest Cod. The 
fish doth proue small this yeare [to] what yt hath bin : we 
tooke after the Welcombe went hence but 13 thousand fish 
before Chrismas, which I kept In the house all this winter ; 
the greatest part of yt is Cod, but it is good fish and keepes 
well yet, and I hope yt will still ; yt is well dried. I have 
made noe Cor fish since Mr. Gyll departed hence. Train e 
we haue mad very litle accordinge to our fish. We haue 
now neare about 3 hodgheds ; the fish doth yeld but litle liver 

' Clupca harengits. Wood calls high water) upon dry land in such infi- 

them comforting Herrings. They were nite numbers that we might have gone 

very numerous. Josselyn says they up half way the leg amongst them for 

were taken " all summer long. In near a quarter of a mile. We used to 

Anno Dom. 1670, they were driven into qualifie a pickled Jierrin by boiling of 

Black-point Harbour by other great fish him in milk." Two Voyages, p. 85. 

that prey upon them, so near the shore Pi\&ovide Douglass, Hist. North Ameri- 

that they threw themselves (it being ca, Vol. I. p. 29S, ed. 1755, ft passim. 



WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 467 

[in] the winter tyme, & that doth not Consarne. 1 The bas 
was plentyest heare at the tyme we weare buildinge our house, 
which was In July and August, that we had but litle tyme to 
saue any. We did not saue aboue 2 hundred Cor and dry, 
but I hope we shall saue more this yeare. Mackrell were 
heare plenty in September and October; we saltecfS hodg- 
heds full & somwhat better, which did serue vs for baite all 
the winter, but towards March and Aprill they did not proue 
good baite ; the Pilchards weare a great dealle better. I Can- 
not Vnderstand of any other fish heare all this yeare that is 
any benefitt to be made of. I haue made triall of fishinge all 
this yeare. I had a boote to sea alwaies when ther was 
weather for them to go out ; they did never mys a weeke, but 
they weare to sea 2 or 3 dayes In the weeke, and had alwaies 
fish ; somtymes 30 fishes, somtymes 40 fishes, somtymes £ 
hundred. Only 2 weekes of Chrismas tyme we did forbeare, 
but the 7th of January all 3 bootes weare ready to go to sea 
againe, but had no weather before the 10th of January ; then 
they weare to sea all 3 bootes, & we had for that seaford of 
fish 5 C all Cod, & so yt did Continue all January & till the 
20th of February, when yt was weather to go to sea for yt. 

Now for our tradinge busines with the Indians, I haue not 
receaved from them since I Came to this land but 3 skines, 
and that was 2 moneths after I Came hither, and that was for 
strong waters. Heare hath not bin to this Hand on Indian 
all this winter, nor to the maine to our house. I sent out a 
boote twise this winter, and got not on ounce of bever from 
the Indians, for [in] the winter tyme the Hue In the Country 
and get no bever at all before the pounds do thaw. The 
tradinge for bever heere abouts with the Indians is not worth 
any thinge, for heare is no Indians liues nearrer vnto vs then 
40 or 50 myle, except a few about the River of Salko ; for the 
planters heere aboote yf they will haue any bever must go 50 
or 60 myle Into the Country with their packes on their backes 
and put away most of their goods within a small matter as 

■ I. e. is of not much importance. 



468 APPENDIX. 

good Cheape as they pay for yt, [so] that yt is hardly vvorthe 
their labour. I haue sent a man Into the Country to se yf he 
Can get any thinge by goinge their ; yt is a man that hath 
vsed yt heretofore, on that did serue the old Cleues, and hath 
served me this yeare. I was In good hope when I hired him 
that I should haue gayned somthinge by the Indyans by the 
meanes of him, but heare hath bin none with us all this yeare. 
I bought som Cootes and Ruggs the last yeare after Captaine 
Smarte arrived Into the Country, hopinge to haue put them 
away to the Indians, but I haue them all yet, and haue not 
put away on of them. The best is I tooke but few of them, 
10 Coutes and 6 Ruggs. The Barnestable men bringe such 
store of these goods heare to the Country that I thinke they 
get but litle by yt, for I know som of them haue had heare 
Cootes and Ruggs this 3 yeare and ar not yt sold ; their 
Ruggs ar made very fytt for the Indians vse. The tyme of 
tradinge with the Indians is best when our tyme of fishinge is, 
[so] that we Cannot send a boote to the eastward at that 
tyme ; but this fishinge season beinge ended, I do purpose, 
God willinge, to send our shollop to the eastward to put away 
som goods yf the Can ; and I purpose to send Edward Fish- 
cocke In her. I Cannot go my selfe, for then my busynes 
wilbe yll Carried at home, for yt wilbe neare about the tyme 
when we shall take In our Corne and ply for our baite for the 
winter fishinge. 

Now for our land busines I haue a good hope yt will proue 
well with the helpe of fishinge, for the last yeare I did not set 
nor sow any seed but yt did proue very well. I had the last 
yeare neare about 10 hodgheds of Corne, and the most parte 
of yt very good Corne ; the worst was good for our pigs [in] 
the winter. Our piggs did spend the last winter at lest 6 
hodgheds of Corne, for In Christmas time I had 5 sowes that 
had younge pigs, and I was desirous to bread as many of them 
as I could to Increase ourflocke. We bred 21 yong pigs [so] 
that we weare faine to giue them meat, and the sowes also, 
tyll the beginninge of Aprill that the ground was open of the 



WINTER TO TRELAWNY. 469 

frost. But for our other pigs that weare br[ed] the last som- 
mer, we gaue them no meat at all all this winter ; but they 
did get their meat them selues and kept them selues In very 
good Case ; for this last winter was a very faire winter, and 
we haue at the maine store of acrons and glames In the River 
that the pigs feed vpon. Our River is not frozen all the win- 
ter ; by the meanes yt is all salt water, the frost is but litle. 
We haue now at the maine a 2 or 3 & 50 piggs young and 
old. I hope for this Company that ar heare we shall not nead 
to haue any porke sent out of England the next yeare, for I 
hope yf the liue with vs we shall kill a 9 or 10 good pigs this 
winter season, & they feede themselues when the Acrons do 
begin to fall. I killed on[e] the last winter season, which was 
as good porke as ever I eat in my lyfe, and so sweet and fatt. 
Now for our buildinge and plantinge. I haue built a house 
heare to the Island that is 40 foote In length and 18 foote 
broad within the sides, besides the Chimnay ; and the Chim- 
nay is large, with an oven in each end of him ; and he is 
so large that our Chittle will stand within the Clavell pece. 
We Can brew and bake, and boyle our Cyttell all at once In 
him, with the helpe of another house that I haue built vnder 
the side of our house, where we sett our Ceeues ' & sett our 
myll & morter In to breake and grinde our Corne and malt, 
and dres our meall. And I haue 2 Chambers In him, and 
all our men lies In on of them, and every man hath his Close 
borded Cabbin ; and I haue Rome Inough to make a dozen 
Close Cabbins more yf I haue need of them. & In the other 
Chamber I haue Rome Inough to put the ships sailes Into all 
this yeare, and all our dry goods which is In Caske ; and 
I haue a store house In him that will hold 18 or 20 tonn of 
Caske Vnderneath ; and I haue a Cichin for our men to eat 
and drinke In, and a steward Rome to put our bread and 
beare ynto that will hold 2 tonne of Caske, and every on of 
these Romes ar Close with lockes vpon the doores of them. 
At the maine we haue built no house, but our men Hues In 

■ Sieves. 



470 APPENDIX. 

the house that Cleues built ; but that we haue fitted him som 
what better, and we haue built a house for our pigs to ly In, 
for the Com home most Commonly to the house at night. 
We haue paled In to [at] the maine a pece of ground Close to 
the house for to set Corne In about 4 or 5 akers as neare as 
we Can Judge, with pales of 6 foote high, and now at present 
it is all sett with Indian Corne and pumkins. As for other 
busines that you shall need to send, God willinge, I will write 
you more at large by Mr. Pomeroy. At that tyme, I shall 
Vnderstand more better how all thinges will proue heare with 
vs for puttinge away of the goods sent all ready, and how the 
fishinge will proue heare. After that you may order things the 
better for to follow the fishinge season. Mr. Pomery hath at 
present but 25 thousand of fish In all, Cod and Haddocke, as 
he tells me ; God send vs better fishinge herafter, or els he is 
like to make a very poore voyage. Our Company that ar 
with me stand all in good health, I praise God for yt, and haue 
bin all this yeare. I' am sorry to heare of Mr. Gills mishape : 
God grant him patience, and to send him free out of his Ene- 
mies hands and the rest of the Company. Their weare 2 of 
the men to Come home In the Welcombe that lived heare the 
last winter, Thomas Alger and Iohn Baddiver. I do purpose, 
God willinge, to stay heare another yeare with the Company 
that I haue, and I haue an Intent to take another bootes 
Company for the next fishinge season yf I Can get them that 
I like. I do hope yt will proue better herafter, but the nexte 
yeare I do purpose to Com home, God willinge. I wrote vnto 
you 3 or 4 letters the last yeare to advize you of our prosed- 
ings, but I perceaue you had but on Came to your hands of 
them. I haue written you a former letter by Mr. Corbin. 1 I 
haue put away very litle goods as yet, but only somm sacke 2 
and somm aquavite and some bread and pease ; all the other 

1 Robert Corbin, master of the where he lived, by the Indians, August 

Speedwell, a ma of the same name, II, 1676. Vide Maine Hist. Coll., I. 

figures in the early annals of Portland, 121. Winthrop, II. 348. 

and was killed near the Presumpscot, - Vide antea, p. 34, note 1. 



JOHN WINTER'S SEAL. 47 1 

goods lies dead as yet, and this that I haue put away goeth but 
at a low Rate, for the Bastable men haue such store, and I must 
sell as they do, or els I shall put none away ; bread at 4 lb of 
bever p' hodghed, & pease at 5 lb p' hodghed, sacke and aqua- 
vite at 2 gallons p' lb of be'ver, but now bread groweth scarce 
and will yeld 5 lb p hodghed. The Bastable shipes that Came 
In heare In January ar like to make a reasonable voyage. 
Here Came In on Baple of Bastable, and did striue hard to 
haue away Mr. Pomerys place from me, but I kept yt of from 
him. I will send you by Mr. Pomery the Coppy of my let- 
ters which you receaved not by the Welcombe with a relation 
how Garland did serue vs the last yeare. He Came in here 
the first ship this yeare, but did not go about to trouble vs at 
all. So not having else to write at present, but leaue you to 
the protection of the almighty God and rest, 

Yours to his Power, 

JOHN WYNTER. 
To the right worshipfull 

Robert Trelawny, 
Mayor of Plymoth, this 
be deliuered. 
P' his good frind, Mr. Thomas 
Luscombe, whom God preserue. 




No. VI. 

JOHN WINTER'S SEAL. 

The seal used by Winter, it will be remembered, was also used 
by Cleeve, Vines, and others, with slight variations, and also appears 
engraved upon the mysterious ring found at Richmond's Island 
in 1855. The device is one of many similar devices, which con- 
sisted of various modifications of the cross. These cross-marks 
were used by merchants to distinguish their wares, and are perhaps 
as old as the Crusades, at which time the symbol of the cross was 



472 



APPENDIX. 



so popular. Though they were not really coats of arms, — for we are 
told that "Thys be none armys, but a marke as merchants use, for 
every man may take hym a marke, but not armys, without a her- 
aude or purcyvante," — they served the same purpose, as, becoming 
hereditary in families, they descended through many generations, 
and, like genuine coats of arms, were emblazoned on the memorial 
windows of churches and engraven on tombs. Indeed, Piers 
Ploughman, writing in the fourteenth century, speaks of 

" Wyde wyndowes y-wrought 
Y-wryten ful thikke 

With merkes of merchauntes, 
Y-medeled betwene." 

These cross-marks frequently bore the initials of the owner, or 
an initial representing his trade. Thus, G stood for grocer, — a let- 
ter, by the way, which appears upon the seal of Amias Maverick, 
shown in this volume, and that of Richard Vines, depicted in 
the Massachusetts Historical Collections, Fourth Series, Vol. VII., 
which are, singularly enough, identical. The letters I. W. also ap- 
pear upon John Winter's seal, which we suppose represent his 
initials, though, by what may be a strange coincidence, the same 
initials appear on a seal used in the year 1415. Several of these 
cross-marks are here given.' 







Raphis Skett, Bailiff J. W. Norwich, A. D. Robert Brown, Alder- 
of Norwich, A. D. 1415- man, to a deed, A. D. 

1372. IS*?- 



1 Vide Norfolk Archaeology, Vol. 
III. Holtrop's Monumens Typograph- 
ica, Plate 71. Mass. Hist Coll., Fourth 
Series, Vol. VII., Appendix, Plate VI. 



Robert Baxter, Mayor 
of Norwich, on a seal 
to a deed, A. D. 142S, 
and on his gravestone, 
church of St. Giles, 
A. D. 1432. 



The Creed of Piers Ploughman, Lon- 
don, iS56,Vol. II. p. 461. Harl. MSS. 
Brit. Museum. Cassan's Handbook of 
Heraldry. 



CHARGES ON NEWFOUNDLAND FISH. 473 



No. VII. 
CHARDGES ON NEWFOUNDLAND FFISH 

SOULD ABOARD THE SHIPP IN ST. LUCAS, PAID PER THE SELLER. 

Imp' for waying 4 m a . per q"V 

wayter for the King, 6 Rs. per daie. 

wayter of almontasgo, = 4 Rs. per daie. 

pilotage In and oute : — 

wyndage to the Marryners, 2 Rs. per Tonn. 

to the Nation, J per Cento. 

Consels 3 neat paid per shipp & loding, 6S6 Rs. villon. 4 

loss on sportels, 5 h per Cento. 

Chardges pind on ffish sent from Siuill per ye factor paid delos- 

torres, 6 16 maravedi 1 per q ta . 
for boat hire, ii Rs. per q'\ 

for lycence of the Xecutores 8 to vnlayd & sell, 36 Rs. 
for landing ye fish at 5 mrs: per qintall. 
for waying at ye watter side at 4 mrs. q la . 
for Carredg to ye seller 10 m\ q !a . 
for housing & pyling at 6 m a . per q ta . 
for two men that went with the Carts, 64 Rs. 
for ye Slauch 9 at the Riuer side, 16 Rs. 
for almos Exifsago 10 at 5 per c'. 
for ye Alcauala" at 10 per c'. 

* 4 maravedis per quintal. 6 Delostorres was a duty paid to 

2 Almotacen. Inspector of weights maintain the castles or fortifications, 
and measures. 1 The maravedi was a small coin 

3 Consulage, — the tax paid by the equal to about three mills, 
merchant to protect his merchandise in 8 Executive officers. 

a foreign port. ' The slip or landing-place. The 

* Reals villon. The villon was a word is from cslamborado, meaning a 
copper coin of Castile, and the word declivity. 

villon was sometimes used in the sense '° I. e. Almojarifazgo. A duty on 

of sterling. imports or exports. 

s I. e. EspSrtula. This was a pecu- IT Alcabala. "Excise, a duty paid on 

niary duty given to some judges and goods sold by chance." Vide Seaone's 

ministers of justice. Neuman and Baretti, in loco. 



474 APPENDIX. 

for ye new i per c'. to the assistente. 

for ye £ per c'. of the nation. 

for ye lent of wayghts & beam ' at ye watter side & in ye ware- 
house at 6 m a . qintall. 

for ye millones 2 of 800 q' a . at 200 m 5 . per qintall, which is repaid 
back per ye buyer. 

for ye wages 64 dayes, at 4 Rs. per daie. 

for a qintall fish to ye Alcalde de Sacas. 3 

for laboreres to remoue & pyle fish. 

for chamisa 4 to laye vnder ye ffish. 

for monie to ye guards at seauerall tymes. 

for warehouse roome. 

for ye mans paynes that receaued ye fish at ye water side & satte 
in ye warehouse. 

for porta 5 & loss of mony at | per c'. 

for Commission at 1^ per Cento. 

[Indorsed on back, in handwriting of R. Trelawny :] 
Charges on dry fish in Siuill & St. Lucas. 6 

1 I. e. the use or hire of the govern- •» Chamisa. These were reeds upon 

ment scales. which to pile the fish, to keep them 

* This was the service granted to the from the floor or ground. 

King upon the consumption of provis- s Porta, i. e. carriage, 

ions, and was renewed every six years. 6 A curious view is here afforded of 

3 The Alcalde de Sacas was the per- the multiplicity of charges placed upon 

son authorized to examine and arrange imports into Spain at this time. Ex- 

the weights and measures, especially of pert accountants must have been in 

provisions, and to determine the quality great demand, 
and price of the same. 



PEDIGREE OF SIR FERDINANDO GORGES. 475 

No VIII. 
PEDIGREE OF SIR FERDINANDO GORGES. 

Ferdinando Gorges was the youngest son of Edward Gorges, 
Esq., of Wraxall, Somerset, and brother of Sir Edward Gorges, Kt. 

The Inq. post mortem on the death of Edward Gorges, Esq. 
states that he died August 20, 1568, and that Edward Gorges 
(afterwards Sir Edward Gorges), his eldest son and heir, was four 
years old and upward on the 5th of September, 1567. 

Ferdinando was therefore probably born in 1563 or 1564, and 
perhaps at Wraxall, though this is not certain, as his name does 
not occur among the baptisms at Wraxall ; and his father died at 
Clerkenwell, Middlesex. 

Sir Ferdinando Gorges married his first wife at St. Margaret's, 
Westminster, February 24, 1589-90, Ann Bell, daughter of Edward 
Bell, Esq., of Writtle, Essex. She died, August 26, 1620, and was 
buried at St. Sepulchre's, London. By her he had, — r. John 
Gorges; 2. Robert Gorges; 4. Ellen; and 5. Honoria, who died 
young. 

Sir Ferdinando Gorges married, secondly, Mary Fulford, daugh- 
ter of Thomas Fulford, Esq., of Fulford, Devon, by Ursula Barns- 
field, and sister of Sir Francis Fulford, Kt. She was relict of 
Thomas Achims, Esq., of Hall Cornwall, whose will was proved 
March 26, 1609. Administration, August 1, 1623, Dame Mary 
Achim, alias Gorges, late of Plymouth, Devon, deceased, granted 
to her brother Sir Francis Fulford, Kt., and John Berriman, a kins- 
man. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Kt., husband of deceased, renoun- 
cing administration. 

Sir Ferdinando Gorges married, thirdly, at Ladock, Cornwall, De- 
cember 6, 1627, Elizabeth Gorges, daughter of Tristram Gorges, 
Esq., of St. Budeaux, Devon. She married first, at St. Budeaux, 
August 1, 1614, Edward Courtney, of Landrake, Cornwall. His will 
was proved in the Probate Court, Bodmin, Cornwall, May 29, 1623, 
but it is not extant. She married secondly, at Ladock, Cornwall, 
July 7, 1623, William Bligh, Esq., of Botatham, Cornwall. He died 
July 21, 1627. Tn his will, proved February 20, 1627-8, he speaks of 



476 APPENDIX. 

his wife in most disparaging terms. She died very soon after her 
marriage with Sir Ferdinando Gorges. Administration, March 19, 
1628-9, Dame Elizabeth Gorges, alias Blithe (sic), alias Courtney, 
deceased, while she lived at Ladock, Cornwall, to her husband, Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges. 

Sir Ferdinando Gorges married, fourthly, at Wraxall, Septem- 
ber 28, 1629, Lady Elizabeth Smyth, one of the daughters of Sir 
Thomas Gorges, Kt., and relict of Sir Hugh Smyth, Kt., of Ashton 
Court. He is described as " of Kenterbury, Devon," a manor in 
the parish of St. Budeaux. 

After his fourth marriage Sir Ferdinando Gorges went to reside 
at Lower Court, Long Ashton, called " Ashton Phillips," probably 
the dower house of his wife. There he died, and was buried in 
Long Ashton church, May 14, 1647. He was probably aged about 
eighty-two or eighty-three. 

His will is in the Probate Court of Wells, Somerset, dated May 
4th, 1647. Proved, no date. 

The will is very short. It contains only a legacy to the poor of 
Long Ashton of £20, and he bequeaths all his goods, &c. to " my 
dearly beloved wife, Dame Elizabeth Gorges," whom he appoints 
his executor. No mention of any children. 

His relict, Lady Elizabeth Gorges, died in 1659. Her will was 
proved, June 13, 1659. She makes no bequests to any relative of 
her deceased husband. 

There is no monument to Sir Ferdinando Gorges in Long Ashton 
church. 

The old registers of the parish are not extant. The date of his 
death is given in Betham's Baronetage, in his account of the Smyths 
of Long Ashton. 



GREAT SEAL OF THE COUNCIL FOR NEW ENGLAND. 477 



No. VIII. 

THE GREAT SEAL OF THE COUNCIL FOR 
NEW ENGLAND. 

" The Council established at Plymouth, in the County of Devon, 
for the planting, ruling, ordering, and governing New England 
in America," was incorporated on the third day of November, 
1620. There were forty members of the Corporation, some of 
them being of high rank. The territory placed under their control 
extended from ocean to ocean, between the fortieth and forty- 
eighth parallels of north latitude. 1 Between the date of the charter 
of the corporation and the date of its surrender, the seventh day 
of June, 1635, man y grants of land were made bearing the broad 
seal of the Council ; yet but one of all these seals is known to be in 
existence, and that is in such an imperfect state, that it has hitherto 
been thought that the device upon it was undecipherable. The 
seal referred to is in the Recorder's Office at Plymouth, Massachu- 
setts, and was formerly attached to the patent procured by Isaac 
Allerton, who was sent four times to England by the Pilgrims to ob- 
tain a patent from the Council for New England, enlarging their ori- 
ginal grant, and establishing the boundaries of the " Old Colony." 2 

This patent, which bears date January 13th, 1629, was in the 
possession of the family of Governor Bradford till 1741, when, 
Josiah Cotton says, it was found at Plympton, " after a deal of 
labor and cost," and used in the litigation respecting the boundary 
line between Massachusetts and Rhode Island. Since 1820 it has 
been in the office of the Registry of Deeds at Plymouth. By order 
of the General Court, the seal, of brown wax, being broken and 
defaced, was repaired by a watchmaker, 3 who probably warmed it, 
thereby rendering the figures, which were in bas-relief, so indis- 
tinct that antiquarians interested in the matter have given up, it is 
said, all attempts to decipher it. 4 

' Vide Hazard's Hist. Coll., I. 103- panies the seal : " Salem, Octr. 1818. 
11S. This Seal was repaired by Theodore 

2 Vide Ancient Landmarks of Ply- Morgan, Watchmaker." 

mouth, p. 60, et seq. « Vide Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, 

3 The following statement accom- 1866 and 1867, p. 469. 



478 APPENDIX. 

What became of the original seal of the Council is unknown. 
It is not to be found in the British Museum, or in any other 
public institution of England. We know that in 1632 it was in 
the possession of the Earl of Warwick, one of the most promi- 
nent members of the Council, who, it would seem, had a misunder- 
standing with his associates, and retained the seal against their 
wishes. The following record explains the situation : " Att ye 
Lord Great Chamberlain's House in Channell Rowe, the 26 of 
November, 1632," it was resolved, that, "In regard y e Companyes 
great seale remained in the Earle of Warwicks hands, ye Lord 
Great Chamberlain was intreated to move y e sd Earle of Warwicke 
effectually for ye delivery of it unto Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Trer, 
into whose hands itt ought to remaine ; also Sir Ferdinando Gorges 
promised to desire y" sd Marshall to joyne w" 1 y e L. Great Cham- 
berlaine in shewinge y e Earle of Warwicke y e necessity of haveing 
y e seale delivered forthwith unto y e Tfer, in regard of pattents w ch 
at every meeting were desired." This' was the last of several 
attempts which the Council made to obtain the seal,' and it would 
appear that it was finally successful in obtaining it. For, " At a 
meeting in the Earl of Carlile's Chamber at Whitehall, the 26th 
day of Aprill, 1635," an order was passed for "The Earl of Arun- 
dell with Sec ry Windebanke to deliver the Great Seale to S r Ferd: 
Gorges." 2 

Of course great curiosity has existed to learn the design on this 
important seal, and much has been written about it. The late Dr. 
Palfrey prefaced the title-page of his History of New England with 
the following " Advertisement " : — 

" The title-page to this edition 3 is embellished with an engraved copy 
of what was probably the seal of the Council for New England. When I 
was in England I took great pains to find an impression of that seal, but 
without success, which surprised me, the patents issued by the Council 
having been so numerous. An impression of the seal in wax is attached 
to the patent of Plymouth Colony, issued in 1629; but it has been so 
broken and defaced, that the device is undistinguishable. Mr. Charles 

« Vide Records of the Council, pp. Preface to the History of New Eng- 

62, 63, 65. land, large-paper ed. 1S65, or Mass. 

= Ibid., p. 74. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, 1S66 and 1867, 

3 Vide Advertisement preceding the p. 469. 



GREAT SEAL OF THE COUNCIL FOR NEW ENGLAND. 479 

Deane believes that he has discovered this in an embellishment of the 

title-page of two of the publications of Captain John Smith. I might do 

injustice to Mr. Deane's ingenious argument, (which, I understand, will 

soon be published in a volume of the Proceedings of the Massachusetts 

Historical Society,) should I attempt to exhibit it. It will be found to 

have great force. 

"J. G. P. 
"Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1S65, July 21." 

This Advertisement was inspired by the following letter from 
Charles Deane, LL.D., the eminent historiographer, whose contri- 
butions to New England history are invaluable. 1 

" Cambridge, 10th June, 1S65. 

" Dear Dr. Palfrey, — You have made inquiry during the last few 
years concerning the seal of the ' Council for New England,' which was 
incorporated 3d November, 1620, — whether any impression of it in wax, 
or any representation of it in any form, is extant among us. My search 
for such an impression of it has hitherto been fruitless ; but I venture 
the opinion, that I have now discovered or identified it. 

" My attention, a few weeks since, was called anew to the arms im- 
pressed on the reverse of the title-page of Captain Smith's ' Advertise- 
ments for the Unexperienced Planters of New England, or anywhere, 
. . . London . . . 1631'; the same arms being also displayed in the 
body of Smith's map of New England, in the two latest editions of it. 
Copies of the former of these two editions of the map had probably been 
first issued in the ' Advertisements,' in 1631. I knew that these arms 
were not the arms of Smith, or of any one to whom he had dedicated his 
book ; and I was curious to ascertain for what reason they were here 
placed in such intimate connection with the memorials of New England. 
I then examined with fresh interest — what I had seen a hundred times 
before — the beautifully engraved title-page of Smith's ' Generall Historie 
of Virginia, New England, & the Summer lies, . . . London . . . 1624,' 
and I there observed these same arms represented, along with those of 
Virginia, which bear the motto, ' En dat Virginia quintum,' and also with 
the arms of Bermuda (or ' Summer lies ') Company, bearing the motto, 
' Quo fats ferunr.' The inference is, therefore, irresistibly forced upon 
me, that the arms referred to are those of the seal of the Council for New 
England. I will add, that, after the fashion of the time, there is delin- 
eated, on the engraved title-page of the 'Generall Historie,' an abridged 
map of Virginia and New England. Near the part representing Virginia 

1 VitfeMass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, 1S66 and 1S67, p. 469. 



480 



APPENDIX. 



are placed the arms of Virginia: and near the coast of New England are 
placed the arms, which I now venture to call the arms of the Council 
for New England, an impression of which I now send you in one of 
Smith's books. 

" I supposed this seal was affixed to the principal grants of the Council ; 
but the original parchments of most of those grants are not known to be 
in existence ; and those which I have examined are deficient in the wax 
impressions of the seal. The Patent of New Plymouth, of 13th January, 
1629-30, has the seal ; but it is so broken and defaced that I understand 
the impression cannot be made out. 

" With great regard, I am, dear sir, very truly yours, 



"Hon. J. G. Palfrey." 



'CHARLES DEANE. 




THE SEAL ON SMITH'S MAP. 



In a communication to the Massachusetts Historical Society in 
March, 1867, Dr. Deane, calling attention to the seal on Smith's 
map, said : " Since addressing the above letter to Dr. Palfrey, I 




The Seal of the Council for New England on the Patent of 
Jan. 13, 1629, at Plymouth, Mass. 



GREAT SEAL OF THE COUNCIL FOR NEW ENGLAND. 48 1 

have inspected the impression of the seal of the Patent at Ply- 
mouth. It had been broken in pieces, and, some years since, an 
attempt was made to restore the fragments to their original posi- 
tion, but with little success. I will add, that the present appear- 
ance of the wax exhibits but little resemblance to the device above 
referred to, or indeed to any other heraldic figure. I made in- 
quiry at the Herald's College in London last year, and at other 
places in that city where I thought there was a probability of ob- 
taining information on the subject of this seal, but without success. 
Mr. John Bruce, a distinguished antiquary, and a member of the 
Society of Antiquaries, kindly interested himself in my subject, 
and suggested some sources of inquiry. In a note to me he says, 
'In Edmondson's Heraldry, London, 17S0, folio, Vol. I., which 
you have probably consulted, amongst the arms of societies and 
bodies corporate established in London, occur the arms of the Vir- 
ginia Company and the Bermudas Company, but, strangely enough, 
not those of the New England Company. The two former agree, I 
believe, with the representations on Smith's title-page. In that 
case, your inference as to the last being the subject of the third 
coat given by him, seems almost conclusive.' " 

Since the time that Dr. Deane made this communication to the 
Massachusetts Historical Society, the seal found on Smith's map 
has been adopted by writers ' as the veritable seal of the Council 
for New England. A few months since, in preparing the Trelawny 
Papers for publication, my attention was drawn to several frag- 
ments of the seal appended to the patent granted by the Council, 
December 1st, 1631, to Robert Trelawny and Moses Goodyear, and 
a careful comparison of these fragments with the arms on Smith's 
map led me to suppose that the latter was not the seal of the 
Council, and in February, 1883, I called attention to the subject in 
the Magazine of American History. The reasons there given for 
my supposition were, that on one of the fragments the letters 
AGN. appeared in juxtaposition, and that on the Smith arms such 
letters did not so appear. A figure on another fragment appeared 
with legs crossed, and neither of the figures on the Smith arms so 

1 Vide Memorial History of Boston, Planters of New England, Boston, 1S56, 
Vol. I. p. 92. Publisher's Preface to et passim. 
Advertisements for the Unexperienced 

31 



482 APPENDIX. 

appeared, nor was there on these arms the figure of a ship, which 
one of my fragments bore. After instituting a careful search 
through a correspondent in London for information respecting the 
seal of the Council, I determined to visit Plymouth, and inspect the 
seal, which was said to be undecipherable ; and, much to my satis- 
faction, I found that the figures upon my fragments were, without 
doubt, borne by the seal at Plymouth. In fact, by the aid of these 
fragments, I was enabled to make out a considerable portion of the 
design on the Plymouth seal, which consists of a ship at the bot- 
tom, and two figures, an Indian on the left, and, probably, a Euro- 
pean on the right. Both the figures appear to have their legs 
crossed, which would indicate that they were supporters to a shield. 
Over their heads there is a scroll, and about them fragments of 
what seem to have been mantlings to a shield, while the whole is 
surrounded by a bordure, which bore a legend, now unfortunately 
not decipherable. From a critical examination of the Plymouth 
seal, I am of the opinion that the sinister figure is misplaced, being 
too near the dexter, and placed too high, and that it should occupy 
a position as near the bordure as the dexter figure occupies, and 
stand on the same level. The mantlings, if such they are, which 
are broken up and mixed in confusion about the figures, should be 
placed above them, supposing, of course, these figures to be sup- 
porters. It should, however, be observed that there is barely room 
within the bordure to place them thus. 

The question will of course arise, What, then, are the arms on 
Smith's map, which have hitherto been supposed to be those of 
New England ? In order to meet this question understanding^, it 
may be well to refresh our memories by reconsidering briefly the 
history of the three chartered corporations called in their charters 
respectively the " First Colony " and the " Second Colony," and 
the "Council," established at Plymouth in the county of Devon, 
" for the planting, ruling, ordering, and governing New England " in 
America, 1 — or popularly the South Virginia Company, the North 
Virginia or Plymouth Company, and the Council for New England 
or Plymouth Council, — all distinct corporations, although the last 
two were located at Plymouth, and their charters embraced a 
portion of the same territory. Both the first two companies were 

1 Vide Hazard, Vol. I. pp. 103-11S. 




Fragments of Seal of the Council for New England on the Patent 
of Dec. 1, 1631, to Trelawny and Goodyear 



GREAT SEAL OK THE COUNCIL FOR NEW ENGLAND. 483 

incorporated, April ioth, 1606, under one charter, called the First 
Charter of Virginia ; ' the first company, it is said, " consisting of 
certain Knights, Gentlemen, Merchants, and other Adventurers of 
our City of London and elsewhere," and the second, of " Sundry 
Knights, Gentlemen, Merchants, and other Adventurers of our Cit- 
ies of Bristol and Exeter, and of our Town of Plimouth, and other 
Places." The territory granted to the two companies extended 
from the sea inland fifty miles, — that to the first company lying 
between the 34th and 41st parallels of north latitude, and that to 
the second between the 41st and 45th. Subsequently, the rights 
of the two companies were confirmed and enlarged under separate 
charters. 2 

We will not follow the history of the South Virginia Company, 
since we know that the arms found on Smith's map near Vir- 
ginia represent the seal of that company, 3 but will briefly glance 
at the history of the other company. The Northern Virginia Com- 
pany sent out in the spring of 1607, from Plymouth, three ships 
with a hundred colonists, accompanied by two natives whom Gorges 
had instructed as interpreters, and carrying everything needful for 
the establishment of a colony. After a successful voyage, the colo- 
nists arrived at the mouth of the Kennebec, and, August 8th, began 
a settlement there under George Popham as President. 4 The his- 
tory of this unfortunate undertaking is given by Gorges in the 
graphic expression, " Our former hopes were frozen to death." 3 
The death of Popham and the breaking up of the settlement so par- 
alyzed the Northern Virginia Company, that it was unable to raise 
men or means to undertake another settlement, when Captain John 
Smith, having left the employ of the Southern Company, to whom 
he had rendered important service, returned to London, and deter- 
mined to visit the country granted to the Northern Virginia Com- 
pany. Obtaining two ships, he set sail, and, in April, 1614, reached 
Monhegan, near the mouth of the Penobscot. 6 During the summer 
he ranged the coast, trading with the natives, and laying in a sup- 

Vide Hazard, Vol. I. pp. 50-58. * I idc Brief Narration, Maine Hist. 

* Ibid., pp. 58-81. Coll., p. 20. 

3 Vide The Virginia Company of s Ibid., p. 23. 

London, Albany, 1869, pp. 154,/ seq., * Vide A Description of New Eng- 

and Stow's Survey of London, 1633, land, Boston, 1865, (reprint,) p. 19. 
p. 620. 



484 APPENDIX. 

ply of fish, at the same time making the map of the country which 
has before been mentioned. Returning to Plymouth after a suc- 
cessful voyage, and giving an enthusiastic description of the coun- 
try, he says, that " it pleased Sir Ferdinando Gorge and Master 
Doctor Sutliffe, Deane of Exeter, to conceive so well of these pro- 
jects and my former employments there, to make a new adventure 
with me in these partes, whither they have so often sent to their 
continuall losse." ' This adventure proved unsuccessful, and he 
returned to Plymouth, where with unabated enthusiasm he endeav- 
ored to arouse the spirit of colonization. 2 

It was at this time (1616) that he published his map of New Eng- 
land, comprising the grant to the Northern Virginia Company; that 
is, the territory lying between the 41st and 45th parallels of latitude. 
He prefaces his book with an address to this Company, in which he 
says, " I haue made knowne unto you a fit place for plantation, lim- 
ited within the bounds of your Patent and Commission." It is 
but proper to state that this map, which bears the date of Smith's 
first voyage to New England, namely, 1614, does not show the arms 
which have been supposed to be those of the Council for New Eng- 
land, nor do we find them until they appear upon the elaborately 
engraved title-page of Smith's General History, published in 1624, 3 
and this has been properly taken as an argument in favor of the 
theory that they were the arms of the Council, which, at that date, 

1 Vide A Description of New Eng- no addition or dimiuution, appears to 
land, Boston, 1S65, (reprint,) p. 67. have been reissued in 1626, 1627, and 

2 Generall Ilistorie, Vol. II. p. 2. 1632. That is to say, copies bearing 

3 The Generall Historie is largely a those dates on the engraved title-page, 
compilation, and to aconsiderable extent altered from time to time as above, 
made up of his earlier books. It comes appear, with some other changes. A 
down to 1624. The last leaf, pages spurious edition of Smith's Generall 
247, 24S, has an account of "the pres- Historie, and the "True Travells," 
erit state of Plymouth," 1624, being a London, 1630, was published at Rich- 
continuation of his account, in the pre- mond in 1S19, in two volumes. The 
ceding pages, of the beginning of the editor undoubtedly used the issue of 
settlement, &c. of Plymouth, taken from 1627 for the Generall Historie, but he 
the "Trials" and from Mourt's "Re- has taken a portion of the True 
lation." It should be borne in mind Travells, and joined it on to the end 
that there was never but one edition of of the Generall Historie, so that per- 
the Generall Historie of 248 pp., Sig. O, sons are deceived by it. I am indebted 
8 pp., wanting in all copies. First to Dr. Charles Deane for the material 
issued in 1624, the same text, with for this note. 



GREAT SEAL OF THE COUNCIL FOR NEW ENGLAND. 485 

had been in existence three years and over. It should, however, 
be observed, that Smith had been intimately acquainted with the 
Northern Company, of which the Council was the successor, — 
though the charter of the latter covered a larger territory, — and so 
must have been familiar with the arms of the old company, while 
the Council for New England, as a different organization, was per- 
haps almost unthought of by him. By this it is not to be supposed 
that he was ignorant of the existence of the Council, which, we are 
told, " was substantially a reorganization of the Adventurers of the 
Northern Colony of Virginia," * for this reorganization with certain 
exclusive privileges not formerly possessed, was the subject of 
active opposition in Parliament, and doubtless attracted public 
attention ; but that he regarded the new company simply as a 
reorganization of the old one in order to gain larger privileges, and 
hence saw no special distinction between them. Although Ply- 
mouth was the locus in quo of the Council, its meetings were held in 
London, and we are informed that "the attendance on these meet- 
ings throughout was most meagre. Sometimes only two members, 
and barely more than half a dozen at any time, being present." 2 
In fact but little interest was felt among the members outside of 
Gorges, and one or two others whom Smith had always known as 
leading spirits in colonization during the existence of the old 
company. To one, then, conversant with the indefinite and loose 
method of doing things at this time, — and no better example can 
be cited than the manner in which the Council for New England 
transacted its business, — it may not seem strange that the title- 
page of Smith's History of 1624 should have impressed upon it the 
arms of the Northern Virginia Company, near the territory which 
had belonged to it a few years before. Of course, it is quite prob- 
able that Smith had nothing to do with the embellishment of his 
book, and that his enterprising publisher, Sparks, attended to this 
duty, who, if he knew, as perhaps he did not, that a new coat of 
arms had been adopted by the new company, did not deem it im- 
portant enough to take the trouble which might have been neces- 
sary to procure it : indeed, we have a curious instance of the 
slight importance attached to accuracy in the use of embellish- 
ments, in the employment of this very coat of arms which we are 

' Vide Records of the Council, p. 7. ' Ibid., p. 13. 



486 APPENDIX. 

considering to decorate the title-page of a medical book published 
in 1637.' 

But there is still another question, which is, When did the Coun- 
cil for New England procure a great seal ? We have proof that it 
did not possess one a year after its incorporation, since the Pierce 
Patent, so called, which was issued June 1st, 1621, bore the indi- 
vidual names and seals of the governing board of the Council. 2 
That the Southern Virginia Company did not adopt a coat of arms 
until it had been in existence for thirteen years, we know from the 
following extract from the company's record of November 3d, 
1619. 3 " Whereas formerly a seale for the Company called the 
Legall Seale was referred unto a Committee to consider in what 
manner should be, and nothing as yet done therein : It was agreed 
that Mr. Harecutious be intreated to giue the Auditors sometimes 
a meeting at Sr Edwin Sandis, where they will deuise to take a 
Cote for Virginia and agree upon the Seale." And November 
15th, " Touching the Legall Seale spoken of in the Last Court, 
the Auditors at their Assembly haue therein taken some paynes 
w'ch they now presented to this Courte ; And whereas they had 
spoken to me for the cutting of it, there is one Mr. Hole, 4 who would 

1 This book, a copy of which is in 4 This was William Hole who en- 

the Congressional Library at Washing- graved the map in Smith's Generall 

ton, is entitled, " A Briefe and Neces- Historie of 1624, the title-page of which 

sary Treatise, touching the Cure of the bore the arms of the Southern Virginia 

Disease now usually called Lues Ven- Company, as well as those under con- 

erea, etc., etc., newly corrected and sideration. Both coats may have been 

augmented in the yeare of our Lord engraved about the same time, viz. 

1596. By William Clowes, one of her 1619-20; indeed.it would seem that 

Maiesties Chirurgeons. The Third the Northern Virginia Company, imitat- 

Edition. London, 1637. Printed by ing its more successful sister company, 

M. Dawson." The arms appear on would be likely to adopt a coat of arms 

the reverse of the title-page of this if she did, in which case both seals 

book, and " are identical in every re- were comparatively new when used on 

spect, even to measurement, with that Smith's title-page, in 1624. When the 

on the reprint of Smith's Advertise- seal of the Southern Virginia Company 

ments." Vide Letter of Charles E. was presented to King James, it bore 

Banks, M. D., to the author. on one side St. George slaying the 

2 Vide Ancient Landmarks of Ply- dragon, and the motto, Fas Alium su- 

mouth, p. 40. perare draconem, referring to the unbe- 

3 Vide Virginia Company of London, lief of the natives. This motto the King 

Albany, 1869, pp. 154 etseq. ordered to be omitted, but was pleased 



GREAT SEAL OF THE COUNCIL FOR NEW ENGLAND. 487 

appropriate that unto himselfe under pretence of hauing a Pattent 
for the engrauing of all seales w'ch hath the Kinges arms, but 
not for any part thereof, and there fore appointed them to repaire 
to Mr. Xtopher Brooke of Lincolne's Inn, to examine it, and to 
bring his opinion under his hand in writing, and accordingly it 
should be determined." There is nothing apparent in the records 
of the Council up to June 29th, 1623, at which date the incorpora- 
tors had just succeeded in arranging their individual interests, to 
indicate that they possessed a great seal, while in the latter por- 
tion of their records one is frequently alluded to. The patent, 
however, to Gorges and Mason, granted August 10th, 1622, ' pur- 
ports to have been sealed with the common seal of the Council. It 
is proper to remark that a seal is spoken of in the records to be 
used in certain mercantile transactions ; 2 but in such matters, the 
great seal of a corporation was not used, that being affixed to im- 
portant instruments only, like grants of land. From all this, then, 
the conclusion seems forcible, that the arms found upon the title- 
page of Smith's Generall Historie of 1624, are those of the North- 
ern Virginia Company, rather than those of the Council for New 
England. 

with the motto on the other side, En p. 620, in the library of the Massachu- 

dat Virginia quititum, having reference setts Historical Society. 

to the four crowns. This coat of arms ' Vide Provincial Papers of New 

may also be seen in the Dowse copy of Hampshire, Vol. I. pp. 10-17. 

Stow's Survey of London, ed. 1633, * Vide- Records of the Council, p. 28. 



488 APPENDIX. 



No. X. 

ACCOUNTS OF JORDAN AND RIDGEWAY.' 

An Account of Provisions and other Necessaryes layd out by Mr. 
Robert Jordan in the yeare 1651, Jno. Ridgeway, & the afore- 
sayd Jordan being partners of ye voyage, in the yeare 1651, as 
followeth. 

Imprimis, 20th day, M. first, one hundred & half of bread, 

for 30 lb. of Pork at 5d. p lb., 

for two pounds of twine, 

for one hundred & half of bread, 

for 3 bush. & an half of pease at 5s. p bush., 

for 64 lb. of Pork at 5d. p lb., 

for 13 lb. of Pork at 5d. p lb., 
2d M. 11. for 3 doz. of hookes at 3s. 6 p doz., 

for two pounds of pouder, 

for tenn pounds of shott, 

for eighty pounds of bread at 24 p lb., 

for one hundred & eighty pounds of Pork at 5d. 
fib., 
20 : n. more for 60 lb. of bread, 
2S : 1 I th . for 98 of bread at 24 p lb., 

ffor half a bushell of Pease, 

ffor half bush, of pease, 

more for two hundred and 4 lb. of Pork, 

more for half a bushel of pease, 

more for one doz & halfe of hooks, 

more for half a bush, of Pease, 

more for 20 lb. of beife, 

more for 42 lb. of bread at 24d. p lb., 

more for 13 bootes full of salt & two hogsheads yt 
made 7 hogsheads at lib. 15s. p hogshead, 

more for 3 hundred of bread, 

1 This account is not one of the origi- business carried on at the Island by 
nal Trelawny papers, but was furnished Robert Jordan after the death of Win- 
by Dr. John S. II. Fogg, of Boston, ter. Several clerical errors occur in 
It was thought best to insert it in the it, which it is not thought proper to 
Appendix, as affording some idea of the correct. 



lb. 


S. 


d. 


I 


16 


00 


OO 


12 


06 




04 


00 


OI 


6 


00 


00 


17 


06 


OI 


°S 


08 


OO 


05 


OS 


00 


10 


06 


00 


OS 


00 


00 


03 


04 


00 


iS 


00 


03 


IS 


00 


00 


14 


00 


01 


01 


00 


00 


02 


06 


00 


02 


00 


00 


02 


06 


00 


05 


03 


00 


02 


06 


00 


06 


oS 


02 


iS 


06 


12 


OS 


00 


03 


12 


00 



ACCOUNTS OF JORDAN AND RIDGEWAY. 489 

more for 4 hogsheads & I of Mackerel], 

more half a bush, of pease, 

2 doz. & I of lynes at one pound 18 f> doz., 

12 doz. of hookes at 3s. 6d. pdoz., 

for seven seaford' of salt y< Matthew Gillet Rec d of 

you, 
more for two netts by Mr. Marjan, 
more for the hire of the two boates that did belong 

to that present Voyage that yeare, 



lb. 


s. 


d. 


13 


10 


00 


00 


02 


06 


04 


'5 


00 


02 


02 


00 


12 


°5 


00 


04 


15 


00 


24 


00 


00 


99 


09 


02 



lb. 


s. 


d. 


OI 


oS 


00 


04 


lS 


08 


03 


00 


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18 


00 


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00 


10 


00 


00 


OS 


00 



New England, 1651 (52). 
An Account of Provisions & other Necessaryes layd out by me, Jno. 
Ridgaway, vppon the Account of two boats on a fishing vojage 
betwixt Mr. Robt. Jordan & myselfe. 

Imprimis, paid for diet for Mathew Jellett & Henry Carter & 

Gregory Cassell to Goodman Wing of Boston, 

7. 8. 1651, 
ffor diet for young Bickford & Nicholas Moulins 
ffor diet for Roger Seward & Mathew Abdey, 
20. M. 8. for one hogshead of bread that the men had in the 

boate, 
for 561b. i of beife at 4 p lb., 
ffor 251b. of Porke at 5 p lb., 
ffor Porke to Goodman Arnol, 
more for two gallons of liquor to Mr. Browne of 

Salem, for the men, oi 00 00 

more pd for diet for ye man at Salem to Mr. Gidney, 02 00 00 
for diet for the men at Cape Ann, 
ffor diet for the men at Piscatage, 
for diett for the men at Agamenticus, 
more for 41 lb. of Porke at 5c!. p lb., 
more for one gallon of licquor for ye men, 
more for bread spent in the boat a longst yeshoare, 00 

more for the mens wages for Mathew Gillet, Hen: 

Carter, & Gregory Cassell, 
more to Roger Seward, 

' I. e. salt for seven sea fares. We should say now salt for seven fares. 



00 


09 


OO 


01 


02 


OO 


00 


12 


04 


00 


16 


09 


00 


IO 


OO 


00 


IS 


OO 


26 


02 


09 


62 


1 2 


00 


2S 


10 


00 



4QO 



2Sd- 



APPENDIX. 

more Mathew Abdey, 

more Gabriell Collnig (Colligny ?) 

more to Georg Dickford & Nicholas Moulins, 

more pd for the Cooper, 

more for my diet expennes & worke, 

more pajd to Jno Culliner for Carryng the men to 
Richmans Island & for one gallon of licquor, 
52: more for one dozen & A of lynes at 3od. p doz., 

more pd to Mathew Gillot for lynes, lead, & hookes, 01 

more 4 hogsheads of mackerell, 

40 hogsheads of salt at 1 lb. 15s. p hogshead, 

more for 700 lb. of bread at 1 to 4d. p lb., 

more for one Nett at Monhegin, 

pd to Henry Carter for lynes & hookes, 

more for two hundred of bread, 

more for 4 hogsheads & 3 barrells, 

more for 7 bush. £ of Pease at 5s. p bush., 

more for a barrell of Porke, 

more for a barrell of beife, 

more for a barrell of Porke, 

more for Cloath, 

more for 16 Galls, of licquor for ye men to ye shipps, 06 

more for twine to mend the netts, 

for one hogshead 5s. b. & one nett, 

eight hundred of bread at 4d. p lb., 

more for 1 doz. & eight lines at one pound & 18 p doz. 03 

more for one doz. of lynes, 

more for 14 lb. & A of bread at 4d. p lb., 

more for 3 netts, 

ffor a barrell of Pork, 

for a doz. of lynes, 

ffor 6 doz. of Hookes at 3s. 6d. p doz., 

more for 2 lines, 

Mr. Jordan, Dr. 

Brought from the other side, 

I, John Ridgaway, will take my oath that this is a true Account of all 
provissions and necessaryes that I Receaved of Mr. Jordan vppon the 
Account of a fishing vojage of two boates Crew which was in the yeare 
1651(2). 



10. 5mo 



lb. 


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06 


00 


OO 


07 


00 


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13 


00 


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163 


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18 


00 


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00 


00 


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331 


15 


00 


099 


09 


02 



ROBERT JORDAN'S WILL. 491 

No. XI. 
ROBERT JORDAN'S WILL. 

In the name of God, Amen. 

I, Robert Jordan, senior, gentleman, formerly of Spur- 
wink, and now resident of the Great Island in the town- 
ship of Portsmouth, in New-England, being weak of body, 
but of sound and perfect memory, praysed be God, — Do 
make, ordayne, and declare this present writing to be and 
remayne my last undoubted Will and Testament, in manner 
and forme following : — 

Imps. I bequeath my soule to God, hopeing by the meritts 
of Christ, my Savior, to enjoy eternal life, and my body to 
ye earth to be decently buried. And what temporall things 
I am blessed with, all by ye Providence of Almighty God, I 
give and bequeath as followeth : 

Item — I do hereby ratify, allow, and confirme two deeds 
or writings, which I formerly made and gave under my hand 
and seale, one to my elldest sonn John Jordan, and another 
to my second sonn Robert Jordan, according to the contents 
y'rin exprest. 

Item — I give and grant to my wife Saraih Jordan, now liv- 
ing, the ould plantation at Spurwinke, containing one thou- 
sand acres, bee it more or less, beginning where the grant 
belonging to my sonn John Jordan doth end, and ending 
where the lott bequeathed by this my will to my 3rd sonn 
Dominicus Jordan doth begine, and soe along the highway 
untill you come to the Greate Pond ; for and during the terme 
of her natural life ; the reversion and inheritance y'rof to bee 
and remaine unto my youngest sonn Jeremiah Jordan, his 
heyers and successors forever, as his part and portion. 

Item — I give and bequeath unto my sayd wife Saraih Jor- 
dan one other farme, called Nonnsuch, containing two thou- 



492 APPENDIX. 

sand acres, be it more or less, for and during her naturall life ; 
and for ye more strict obleighing my children's duty to her, 
my will is that she wholly and absolutely dispose the succes- 
sion and inheritance thereof to either or any of my sonns, 
they or their or any of their heyres, or issue, lawfully by them 
or any of them begotten, forever. 

Item — I give and bequeath unto my sonn Dominicus Jor- 
dan one thousand acres of land, at Spurwinke, to begin 
where the abovesd ould plantation endeth, as hee shall make 
choyce of, to be layd out by the ouerseeres hereafter nomi- 
nated. 

Item — I give and bequeath unto my sonn Jedediah Jordan 
one thousand acres of my land, at Spurwinke aforesaid, to bee 
chosen by him out of my land not disposed before, to bee to 
the use of him and his heyres forever. 

Item — I give and bequeath unto my sonn Samuel Jordan, 
by reason of his posterity's choyce of eleaven hundred acres 
of land of my sayd land at Spurwinke, to bee to the use of 
him and his heyres forever; and what part or parcell of land 
remaynes not bequeathed nor given of my sayd lands at 
Spurwinke, by any or all of the above rescited and expressed 
articles, I do hereby give and bequeath the same, being up- 
lands, unto my sonns above named, to be divided and equally 
allotted amongst them. 

Item — My will is that my meddow, bordering along by 
the river Spurwinke, be equally divided to each portion of the 
above given lands, nearest and most conveniently adjoyning 
to each parcell or portion as is above disposed. 

Item — I give and bequeath unto my foure youngest sonns, 
namely, Dominicus, Jedediah, Samuel, and Jeremiah Jordan, 
to each of them one feather bedd and bowlsters. 

Item — I make and ordayne my sayd wife Saraih, and my 
two sonns John and Robert Jordan, to be my joynt executors. 

I make and hereby ordayne Major Nicho. Shapleigh of Kit- 
tery, Mr. Nath'l Fryer, and Mr. William Bickham, merchants, 
to bee ouerseeres, and to end all differences in any matters 



ROBERT JORDAN'S WILL. 493 

arising, by means of my not fully expressing myselfe in this 
my last will and testament, between my legatees and the 
executors thereof, and to settle all things according to their 
best judgments, and nearest intent of this my will, and that 
noe further or future differences may arise. 

Lastly — My will and intent is, that each and every of my 
afore-mentioned sonns, their heyres and successors, shall have 
and injoy all and singular the aforesayd prescribed grants, 
gyfts, and legacies ; and if any or either of them want natu- 
rall issue, that then that legacy shall redovvn and bee equally 
divided amongst the rest. 

Great Island, 28th of January, 1678 : Mr. Robert Jordan, 
senior, acknowledged the within written to bee his last Will 
and Testament, and was at the same tyme of a sound mind 
and perfect memory, but haveing lost the use of his hands 
could not signe and seale the same ; and owned alsoe Mr. 
Nathl. Fryer, to bee one of his ouerseeres, who is interlined 
above. This owned before mee, 

ELYAS STYLEMAN, Commissioner. 

This will was exhibited in Court, July 1, '79. by Mr. Nathl 

Fryer, under the attestation annexed, and is allowed to bee 

recorded. 

JOS. DUDLEY, Assistant. 

Very copia of this Will and Testament above written, 
transcribed and compared with originall, this 7th day of July, 
one thousand six hundred and seventy-nine, and per ye 
County Court allowed, as attestes. 

EDW. RISHVVORTH, R. C. 



INDEX TO TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



Abby, Thomas, 106 and note. 

Abson, description of, 222 and note. 

Abston. See Abson. 

Accomenticus, 23 n., 77 n., 232 n., 236 n., 
249, derivation of word, 255 n. ; Win- 
ter puts into, 279, 30S, depth of snow 
about, 309, n., 326, 327, 328, 350, 369. 

Account of sale of goods at Richmond 
Island, 301, 349; of goods bought of 
George Richmond, 302 ; currant of 
Robert Trelawny, 303 ; of disburse- 
ments at Richmond Island, 350, 355. 

Acorns, as food for swine, 31 n. 

Acosta, quoted, 30. 

Adrift, explained, 121 n. 

Agamenticus. See Accomenticus. 

Agnes, the bark, 91, 192, 290, 377. 

Agrippa, Paul and, mentioned, 314. 

Akwiasesco, meaning of, 4 n. 

Alger, Andrew, 70, 191, 193, 195 ; sketch 
of, 244 n. ; deposition of, 266, 353. 

Alger, Arthur, sketch of, 244 n. 

Alger, Thomas, 17, 36, 244; sketch of, 
244 n., 251. 

Alger, Trustrum, 112; account of, 1S4, 
194, 244 n., 290. 

Algonquin meaning of Machigonie, 
225 n. 

Allen, Arnold, juror in case of Cleeve 
vs. Winter, 234, 238. 

Allen, Mary, wife of Arnold, 236 n. 

Allen, Samuel, 395 and note, 396, 397, 
401 n. 

Allen, William, 136 ; runs away, 146, 
181 ; account of, 190, 194. 

Allerton, Isaac, 17; Judge Davis 
quoted, 17 n., 51 n. 



America, 133 n. ; farmers of, 155 n. ; 

Puritan, 277 n., 278 n. 
Ammirie. See Amory. 
Amory, John, letter to Robert Trelawny, 
129, wife of, 130, 136, runs away, 
146, 172, 1S1, account of, 1S5, 194. 
Amorie, Amry, Amrey. See Amory. 
Ancient Pemaquid, author of, quoted, 

58 a. 
Andrews, Edmond, 336 and note, 337, 

35°- 
Andrews, Jane, wife of Arthur Mack- 
worth, 213 n., 256 n. 
Andrews, John, 336 n. 
Andrews, Samuel, 213 n., 256 n. 
Angel Gabriel, the ship, 75, S2 n. ; 
aquavitse brought in the, 174 and 
note. 
Angel, the White. See White Angel. 
Appeal of John Winter to Sir Ferdi- 
nando Gorges, 233 ; not allowed in 
personal actions, 316. 
Aquamenticos. See Accomenticus. 
Aquavita?, meaning of word, 25 n. ; and 
sacke, 29, 34, 37, 43, 53, 54, 66, 123, 
174, 179, account of, sold, 191, 195, 
difference between French and Eng- 
lish, 197 n., 210 n., 211, 212, 235 n., 
237 n., 302, 303, 306, 350. 
Archdale, 210 n., 330 n. 
Archer, Mr., 435. 
Arowsick Island, 236 n. 
Arrosmith, Thomas, 38. 
Arthur, Mr., 328. 
Attorney, Power of, granted Winter and 

Thomas Pomroy, 1 5 ct set/. 
Atwell, Benjamin, 299 and note; son 

of, 299 n. 
Atwell, Benjamin, Jr., 299 n. 



49<5 



INDEX TO TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



A'twell, the widow, 299 n. 
Aucocisco. See Akwiasesco. 
Avero, 191, 192. 
Avon, 287 n. 
Axminster, 341 n. 



B. 



Babb, Eleanor, 63 n. 

Babb, Thomas, 63 n., contract with 

Edward Trclawney, 80 and note, 81, 

bill of, 100, 255 n. 
Bacchilor, Bachiler. See Batcheler. 
Back Cove, 11 n., 210 n., 213 n. 
Baddeuer, John, 245 and note. See 

Maddiver. 
Bagnall, Walter, 5 n. ; coins belonging 

to, ploughed up, 6 n. 
Baies, 175 and note. 
Baker, Andrew, 37. 
Baker, Edmund, 251. 
Baker, George, 38. 
Baker, John, juror in case of Cleeve vs. 

Winter, 234 and note, 236, 238. 
Baley, Jonas, 169 and note, 291, 295, 

301, 303, 351. 
Ball, Hugh, 336, 338, 341. 
Ball, Nicholas, 1S5, 292. 
Band strings, 151 and note. 
Bandoleers, 35; description of, 35 n., 

65 and note, 90 and note, 13S and 
note. 

Banister, Thomas, to Lord Trelawny, 

402 ; sketch, 402 n., 404, 405, 406. 
Bandonbridge, 143 n., 14411. 
Bandum Bridge. See Bandonbridge. 
Baple, John, 85, 278. 
Barbadoes, refuse fish all sent to, 55 n. 
Bark, use of, 38 and note, 43 and note, 

66 and note, 92 and note. 
Barnstable, 19 and note, low prices of 

goods brought in the "ship of," 29, 
51, 56,83, 88, 92, 94, 107, 112, 116, 
120, 143, 144, 154, the barke of, 157; 
the small bark of, 174 ; the new ship 
of, lost, 195, 19S, 202, 251 and note. 

Barnstaple, Bastable See Barnstable. 

Barrage. See Burrage. 

Barvell, 112 and note, 297 and note. 

Basley, John, 37. 



Basque, S8 n. 

Bass, striped, 20; description, 20 n. ; 

abundance of, 26; scarcity of, 119. 
Batcheler, Mary, 271 n. 
Batcheler, Stephen, 172 n., sketch, 

270 n., 272, choice of, as umpire in * 

arbitration case, 319 and note. 
Batcheler, Theodate, 270 n. 
Batts, 14S and note. 
Baules, 1S0 and note. 
Baulinge, 360 and note. 
Bead Cloth, 306 and note. 
Beads, use of, described by Josselyn, 

28 n. 
Beanies, Roman, 35 and note. 
Bears, pigs killed by, 141. 
Beaver, European greed for, 21 n., 36; 

price of, 203. 
Bedford, Mr., 76, 81. 
Beedle Rings, 373 and note. 
Beill, Jonas. See Baley. 
Belee. See Baley. 
Bennett, quoted, 144 n. 
Bermudas, 142 n. 
Berwick, one of divisions of Pascataqua, 

214 n. 
Best, Edward, 136, 181 ; runaway, 190. 
Beyley, Jonas. See Baley. 
Bickford, " Old," 10S. 
Bickford, John, 329 and note. 
Bickford, Priscilla, slovenliness of, 166 

and note; account of, 1S9, 291 and 

note, 300. 
Biddeford, 167 n., 303 and note, 329 n. 
Bilbow, 55 and note, 56, SS n., 199, 273, 

2S3, 321, 3S2. 
Billos, 305 and note. 
Billin, complained of, by Hawkins, 97. 
Bill Hooks, 179 and note, 305 and note. 
Biskay, S4, 88 and note. 
Bittiford. See Biddeford. 
Black Point, 2 n., 11, why called, n n., 

20, 63, 9S n., 113 n., headland of, 

139, 199 n., 212 n., 237 n., 241 n., 

243 n., 253 n., 295 n., 297 n. River 

of, 63, 105, 109, 131, 133 n., 13S and 

note, 139, 390. 
Elacke Poynte. See Black Point. 
Blathwaite, William, 396 and note, 399. 
Blight, Isaac, 429. 
Blue Point, part of Black Point, 132 and 



INDEX TO TKELAWNY PAPERS. 



497 



note ; Nicholas Edgecomb goes to, 
32S n. 

Bluff Island, 162 n. 

Boaden, Ambrose, 299 n., 354 ; ac- 
count of, 359. 

Boaden, John, 299 n. 

Bode, Henry, 23S ; sketch, 238 n. 

Boker, John, 236 n. 

Boles, Joseph, 210 ; sketch, 210 n. 

Bolton, 336 n. 

Bone, Thomas, 136; runaway, 180; ac- 
count of, 186, 194. 

Bonny, 67 and note. 

Bonny Bessie, 173 and note. 

Bonython, John, 92 n., 234 n. 

Bonython, Richard, 17, 87, 92, 96, 98, 
125 n., daughter of, 132 n , 167 n., 
commissioner, 217 n., 237, 239, 257, 
314 n., 328 n, 32911. 

Bonython, Sarah, 132 n. 

Bordeze, 56 and note. 

Borriers, 67 and note. 

Boston, 76, 81, 87 n., 12S n., 133 n., 
145 n., 167 n., East, 170 n., execu- 
tion of Mary Martin in, referred to, 
219 n., 239 n., 270 n., 291 n., 303 n., 
324 n., 349, 350, 351, 352,357. 

Boulings, 197 and note. 

Boulter Hooks, 153 and note. 

Bourne's History, quoted, 216 n., 235 n., 
314 n., 315 n. 

Bowditch, Nathaniel I., quoted, 59 n. 

Bowes, Captain, men of, have scurvy, 
52, 56, 84 and note. 

Bowes, Trustrum, 174. 

Brabant, Capt., 423. 

Bradbury, Thomas, 99 and note. 

Bradford's History, quoted, 51 n., 204 n. 

Bradshavv, Richard, patent on " Pa- 
shippscot " given, 32 n., 207, sketch, 
207 n., grant, 211 n., 229, 308 n. 

Bramfield, Mr., 402 n. 

Brenton, Jahleel, 343, 394 

Bridgewater, 244 n. 

Bristol, 56, 60, 78, merchants of, men- 
tioned, 103 n., 107, 215, 222 n., the 
ship of, 252, 254, 287 and note, 311, 
322. 

Bristow. See Bristol. 

Broadstairs, 290 n. 

Broags, Irish, 307, 325 n., 345 and note. 



Brooking, Rebecca, 340 n. 

Browges. See Broags. 

Brown, John, 28S n. 

Browne, Arthur, 106, sketch, 106 n., 
144 n., 215 n., testimony of, concern- 
ing Casco River, 232 and note, 263 n., 
269, 272, 326, 329. 

Bucknall, Roger, account of, 1S8, 194. 

Bull, Dixy, turned pirate, 23. 

Bull, Jonas, 194. 

Bulwer, quoted, 150 n. 

Bunt, George, account of, 187, 194, 
commanded to appear at court, 2S0, 
282, son of, 282, 300. 

Burdett, George, 249 ; sketch, 249 n. 

Burdhead. See Burdett, George. 

Burkett, Christopher, 56, 60. 

Burrage, John, 164, 169 and note, 253 
and note, 294, 297 n., 300, 303, 313 
and note, 323 ; wife of, 341, 342. 

Burrage, Avis, 341, 342. 

Butler, John, ransom of, 173 n. 



Cadd, John, 83, 88, 94, 96. 

Calcue, 86 and note. 

Cale, 203 n. 

Calef, Joseph, 407 n., 425 and note, 426, 

433- 

Cammock, Margaret, 2 n. 

Cammock, Thomas, grant to, men- 
tioned, 2, 4 n., 9 n. ; patent to, 10 ; 
letter to Trelawny, iS; copartner- 
ship with Trelawny discussed, 19 
and note, 22, 23, 45 n., 61, 63; con- 
cerning his northern limit, 63 n., 98 ; 
patent of, referred to, 109, 112 n. ; 
petition concerning patent, 138, 139, 
140, 199, 211 n., 212 n. ; suit against, 
for debt, referred to, 214 n., 227, 229, 
238, 247 n., 248 n., 250 n., 253 n. ; 
denounced by Winter, 262, 263 ; pa- 
tent referred to, 324 n., 390. 

Cammock's Neck, 290 11. 

Camnas, 45 and note, 177 and note ; 
slides, 178 and note. 

Camo, William, 78. 

Campion, Clemett, 353 and note, 355, 
356. 



49§ 



INDEX TO TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



Campbell, Chief Justice, on Royal 

Edicts, quoted, 226 n. 
Can, William, 56,60. 
Canada, 59 n., 131 n. 
Canada, Viscount, 1 1 1 n. 
Canaries, 174. 
Canary Sacke, abundance of, 29 and 

note, 34 and note. 
Cannage, Mathew, 40. 
Cans, quarter, 307 and note. 
Canterbury, Archbishop of, 277 and 

note. 
Cape Ann, 145, 200 and note, 223. 
Cape Cod, 20. 
Cape Cloth, 148, 191, 193, 198, 301, 307, 

3 2 2. 325. 331. 332, 34<5, 355, 356, 353- 
Cape de Verde, 156 n. 
Cape Elizabeth, 11 n., 64, 65, 102 n., 

125 n., 21 1 n., 241 n., 251 n., 391, 40S, 

43°. 43 1. 433- 

Cape Porpus, 199 n. 

Capisic River, 246 n. 

Capple, Anthony, 193. 

Cargason, 163 and note. 

Caribbean Islands, 135 n. 

Carrier, 196 and note. 

Carter, the widow, 324 and note. 

Carvinnion, George, 335. 

Cattle, when first imported, 48 n. ; first 
brought to Black Point, S3 n. ; cheap- 
ness of, 249. 

Casco, 1, derivation of, 4 n., 64, 65, 
102 n., 104, 163, 172, 209, 210 n., 219, 
232, 234 n., 239, 240, concerning 
land of Cleeve at, 245, 251 and note, 
33° n -> 353. 354, 367 "• ; Bay of, 79, 
103, 208, 211, 225, 229, 231 n., 232 n., 
252, 299 and note, 327 n., 32S 11., 370 ; 
River of, 15, 99, 104 n., 105, 109, 
no, 227, 229; testimony concerning 
name of, 231, 232 and note, 233, 239, 
246, 249 ; Winter, concerning loca- 
tion of, 250, 254 ; Gorges's knowledge 
of, 274, 276 ; Winter claims as boun- 
dary of Trelawny Patent, 316, 390, 
403,414, 416, 417, 420, 431. 

Celby, John, 37. 

Ccnebecke River. See Kennebec. 

Cersey, 174 and note, 17S and note, 191, 
192, 193, 285 and note, 296 and note, 
297. 3°=, 3°7. 325. 355- 35 6 . 359- 



Ceves, 31 and note. 

Chabenocke, Sagamore, 237 n. 

Charrin dishes, 17S and note. 

Chamberlain, John, 402 n., 404. 

Chambers, 66 and note, 179 and note, 
372 and note. 

Champlain's voyages referred to, 6 n. 

Champernoun, Arthur, 330 n., 40S. 

Champernoun, Francis, founder of Pas- 
cataqua, 214 n. ; as commissioner, 
217 n., 314 n., 335. 

Chapman, 218 and note, 223 and note, 
224, 2S1 and note, 2S4; scarcity of 
chapmen, 310. 

Chappell, William, 42, 106, sketch, 
106 n., 113, 1 14. 123 and note, 124. 

Chappell's company, 160, 194. 

Chappie, Chappies. See Chappell. 

Character of Maine Colonists, conflict- 
ing testimony concerning, 72 n., 73 n. 

Chargable, 57 and note, 109 and note. 

Charles I., 277 n. 

Charles II., 330 n. 

Charles, Lord, 340. 

Charlestown, 239 n. 

Chaucer, quoted, 168 n., 21S n. 

Cheese Fatts, 374 and note. 

Chittle, 31 and note, 305 and note. 

Christ tide, 55 and note. 

Chudleigh, 1S1. 

Chum, 96 n. 

Church, Episcopal, S7 n., 269 n., 270 n. 
277 n. 

Churchill, quoted, 84 n. 

Cinderkin, 150 and note. 

Cipnett Irons, 359 and note. 

Citlells, 54 and note. 

Clapboards, large trade in, 71 and 
note. 

Clark's Point, 211 n. 

Clarke, Anthony, complaint of, by Maw- 
kins, 97, 1S7, 194, 2S2, 295, 301. 

Clarke, Edward, 93 n. 

Clarke, Oliver, 93 and note. 

Clarke, Richmond, 144 n. 

Clawboard. See Clapboard. 

Cleeve, Elizabeth, 211 n. 

Cleeve, George, 8 n. ; house of, used 
by Winter's men, 32 ; ejected by 
Winter, 32 n., 101 ; complaint of, by 
Trelawny, 101, 102 ft seq., 107; 



INDEX TO TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



499 



warrant on Winter, 117, 11S, 121; 
suspected of inciting Indians to kill 
cattle, 122, 123 and note, 132 n , 
139 11., 159 ; complaint of, to Gorges, 
206, 207 ; suit vs. Winter, 225, 22S, 
232 n., 233, 234 and note, 236 n., 
23S n. ; called turbulent by Godfrey, 
240, 241, 242 ; Winter writes con- 
cerning, 244, 247, 251 n. ; Marshal 
threatens to put in possession of 
Winter's house, 253, 256, 257, 260, 
261, 263, 264, 267 ; award in case vs. 
Winter, 269, 272, 273, 275, 276, 277 ; 
straightened circumstances of, 280 
and note, 300, 310 n. ; judgment and 
execution granted, 315, 319; dam- 
ages awarded, 320 and note, 322, 
365, 366, 369, 371, 376, 3S2 and note, 

3S4- 
Clement, William, 407. 
Clemett, Mr., 78. 
Clerkenwell Green, 439. 
Cobb, Peter, 192, 193. 
Cod fish, importance of, Ileriot quoted, 

26 n. 
Coga, Thomas, 14. 
Coggan, John, 284 and note, 309, 344 ; 

account of, 357, 358. 
Coke, Lord, 319 n. ; quoted on Royal 

Edicts, 226 n. 
Cole, William, 214; juror in case of 

Cleeve vs. Winter, 234 and note, 23S. 
Collier, Mr., 421. 
Collins, George, from Seth Hunt, 439 ; 

sketch, 439 n., 440. 
Collogue, 205 and note. 
Commin, Richard, 194. 
Communion vessels and cloth, 179, 

333- 
Company of Husbandmen, 366, 367 n. 
Conny, John, 37. 
Consort, the ship, 172 n. 
Constance, the bark, 353 n. 
Cook, Peyton, 88 n., 212, 369 and note, 

371- 
Cook, Jno., to Robert Trelawny, 391 ; 

sketch of, 391 11. 
Coorfys, 39 and note. 
Coote Bever, 201 and note. 
Corber, Richard, 38, 360. 
Corbin, Robert, 219 n., 410. 



Cork, 143 n. 

Corn, Indian, 30; description and useful- 
ness of, 30 n. ; manner of making into 
meal, 31 ; mill, 35, 45, 46, 50, 53, 58, 
66; bad on new ground, 119 ; late, 
122; English, 125; not thrifty, 128; 
poor, 136; sale of, 192, 195; good 
condition of, 200; does not ripc-n, 
203 ; as legal tender, 218 and note ; 
good, 244, 306 ; stampers for, 332 and 
note, 346, 348. 

Cornwall, 92, 147 n., 339, 342. 

Cossons, Cosens, Cossens. See Cou- 
sins. 

Council for New England, I, 3, 10, 13, 
15, 16, 227, 229; grant to Dr. Smith 
and others, 328 n., 3S9-391, 416. 

Coulinge, Mary, 217. 

County Wilts, 352 n. 

Cousins, Isaac, 240 n. 

Cousins, John, 106 n., 194 ; testimony 
of, concerning Cascoe River, 239 and 
note, 371. 

Cousins Island, 371 n. 

Coule, 67 and note, ^23 anc ' note. 

Court, 106 n., 145 n , 314 n. ; Gorges 
to establish, 316 n. ; at Saeo, 224, 
234 n., 351 ; General, of Massachu- 
setts, 235 n., 23S n., 329 n. 

Craddocke, Matthew, Si and note, S8 n., 
369 n. 

Cranfleld, petition against, 329 n., 408. 

Crase, Joseph, 38. 

Cromwell, petition to, referred to, 
220 n. 

Crosbar shot, 179 and note. 

Croydon, in Surrey, 367 n. 

D. 

Dalton, Rev. Timothy, 23S n. 
Damariscotta River, 2S7 n. 
Danish Fort, 144 n. 
Dartmouth, 71, 101, 154, 223. 
Davis, John, 329 ; sketch, 329 n. 
Davis, Judge, quoted, 17 n. 
Dearing, George, stubbornness of, 113 ; 
leaves Winter, 119; runs away, 181. 
Dearing, Roger, 406 n. 
Deed of Vines to Winter, 105. 
Defoe, quoted, 169 n. 



500 



INDEX TO TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



Dekker, 15011. 
Dennis, John, 126, 194. 
Dennis, Robert, 171 and note. 
Depositions in suit of Cleeve vs. Win- 
ter, 263. 
Derby, Lady, 366 n. 
Devon, 154, 155 n., 244 n., 250 n., 336, 

337, 339. 340, 341, 342. 
Devonshire, 132 n., inhabitants of Saco 

emigrated from, 167 n., 210, 237 n., 

303 n., 306 n , 330 n. 
Devoyd, 319 and note. 
Disraeli, on Royal Edicts, quoted, 226 n. 
Dorchester, 133 n.,351, 354. 
Douglass, quoted, 92 n. 
Doulis, 115 and note, 2S5 n. 
Doust, 166 and note. 
Dover, 12S11., 2i4n.,249n.,329n., 351 n. 
Downinge, Richard, 38. 
Dowse, Joseph, 425, sketch of, 425 n., 

426. 
Drue, Nicholas, 130. 
Drumes, 14S and note, 307 and note. 
Drum hogshead, 147 n. 
Dryden, quoted, 260 n. 
Dudley, Governor, quoted, 103 n., 128 n., 

33° n - 
Dugles, 283. 

Dum, 169 ; etymology of, 169 n. 
Dummer, Richard, 367 n. 
Dung Pott, 375 and note. 
Dunkirk, 128 n. 
Dunkirkers, Richard Gibson annoyed 

by, 12S and note, 129 n., 173 n. 
Dunns, Thomas, 38. 
Dunster, 244 n. 
Dustin, Thomas, 40. 
Dutch East India Company, 61 n. 
Dutch Plantation at Hudson River, 56, 

61 and note, 135. 
Dutch settlement at Hartford, 145 n. 
Dyce, 150 n. 

E. 

Edgecome, Mount, 327 n. 

Edgecomb, Lord, 438. 

Edgecomb, John, 214, 328 n. 

Edgecomb, Nicholas, account of, 190, 
324 and note, 327, sketch, 327 n., goes 
to Blue Point, 32S n., 350, 351. 



Edgecomb, Sir Pierce, 327 n. 

Edgecomb, Sir Richard, grant to, re- 
ferred to, 327 n., 32S n. 

Edmunds, Edmund, 1S1. 

Edmunds, Henry, 136, run away, 190, 
194. 

Edwards, William, 181. 

Eleanor, the ship, 312 and note; lost, 
322 and note. 

Elford, Captain, 406 and note. 

Eliot, Robert, 400 and note, 403. 

Eliott, Mr., captain of the White Angel, 
215. 

Elizabeth, Cape. See Cape Elizabeth. 

Elizabeth, reign of, mentioned, 151 n. 

Endicott, John, 217 n., 369 n. 

England, 41, 56, 61, 73, 79, 84, 100, 
102 n., 107, in n., 125, 128 n., 129 n. 
130 n., 133, 13511., 143, 145, 151 n., 
155, 164, 176, 211 n., 214 n., 215 n., 
221, custom in, of notching deeds, etc., 
227 n. 234, 235 n., 247 and note, 27S, 
279, 2S8, 303, 311, 321 and note, 322, 
354 n., 366 n. 

English law, quotation from, concerning 
jurors, 31S n. 

English Worthies, author of, quoted, 
116 n., 2S7 n., 327 n. 

Episcopacy, 87 11., 277 n. 

Essex, 100 n. 

Euelay, Goodman, 351 and note. 

Evells (evils), 221 and note, 278 n., 332 
and note, 373 n. 

Exeter, 131 n , 234 n., 369 n. 

Exchange, the ship, 255. 



F. 



Fairbanks, Goodman, 357 and note, 

3SS. 

Falmouth, 224 n., 315 n., 41 5 n., 419, 430, 

433- 
Fardell, 60 and note. 
Fellowship, the ship, 201, 202, 210, 298, 

3°3- 
Fish, difference in quality of, sent to 

West Indies and England, 2 and 

note. 
Fish peas, 155. 
Fishcocke, Edward, 114. 



INDEX TO TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



Soi 



Freythy, William, 93 n., 190, 194, 220, 

300. 
Friendship, the ship, 2S9, 357 n. 
Froste, George, 214. 
Frustrat, 320 and note. 
Fryer, Nathaniel, 407 and note. 
Fuller, Edward, 144 n. 
Furs Hooks, 179 and note, 197 and note, 

305 n., 332 and note, 373 and note. 



Gael, 143 n. 

Gale, 204 and note, 306 and note. 

Galicia, 350 n. 

Ganginge, 197 and note. 

Garland, John, 172, 193. 

Garland, Peter, 239 and note. 

Garland, William, 85 ; letter of, 87. 

Gartes. See Girtes. 

Garters, 35 and note. 

Garde, Roger, 232 and note, 233 n., 257, 
263, 264, 266, 26S, 269, 272. 

Gardens, 50 n. 

Gardiner, Sir Christopher, 144 n., 262 n. 

Gaude, Markes, 136, 172, 181, run 
away, 190, 194. 

Gay, quoted, 1 50 n. 

Gaynes, William, 71. 

Geffry, Mr., 60. 

Gendall, Walter, 324 n. 

Geneva Bands, 151 and note. 

Gibbens, William, 191 ; testimony con- 
cerning Casco River, 231 and note, 
353 and note. 

Gibbons, Ambrose, 349 n. 

Gibbons, Edward, 349 and note, 351, 

358- 

Gibbs, Philip, 194. 

Gibson, Rev. Richard, 72 n.,S6n., 87 n., 
93 n., 105, 113; going to the Bay, 
117; uprightness of, 127; annoyed 
by Dunkirkers, 128, 129, 131, 15S and 
note; writes Trelawny, 159; unable 
to obtain money from Winter, 160; 
intends to go to Pascataqua, 161, 170 
and note, 176, 179 and note ; Tre- 
lawny sends wine to, 192, 194, 196, 

2 34. 299- 3°7. 333 anci note > 39°- 
Gilbert, Robert, 38. 



Gill, Arthur, letter to Trelawny, 133; 
description of, 133 n., 134 ; goes away, 
1 39 ; his reference to miserable state 
of settlers, 161 ; writes to Trelawny, 
162; is to leave for Massachusetts 
Bay, 164, 176, 183; account of, 1S7, 
194, 204, 205, 217 and note, 243, 
279. 

Gill, Peter, 26, 40. 

Ginkin, Reignold, account of, 1S3, 194, 
290. 

Girtes, 35 and note, 37 and note, 43 and 
note, 174 and note, 177 and note. 

Glames, 31 and note. 

Glebe, grant of the, 93 n. 

Gloucester, County of, 222 n., 237 n., 
287 n., 351 n. 

Gloucestershire. See Gloucester. 

Glubb, Nicholas, 343. 

Glubb, Waltero, 343. 

Godfrey, Edward, 77 n., 154 n., 199 n., 
207, 209, 217 n., 228, 231, 232, 23S, 
239 ; letter to Edward Trelawny, 240 ; 
denounces Cleeve, 241, 247, 248, 255, 
257,260,310; as an advocate, 310 n., 

3'4, 315 n-. 3 6 5 »• 

Godfrey, John, no such person, 315 n. 

Gooch, William, 323 n., 327, 344, 354. 

Goodyeare, Moses, 1, 3, 16, 22, 227, 229, 
230. 2 43. 2 54. 39°, 4i6, 423 n., 435, 
437- 

Goosnargh, 365 n. 

Gores. See Girtes. 

Gorges, Edward, 9. 

Gorgeana, 209 n., 367 n. 

Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, 2 n., 9, 10 n. ; 
letter from Trelawny, 16, 23 n., 46 n., 
82 n; writes William Gorges, 9S and 
note, 99 n, 102 n., 104 n.. 105 ; grant to 
Cleeve from, mentioned, no, in and 
note, 115 ; patent granted to Cleeve by, 
shown Winter, 117; letter of, shown 
Winter, 11S, 131 and note, 132, 13S, 
140, 154 n., 171 ; complaint of Cleeve 
to, 206, 20S, 209 n., 211 n ; grant to 
Lewis from, 2J3n. ; commission from, 
216 and note, 226, 227, 229, 232 n. ; 
Winter appeals to, for stay of judg- 
ment, 233, 241, 243, 247, 260, 273, 274, 
275 ; appeal of Robert Trelawny 
received by, 277, 279, 291 ; letter ex- 



502 



INDEX TO TRELAWNY PATERS. 



• pected from, concerning Cleeve mat- 
ter, 310, 315 ; grant from, to Sir Rich- 
ard Edgecomb, referred to, 327 n., 
388,416,435. 

Gorges, John, 99 n. 

Gorges, Robert, 76 n , 102 n. 

Gorges, Thomas, 199 n., 207, 209, 210 n., 
217 n., 22S, 231, 232, 237, 238 n., 239, 
243, sketch, 243 n, 252, 253, 255, 257 ; 
orders Winter ashore, 279 and note ; 
warrant granted by, 280, 309 ; fairness 
of his administration, 310 n., 314 n ; 
men sent by, to levy execution against 
Trelawny property, 3.5, 315 n., 316 
and note, 317; action toward jurors, 
31S and note; threats of, 319. 

Gorges, Captain William, letter from 
Sir Ferdinando, 9S and note, 99, 105, 
139 »■ ; promises to review Casco, 

3 22 < 39°- 
Granville, Sir Bernard, 144 n. 
Greene, Thomas, 424, sketch, 424 n., 

429. 43°- 
Greenway, Clement, 195. 
Guich. See Gooch. 
Guizot, quoted, 277 n. 
Gullett, Peter, 109, 112, 125. 
Guyer, Master, 250. 
Gyll. See Gill. 



H. 

Hades, 39 and note. 
Halberds, 179 and note, 305 and note. 
Hale, 165 and note. 
Haley, Mary, 265 n. 
Haling hands, 120 and note. 
Halliers, 1S0 and note, 298 and note. 
Halliwell, quoted, 67 11., 150 n. 
Ham, William, 93, 95, 1S1. 
Hammecke, Hamock. See Hammocke. 
Hammocke, Henry, 293, 300. 
Hammocke, Thomas, 193, 296 and note, 

3 12 . 3-7. 331. 35 6 - 

Hampton, 235 n., 271 n. 

Hancock, Henry, incompetent ship- 
builder, 165, 194; account of, 18S, 
288. 

Hand mills, 125 and note. 

Harell, William, 194, 282, 293, 300. 



Hargabus, 6S and note, 179 and note, 
332 and note, 374 and note. 

Harren Tongs, 333 and note, 358. 

Hartford, first court at, 145 n. 

Hatch, Charles, 41 and note ; estate of, 
mentioned, 140 n., 182 ; account of, 
1S6, 194. 220 and note, 221 and note ; 
commanded to appear at Court, 2S0; 
time out, 281, 293, 300. 

Hatch, Peter, 345. 

Hatch, Philip, 53 n., 140 and note, 182, 
185, 194,220; time out, 281, 292, 300, 
324, 326, 328, 350, 354. 

Hatch, Robin, 360. 

Haverhill, 270 n. 

Hawkins, Narias, 55, 56 ; letter to Tre- 
lawny, 58, 60; company of, 61, 62, 
66, 70, 83, S9, 90 ; letter to Trelawny, 
94, 96, 97, 9S, 108; company of, 114, 
120, 122 n., 123, 135, 136, 137, 144; 
accident to vessel of, 155, 163, 170; 
account of, 1S8, 191, 192, 194, 195, 
196, 215, 219, 222, 243, 2S9, 307. 

Heamond. See Heyman. 

Heard, Arthur, 40. 

Heard, James, 121 n. 

Hearle, William, 189. 

Hearts Desire, the ship, 222. 

Hechcocke. See Hitchcock. 

Heckford, John, 194. 

Heffers, Andrew, 183, 194. 

Helborne, William, 38. 

Hempson, John, 182, 1S4, 221 and note, 
289. 

Hercules, the ship, 107 and note, 109, 
no, in, 112, 113, 114, 115, 119, 121, 
147, 149, 155, 156, 159, 160, 162 ; ca- 
pacity of, 163, 164, 165, 172, 177 n., 
178, 191, 195, 199, 22i, 273, 280 n., 
307, 30S, 309, 312, 313, 321, 322, 326, 
3 2 9> 33°, 334. 335. 342. 346, 34S, 
354. 379- 

Heriot, quoted, on importance of cod- 
fish, 26 n. 

Herringe. Mr. 61. 

Hewit, Nicholas, 326. 

Heyman, Penticost, 18S, 194, 2S3, 294, 
301. 

Higgins's Beach, 250 n., 324 n. 

Higginson, Rev. Francis, quoted, 30 n., 
128 n.. 349 n. 



INDEX TO TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



503 



Hill, Peter, So and note, 81 ; account 

of, 189, 194; examination of, 264; 

sketch of, 264 n., 345, 354, 371. 
1 1 ill, Roger, 265 n. 
Hill, Valentine, 351 and note. 
Hingston, Philip, 193; summoned to 

court, 280 and note, 331, 355, 356. 
Hingston, William, 17, 147, 158 and 

note, 16S and note, 177, 191, 194, 280, 

334- 335. 339. 342. 
Hingston, Mr., 156, 162, 199; unwilling 

servant, 2S2, 296 and note, 305, 30S, 

310, 312, 313, 323, 329, 330. 
History of North America quoted con- 
cerning pilchards, 27 n., 55 n. 
Hitchcock, Richard, 352 and note. 
Hoffer, Andrew, 113. 
Hog Island, m a. 
Holberton, 250. 
Hole, John, 1S2, 1S6, 194, 220, 292 and 

note, 300. 
Holland, John, 192, 354, 381. 
Holman, James, 123, 135. 
Holme, Randle, quoted, no n. 
Holy Ghost, ship, aquavits brought in 

the, 174 and note. 
Hook, William, 217 n., 314 n. 
Hooke, Henry, to Lieutenant Trelawny, 

405 and note. 
Hooper, John, 335, 336. 
Hooper, Mary, 365 n., 380. 
Hooper, Rev. Mr., 425 n. 
Hope, the ship, 101. 
Hope, James, 432 ; sketch of, 432 n. 
Hops, cultivation of, referred to, 79. 
Horden, Adam, 107, 112, 116, 117. 
Hore, Thomas, 37. 
Hoskin, John, 41. 
Hotten's List of Emigrants referred to, 

214 n. 
Hour-glass, 62 n. 

House Island, origin of name, 251 n. 
Howman, James, 126. 
Hubbard's New England quoted, 46 n , 

140 n., 142 n. 
Hudson, Henry, 61 n. 
Hudson River, discovery of, 61 n. 
Hutchinson, Mrs., 357 n. 
Hull, Rev. Mr., 232 n. 
Hume's History quoted, on Royal 

Edicts, 236 n., 278 n., 317 n. 



Humphreys, Jeremiah, 375 and note. 
Hunt, Ebenezer, 440 11. 
Hunt, Seth, 440 ; sketch, 440 n. 
Hunter, the ship, 25, 34, 37, 39, 41, 42 
43. 44. 47. 48. 5 2 > 54. So. 



I. 



Imson. See Hempson. 

Increase, the ship, 234 n. 

Indented, 227 and note. 

Indians, cannot wear hats sent by Tre- 
lawny, 26 ; trading with, unprofit- 
able, 27 ; not improved by white s, 
27 11. ; use of beads, 28 n.; best 
time for trading with, 29 ; Bradfo d 
on, quoted, 47 n. ; death of man f, 
in 1634, 47 ; trade with, 50 ; trade 
bad, 53 ; pigs killed by, S3 ; no 
trouble from, S6, 90 ; their methods 
of fertilizing, 95 and note ; pigs killed 
by, 96 ; Trelawny complains of 
Cleeve's threats against, 102 ; John 
C'ousins's reparation to an Indian, 
106 and note ; stock supposed to have 
been killed by, 122 n. ; passage of 
law against, mentioned, 123 n. ; Mo- 
hawks and Mohegins, 142 n. ; de- 
struction of Pequots referred to, 145 
n. ; mussels used by, 152 n. ; mean- 
ing of Piscataquis, 15S n. ; name of 
Saco, 167 n., 174 n., 210 n. ; their 
name for town near point settled by 
Mackworth, 213 n. ; names, Rev. M. 
C. O'Brien on, 225 n.; Old Webb, 
the, 237 n. ; Chabenocke, 237 n. ; 
war mentioned, 239 n. ; meaning of 
Pemaquid, 2S7 n. ; third war, 324 n. ; 
first war, 330 n. 

Ipswich, Si n., 100 n. 

Iracoyce, Lake of, in n. 

Ireland, So, 118, 143, 150 n., 340. 

Irish, the exiled, 144 n., 151 n. 

Iron spill, 6S and note. 

Isle, Deer, 135 n. ; of Mayo, 148 and 
note ; of Sabell, 75 and note ; of 
Sail, 156 and note; of Shoals, S7 
and note, 329 n., 336 and note, 351, 
354- 



504 



INDEX TO TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



J- 

Jacob's Law Dictionary, quoted, 1S1 n. 

Jackson, Robert, 37, 42. 

Jackson, quoted, 167 n. 

Jaime, 250. 

Jamaica, 436. 

James, the ship, 43, 45 and note, 46 n., 
47, 48, 49, 54, 66 ; incident relating to 
another vessel of same name, S2 and 
note, S4 n. 

Jarning Gloves, 192 and note. 

Jeffries, David, 402 n. 

Jenner, Thomas, 211 n., 353 and note. 

Jennens, Abraham, 1 n., 386 n. 

Jewell, George, 18 and note. 

Johnson, quoted, 349 n. 

Jope, Samson, 113, 165, 135, 355. 

Jordan, Robert, 70 n., 106 n., 132 n., 
239 n., 250 n., 269 n., 272, 287, 292 n. ; 
letter to Robert Trelawny, 314; pan- 
ders to Trelavvny's interests, 314 and 
note, 316 n., 320, 324, n., 325, 328 
and note, 352 n., 354; petition to 
General Assembly of Ligonia, 365, 
368. 370, 371. 375. 376, 3S2, 384, 
385 n., 3S7, 3S8, 3S9, 391, 398, 400, 
403, 407, 40S, 409, 414 n., 420, 423, 
425, 426, 433. 

Josselyn, Henry, 2 n. ; always entrusted 
with responsible positions, 8 n. ; ap- 
pointed attorney for Council of Affairs 
in New England, 12, 13, 69 n., 98 n., 
109, 132 n., 139 n., 140, 211,21411., 
217 n., 230, 234 n., 237, 239, 253, 257, 
303 n., 314 n. 

Josselyn's Two Voyages referred to, 
2 n., 33 n., 75 n., 122 n., 132 n. ; quoted, 

27 "-. 53 n . S 6 "■> 7i ii-, 73 »•> 7<J n., 

77 n., 142 n., 201 n., 299 n. 
Josselyn, Sir Thomas, 140, 243 n., 314 n. 
Joy, Richard, 283. 
Jues, John, 401. 
Jurors, treatment of, 317 n 



K. 

Kenwood, Peter, 370 n. ; letter to Mrs. 
Trelawny, 415; letter from Samuel 
P. Trelawny, 417 ; letters to Samuel 



P. Trelawny, 419, 422, 424, 427, 42S, 
429. 

Kennebec, 50 n., 236 n., 32S n. 

Keneticott, Keynetticot. See Connecti- 
cut. 

Kennebunk River, 131 n., 216 n., 219, 
232 n., 257 n. 

Kennebunkport, 236 n. 

Kersey, 237 n. 

Kill Devil, 303 n. 

King, appeal allowed only in articles 
concerning the, 316. 

King's road, 82 n. 

King's Wear, 154 n., 155 n. 

King Charles I., extraordinary charter 
of, to Gorges, referred to, 316 n. 

King James I., 10, 208, 226. 

King James II., 330 n. 

King, John, 14, 17. 

King, Thomas, 41. 

Kinge, William, master of the Ex- 
change of Bristow, 254, 255 and note, 
272, 279. 

Kirke, Sir David, 154 n., 223 n. 

Kittery, 121, 154, 155 n. ; one of di- 
visions of Pascataqua, 214 n'., 223 n., 
292 n., 314 n., 330 n., 406. 

Kupelles, 39 and note. 



Lack, 205 and note. 

Lakeslay, John, 35, 323, 327, 344, 

354- 

Lancaster, 365 n. 

Lander, John, 91 and note, 93, 95; 
ringleader of all villany, 96; com- 
plained of, by Hawkins, 97. 

Langworthy, Nicholas, 36, 41, 42. 

Lanrake, 339. 

Lapthorne, Stephen, complained of, 112 
and note; a stubborn man, 113, 182; 
account of, 184, 194, 220 and note, 
292, 300, 389. 

Lash, William, 250. 

Latham House, 366 n. 

La Tour, 59 n. 

Laud, Archbishop, 274 n., 277 n. 

Lawrence, Peter, 38. 

Leach, John, 37. 



INDEX TO TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



505 



Lechford's Plain Dealing, quoted, 72 n., 
126 n. 

Lee, John, 352 and note. 

Leeds, Duke of, 396. 

Levitt, Christopher, 102 and note ; com- 
mission described, 103 n., 104 n., 
231 n. 

Lewis, George, 213 and note. 

Lewis, Mary, 87 n. 

Lewis, Thomas, 87 n., 92 n. ; first land 
granted by Cleeve to, in n., 126 and 
note, 167 n., 178 n,, 210 n., 213 n. 

Libby, John, 190, 194, 253 n., 290; 
sketch, 290 n., 351. 

Libby's Neck, 290 n. 

Light, Michael, 37. 

Ligonia, Assembly of, 132 n., 236 n., 

2 39 n -> 365. 3 6 7 n-i 37°- 
Lincoln, county of, 103 n. 
Lingrell shot, 332 and note. 
Linn Spinde, 67 and note. 
Lion, the ship, 83, 84 n., 88, 12S n. 
Lissen, Thomas, 1S1. 
Little River, 330 n. 
Lizzards, the, 173 n. 
London, 56, 61, So, 81, S2, 99 n., 100, 

103, 106 n., 119, 146, 213, 236 n., 278, 

292 n.,31 1, 312, 322, 326 n., 336,351 n., 

367 n., 389. 
Long Island, 1 1 r n. 
Looe River, 147 n. 
Lopez, John, 191. 
Lords Patentees, 229. 
Losses : Mather quoted, 79 and note. 
Louell, Alex., 38. 
Lucas, the widow, 181. 
Lucas, William, 1S2, 1S9, 194, 2S3, 292, 

300. 
Luckson, Luxtone. See Luxton. 
Lukes, William. See Lucas, William. 
Lutrell, 3SS n. 
Luxton, George, 193, 194, 198, 201, 202, 

203, 210, 211, 218, 223, 242, 297, 29S, 

299, 302, 303 and note, 306. 
Lygon, Cicely, 367 n. 
Lynn, 270 n. 

M. 

Machigonne, Machigony, Machigo- 
nie, Machigonny, Machegonne, 1 1 1 n., 



208, 227, 231 n. ; location and mean- 
ing of, 225 and note. 

Mackerel, few taken, 21, 27 ; Wood's 
New England Prospect quoted con- 
cerning, 27 n. ; scarcity of, 200, 242. 

Mackey's Point, 213 n. 

Mackey's Island, 213 n. 

Mackworth, Arthur, 2 and note, 3 ; 
sketch, 106 n., 107 n., 110, 213 and 
note, 214 n., 231 and note, 232, 234 n., 

238 and note, 239 ; house of, 246 n., 
256 n., 264 n. ; case vs. Winter, 266, 
269, 272. 

Maddiver, John, also Baddeuer, Bad- 
diver, 36, 245 and n., 259. 

Maddiver, Joel. 324 n., 365 n. 

Maddiver, Mary, 324 n. 

Maddiver, Michael, 245 n. ; one of Win- 
ter's most reliable men, 324 and note, 
327, 344, 354. 

Maddiver, Rebecca, 324 n. 

Madrid, 55 n. 

Magdalen College, 86 n. 

Maine, first court held in, 98 n. ; Patent 
of Province of, 99 11., 112 n., 154 n., 

209, 220 n. ; early records of, quoted, 
121 n. ; 225, 228, 233, 239, 241; 
Trelawny's estate in, mentioned, 

239 n, 251 n., 256 n., 303 n., 323 n., 

33° "-. 3 6 7 "•> 397- 
Malaga, S8, 146, 350. 
Malaga sacke, 34 and note. 
Marblehead, 81 n. 
Marlborough, Earl of, 365 n. 
Margaret, the ship, 327 n. 
Margery, the ship, 336, 338, 339, 341, 

344. 354. 3 6 °- 
Marshall, Richard, 360. 
Martin, Francis, 219; error of Willis 

concerning, 219 n. ; poverty of, 312 

and note. 
Martin, John, 144 n., 312, 313. 
Martin, Lydia, 219 n. 
Martin, Mary, 219 n., 312 and note. 
Martin, Richard, 1S3, 194; error of Willis 

concerning, 219 n., 292, 300, 345 and 

note, 354. 
Martin, Robert, 29S ; sketch of, 29S n. 
Martin & Kay to Putt & Stephen, 437. 
Martin's Point, 219 n., 299 n. 
Mary Rose, the ship, 17S. 



506 



INDEX TO TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



Massachusetts, Bay of, 59 n., 74 n., 76, 
81 n., 87 n , 93 n., 100 n., 132 11., 14011., 
154 n., 161 and note, 194, 195, 213 n., 
220 11., 234 11., 235 11., 238 11., 244 n., 
263, 2S0, 288 n., 297 n., 29S 11., 314 n., 
319, 322, 329 n.; Puritan spirit in. 
330 11 , 367 n , 369 n., 3S3, 3SS, 411. 

Massachusetts Bay Company, St n. 

Mason, John, 93 n., 329 n., 395 n. 

Match, 68 and note. 

Mather, Cotton, quoted, 79 n., 142 n., 

349 "■ 
Mather, Richard, 46 n., S2 n., 258 n. 
Mathew, Nicholas, 1S4, 194, 297. 
Matliew, the ship, 236 n. 
Mattock, 153 and note. 
Maverick, Aniias, letter to Trelawny, 

76 ; father of, wishes to dispose of 

land given her, 77, 7S 
Maverick, Samuel, 23 11., 76 n., 77 n., 

146 n., 170 and note, 200, 217 and 

note, 2S4, 2S6, 298, 302, 352. 
Mayflower, the ship, 144 n. 
Mayo, Isle of, 48 and note, 14S, 156 and 

note. 
Mechinge, 166 and note. 
Mcdford, Si n. 
Medwinter, John, 335. 
Mellin, William, 193, 296 and note, 312, 

3 2 7, 33'. 356, 357- 

Menhaden, 95 n. 

Menickoe, 213 n. 

Mennessie, George, 72. 

Merrymeeting Bay, 32S n. 

Merrymount, 349 n. 

Michell, Mychell. See Mitchell. 

Middleton Hall, 365 n. 

Midshipmen, 122 and note. 

Millbrooke, 1S1. 

Mills, John, farm of, 131 and note; 
sketch, 132 n., 133 n., 139 and note, 
220 11. ; testimony of, on location of 
Casco River, 231, 241, 242, 245 n, 
262 ; deposition of, 266, 291 n., 390, 
416. 

Mills, James, 291 n. 

Mills, Sarah, 239 11. 

Milton, quoted, 16S n., 30S n. 

Minshew, quoted, 166 n. 

Mitchell, Paul, 1S2, 186, 2S2 and note, 
300, 342, 343. 



Mitton, Michael, 211 and note, 219 n., 

299 and note. 
Mohawks, 142 n. 
Mohegans, 142 n. 
Money, scarcity of, 218, 224. 
Monhegan, 59 n. 
Monmouth, 3SS n. 
Monmouth Caps, 6S and note, 178 and 

note, 192, 193, 296 and note, 307, 331, 

35S. 
Moorehouse, 76. 
Morton, quoted, 75 n., 97 n., 151 n., 

259 11. 
Morton, Thomas, 5 n., 349 n. 
Mosier, 210 n. 
Moulton, Daniel, 370 and note, 376 

383. 3S5- 
Mourt's Relation, quoted, 95 n., 151 n. 
Mullins, 144 n. 
Murderer, 66 and note, 67, 77 n., 90 

and note, 179 and note. 
Muscles, 152 and note. 
Muscongus Sound, 2S7 n. 
Mussel hookes, 151 and note. 
Myer, 309 and note. 
Myttinge. See Mitton. 



N. 

Neal, Walter, 7 n. ; attorney for 
President and Council, 12, 13, iS and 
note, 32 n. ; in Itist. N. E., quoted, 
5011., 132 n., 138, 139 n., 207, 20S n. 
229, 230, 231. 

Netherlands, New, 61 n. 

Newbury, 433. 

New England, 40, 46 n., 54, 5S and note, 
61 n., 62, 65, 70, 73, 74, 76, 79, S7 ; 
dry cod of, 92, 95, 99, 101, 103 n.> 
105, 106, 129, 131, 134, 135, 144 n., 
151 n., 167 n., 195, 199, 206, 20S n., 
213 n. ; destruction by wolves in, 
216 n., 223 n., 224, 227, 229, 235 n.. 
241, 246 n., 257 n., 273, 2S7 n , 291 n ., 
298 11., 313, 315 n., 320, 321 n., 336, 
33 s , 339. 34i, 343. 3 6( 5 "-. 384. 386, 
389, 39'. 392, 393- 394. 396. 397. 399. 
400, 405, 410, 415, 416, 419, 420, 422, 
424. 429, 430, 432, 435, 436, 437, 438. 

New England Rarities, quoted, 27 n. 



INDEX TO TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



SO7 



Newfoundland, Si 11, 92 n., 125, 134, 
135. ! 54 n., 157, 173 n. ; grant of, 
223 n., 273, 307, 332, 342, 343. 

New Hampshire, 396 n., 397 n. 

Newman, Henry, 402 n., 404. 

Newman, George, 106 and note. 

Nicholas, the ship, 140 n. 

Newton Ferrers, 41, 244 n., 251 and 
note. 

Noddle's Island, 76 and note, 170 n. 

Nottel's Island. See Noddle's Island. 

Nowells, 181 and note. 

Nycoles, 163, 196, 199. 

Nyle, Richard, 1S4, 194; to go away, 
200, 294, 300, 323, 32S, 335, 339. 



O. 



O'Brien, Rev. M. C, on Indian names, 

225 n. 
Ogunquit River, 235 n. 
Okers, Rowland, 42. 
Old Webb, the Indian, 237 n. 
Oldham, John, 167 n. 
Oliphant, quoted, 21S n. 
Ormesby, Richard, 269, 272. 
Ormesby, Thomas, 270 n. 
Osgood, Abraham, to S. P. Trelawny, 

431 ; sketch, 431 n., 432. 
Oxford University, 269 n. 
Oyster River, 329 n. 



Page, Elizabeth, 234 n. 

Paige, Gilbert, 88, 199, 202, 29S, 357 n. 

Paige, Thomas, 214, 232 ; sketch, 232 n., 

23S, 256. 
Pallasatho, 4S and note. 
Palsgrave, mentioned, 174 n. 
Papper riall, 35 and note, 6S and note. 
Parker, James, letter to YVinthrop 

quoted, 232 n. 
Parliament, work of Trelawny in, 277 ; 

Trelawny's influence in, 278 n., 31011. 
Parrot, John, sketch. 407 n. 
Partridge, William, 397, 398. 
l'ascataqua, 3S3 n., 413. 
Pashippscot, 207 n. 
Patent, to Robert Trelawny and others, 

1 ct a,]. ; to Thomas Cammocke, 



10 et seq. ; bounds of the Trelawny, 
63, 70 and note ; Trelawny's note on 
date of, 101 n. ; Trelawny in error as 
to Cleeve's location on his, 102 and 
note ; date of Cleeve's, 11 1 n. ; Tre- 
lawny's, referred to, 233. 

Peak's Island, 211 n. 

l'carse, Roger, 37. 

Pejipscot, 32 n. 

Peking, 49 and note. 

Pekwahaki, meaning of, 4 n. 

Pemaquid, 58 n., 59 n. ; Angel Gabriel 
lost at, 75 and note ; plantation at, 
2S7 ; Indian meaning of, 287 n. 

Penobscot, 50 n., 75 ; English rooted 
out of, by French at, 75 n. ; trading 
station at, S6 n. 

Pennell, Clement, 41, 293 and note, 360. 

Pennywell, Penwill. See Pennell. 

Pepperellboro, 167 n. 

Pequot sachems and war, 142 n. 

Perrum, William, 134. 

Perkins, Mary, 100 n. 

Pesumsca Falls, 11 1 n. Sec Presump- 
scot. 

Peter, the ship, 193. 

Petty France, 404 and note. 

Pierce, quoted, 79 n. 

Pilchards, as compared with mackerel, 
27 ; described, 27 n. ; fumathe, 36 
and note, 122 and note, 305. 

Pirates, Turkish, 173 n. 

Piscataqua, 2 n., 91, 93 n., 100, 131 n., 
158 and note ; Indian meaning of, 
15S n., 176, 216 n., 229, 279, 30S. 

Plemoeth, Plimmouth, Plimouth, Ply- 
moth. See Plymouth. 

Plots in England and Scotland discov- 
ered, 277. 

Plymouth, 20, 46 ; Plantation, 51 n., 
54, 58, 66, 82,85, s 7> 94. 96. 9 s . I0I > 
102 n., 105, 112, 115, 116, 120, 126, 
129, 130, 131, 134, 144 n -> 146. r 47. 
154, 157, 159, 161, 162, 163, 175, 177, 
181, 192, 193, 195, 196, 199, 202, 206, 
21911., 222, 224, 227, 229, 241, 243, 
250, 251, 259, 2S9, 303, 313, 322, 325 ; 
grant of Council of, to D. Smith and 
others, 328 n., 337, 339, 34°, 342. 344. 
3SS-391, 394, 401-405. 417. 4-'. 4-4- 
427, 42S, 429, 437- 



So8 



INDEX TO TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



Pomeroy, Mrs., 38. 

Pomeroy, Owen, 36, 39. 

Pomeroy, Thomas, power of attorney, 

15-1S ; appointed attorney, 16; in 

Trelawny's employ, 16 n., 25, 26,34, 

38, 44, 45, 47, 337, 340, 342, 390, 416. 
Pomeroye, Pomery. See Pomeroy. 
Popliam, Attorney-General, 143 n. 
Porpoise, Cape, 125 n., 236 n., 352 n. 
Portage, 35 and note, 95 and note, 97, 

1 13 and note. 
Portaidg, Portledge. See Portage. 
Portland, 102 n ; clawboards made by 

settlers of, 163 and note; harbor of, 

211 n., 225 n., 320 n. 
Portland Neck, 104 n., 171 n., 198 and 

note, 213 n., 271 n., 210 n., 320 n. 
Portsmouth, 87 n., 93 n., 126 n., 211 n., 

256 n., 257 n., 271 n., 329 n., 330 n., 

349. 397 "• 
Possession, a witness of, 131. 
Poytou, coast of, 135 n. 
Presumpscot River, 21311., 219 n., 231 

n., 232 n., 246 n., 247 n., 271 n. 
Primrose, the ship, 292 n. 
Prince, quoted, 23 n. 
Prout's Neck, 140 n., 253 n., 290 n. 
Puckle Church, 222 n. 
Pudding Point, house at, 2S0 n. 
Tues, 197 and note, 359 and note. 
Pumpkins, 32 n. 
Purchase, Thomas, sketch of, 105 n., 

106, 262, 269 m, 2S8. 
Puritan, 14411. ; spirit in Massachusetts, 

330 n. 
Putt, R., 435; to S. P. Trelawny, 438. 
Pynnes, Richard, 37. 

Q- 

Quakers, 121 n. 
Quash, Christopher, 37. 
Quicke, William, 192. 

R. 

Rackett, William, 17. 

Radden, Mr., 60. 

Randell, Wilmot, 325 and note, 326, 

32S and note, 350. 
Rangers, 67 and note. 



Rath, 1 68 and note. 

Rather, 200 and note. 

Rearers, 306 and note. 

Redford, Mr., 29. 

Rehoboth, 270 n. 

Remlett, 153 and note. 

Riall, Papper. See Papper Riall. 

Rialls, 135 ; described, 135 n. 

Richmon, George, 143 ; sketch of, 143 n., 
149, 152, 154, 163 and note, 179, 196, 
212 and note, 302, 304. 

Richmon, John. 144 n., 212 n. 

Richmond, the bark, S5 and note, 109 
and note, 135; attempt to steal, 136, 
144, 154, 163, 171, 172, 179, 191, 196, 
198, 199,311,322,381. 

Richmond Island, 5 ; described, 5 n. ; 
Winter's house at, 31, 34, 42, 43, 44, 
46 n., 47, 49, 52, 55, 5S, 60, 63, 65, 66, 
69, 81 n., 83, S5, S8, 94, 9S, 100, 106 n., 
107, 112, 115, 116, 117; number of 
people at, 119, 120, 121, 126, 130, 
132 11., 134, 143, 144 n., 146, 147, 152, 
154. 155 "■> 157. 160. 161, 162, 167 n. ; 
Bar of, 169 and note, 170, 175, 181, 
187, 192; account of disbursements at, 
193, 195, 197, 198, 202, 206, 20S, 209, 
211, 212, 215, 222, 240, 241 n., 252, 
254, 255, 259, 264, 269 n., 278, 287, 
2S9; account of disbursements for, 

297, 3°'. 3°3. 3°4, 3°8. 3 2 °. 323. 325 ; 
account of disbursements for, 326, 
328 n., 331 ; invoice of goods at, 332, 
335' 345' 349; account of disburse- 
ments at, 350 ; account of cloth deliv- 
ered servants, 355 ; list of supplies, 
358, 369 ; inventory of property at, 
372, 377, 391, 394, 397, 39S, 400, 406, 
408, 409, 410, 420, 430. 

Rigby, Alexander, 211 n., 236 n., 365; 
sketch, 365 n. 

Rigby Government, 234 n., 264 n. 

Rishworth, Edward, 238 and note, 36S; 
sketch, 36S n., 370, 376, 383, 384, 385. 

Roades, 66 and note, 69 and note, 85 
and note, 144 and note, 115, 124, 148 
and note, 151 and note, 153 and note, 
171, 1 78 and note, 1S0 and note, 306, 
348, 360- 

Robert, Henry, 36. 

Roberts, John, drowned, 121, 1S1. 



INDEX TO TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



509 



Robinson, Francis, 234 and note, 238, 

353- 

Rogers, George, 144 n., 172 ; sketch of, 
172 n ; account of, 186, 194. 

Rogers, Sir John, 435. 

Romaine Beame, 68 and note, 180 and 
note. 

Roods, Rodes, Roodes. See Roades. 

Ropus, drowned, 121. 

Rouse, Nicholas, 251 and note. 

Routes of tobacco, 305 and note, 334. 

Rowley, 240 n. 

Roxbury, 340 n., 353 n. 

Royall, William, 320, 369; sketch of, 
369 n., 371, 376, 382. 

Royall's River, 239 n., 369 n. 

Ruggs, Bastable, 43 n., 45. 

Russell, Henry, 250. 

Russell, Joseph, 250. 

Ryall, William. See Royall. 



S. 



Sabell, Island of, 75. 

Sacke, 29, 34, 35, 53, 54, 287 n. 

Saco, 83, 88 n., 92 ; first court held at, 
9S n., 105, 125, 12S n., 131 n., 132 n., 
154 and note ; inhabitants of, 167 and 
note, 199 n., 206, 208, 209 and note, 
210 n., 213 n., 225, 228, 231, 233, 
234 n-. 235 n., 236 n., 237 n., 23S n., 
239, 244 n., 256, 263, 264 n., 270 n., 
280 n., 287, 288, 293 n., 296 n., 299 n , 
309, 314 n., 327 ; called Sagadahock, 
328 n., 329 n., 330 n., 340 n., 342 n., 
353. 359 »•> 366 n., 371 n. 

Sagamore, 58 n., 102 n., 211 n. 

Sagadahock, in n., 327 n. ; name of 
Saco River, 328 n. 

Sainsbury, 6 n., 8 n., 173 and note. 

Saker, 1S0 and note. 

Saker cartridge, 68 and note. 

Saker ladells, 179 and note. 

Saker shott, 66 and note. 

Salem, 199 n., 249 n., 349 n. 

Salisbury, 100 n., 270 n., 352 n. 

Sail, Isle of, 49, 156 and note. 

Saltash, 136, 181. 

Sammoyse, Mr., 3S5, 3S7, 3S9. 

Samoset, 2S8 n. 



Samson, Thomas, 113, 114. 

Samuel, the ship, 124, 128, 133, 134, 
'35. '74. '91. 192, 195, 202, 203, 215, 
216, 21S, 302, 305, 306, 307, 333 and 
note. 

Sanchy, Robert, 80 n., 194, 215 n., 252 
and note ; sketch, 256 n. 

Sargent, Stephen, social standing of, 
128 n., 136, 137, 144 n. ; letter to Tre- 
lawny, 157, 159, 177; account of, 1S8, 
194, 201, 205; visits Cape Ann, 223, 
242 ; opposes the Marshal, 253 ; 
commanded to appear at court, 2S0, 
2S3, 295, 30L 

Satterlay, Roger, 173, 1S2, 1S7, 194, 220, 

295. 3°'. 375- 
Saunders, Edward, 293 n. 
Saunders, George, 37. 
Saunders, John, 38, 327 ; sketch, 327 n. 
Saunders, Robert, 338, 339. 
Saunders, Robin, 293 and note, 300. 
Savage, 223 n., 296 n. 
Saxon, 143 n. 
Scadlock, Rebecca, 237 n. 
Scadlock, Samuel, 237 n. 
Scadlock, Susanna, 237 n. 
Scadlock, William, juror in Cleeve vs. 

Winter, 234 n., 236. 
Scadlock, William, Jr., 237 n. 
Scarboro, 132 n., 213 n., 290 n., 314 n. 
Scarboro, Morgan, 337, 340, 342. 
Scilly, 173 n. 
Scotland, 150 n., 340. 
Scottow, 324 n. 
Scott's Plantation, 184 n. 
Scurvy, 49. 

Sears, Capt. Ed., 433, 434. 
Seavy, Elizabeth, 329 n. 
Seavy, William, 329 and note, 351. 
Seely, William, 329. 
Seron Canyster, 14S and note. 
Settlers, poverty of, 171. 
Severne, Mr., 198. 
Shakespeare, 42 n., 67 n., 68 n., 150 n., 

153 n., 166 n., 170 n., 296 n., 29811., 

333 n- 

Shapleigh, Alexander, 100 and note, 

121 n., 154 n. 
Shapleigh, Nicholas, 383 and note, 3S4, 

385. 4°4- 
Shapleigh or Shapley, Sandor, 223 n. 



Sio 



INDEX TO TRELAWNY PATERS. 



Shea, Mr., 437. 

Shepherd, Thomas, 144 n. ; account of, 

185, 194, 291, 300,325, 327. 
Sheviock, 342. 
Shoals, Isles of, 257 and note, 308, 311, 

312, 330 n., 351,354- 
Short, Tobias, 23 11., 58; description, 

5S n. ; sent home, 172, 175,327,331, 

355. 357- 
Shropshire Word Look, 167 n., 306 n. 
Shurt, Abraham, 59 11, 194; goes 

" bayle " to Thomas Williams, 235 n. ; 

leading spirit in trade, 288 n., 335,355. 
Skeat, quoted, 150 n. 
Skelton, Richard, 37. 
Slowers, 307 and note, 360 and note. 
Small, Edward, 214 and note. 
Smallbridge, Dr., 404. 
Smarte, Captain, 26, 43. 
Smith's Advertisements, referred to, 4 n. 
Smith's Isles, 237 n. 
Smith's New England Trials, quoted, 

I35n- 
Smith, Captain, 396. 
Smith, Dr., grant to, 32S n. 
Smith, Godfrey, to John Trelawny, 433 

and note. 
Smith, John, 234 and note, 235, 236, 

23S. 
Smith, Thomas, juror in case of Cleeve 

vs. Winter, 214 and note, 215 n. 
Smith, Rev. Thomas, 419 and note. 
Snapence, Snappawa, 36 and note. 
Snow-shoe River, 256 n. 
Soap, Gray, 116 and note, 287 n. 
Soil, fertility of, in New England, 29 n. 
Somersetshire, 131 and note, 143 n., 

148 and note, 2S7 n. 
Somersett, 244 n. 
Solomon, Mr., 297. 
South Church, 167 n. 
Southgate, quoted, 140 n., 324 n., 327 n. 
Spanish Netherlands, 128 n. 
Spanish rials, 135 n. 
Spanish words, Winter's use of, 163 n. 
Sparke, John, 185, 190. 
Sparrowbills, 37 and note, 43 and note, 

45, no and note, 148 and note, 178 

and note, 191, 193, 296, 297, 301, 307, 

3 2 5. 33i. 334, 349. 355. 356- 
Specimens uf English Dialect, 47 n. 



Speedwell, the ship, 55, 56; loss of 
goats from, 57, 59, 60. 

Spenser's Faery Queen, quoted, 143 n. 

Spilter, 70 and note, 166 and note. 

Spilting cloth, 35, 68 and note. 

Spilting gloves, 331 and note. 

Spilting hooks, 151 and note, 153 and 
note. 

Spilting knives, 179 and note, 19S. 

Sprye, Arter, 39. 

Sprye, George, 343. 

Spurwink, 15 n., 32 n., 53, 63, 64, 65, 66, 
68, 69, 132, 138, 139 n., 171 n., 206, 
207, 20S n., 211 n., 229, 230, 233, 235, 
241, 245, 247 n., 24S n., 250 n., 252, 
254, 264, 266, 267, 269, 304, 306, 320, 
3-4 n., 332, 347, 372, 385, 406, 40S, 
420, 430. 

Squire, John, 326, 32S. 

Squire, Joseph, to Samuel Trelawny, 

433. 434- 
Staffordshire, 347. 
Standish, 51 n. 
Star, the ship, 215, 220, 222, 243, 306, 

3°7- 
Star Chamber, 226 n., 318 n. 
Stardell, 148 and note. 
St. Christopher, 327 n. 
St. Columb, Major, 92 n. 
Stephen & Tutt, 437. 
Stein, 437. 

Sterling, Earl of, III n. 
Stevens, Benjamin, 182 ; account of, 190, 

194, 220, 291 and note, 300, 339, and 

note, 340. 
Stevens, Edwin, 291 n. 
Stevens, Thomas, 291 n. 
St. John, 1S1. 
Stock Lock, 70 and note. 
Strachey, 287 n. 
Strafford, Earl of, 277. 
Straits, the, 63 n., 119, 129 n. 
Stratton, John, 162 n., 199 n. 
Stratton's Island, 162 and note, 199 and 

note, 204, 353. 
Stratton's Plantation, 199 n. 
Strong waters, 174 and note. 
Stroudwater River, 246 n. 
Street, John, 432 and note. 
Sturgeon Creek, 223 n. 
St. Vincent's Rock, 2S7 n. 



INDEX TO TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



511 



Suffolk, 285 n. • 

Sullivan, 217 n., 32S n. 
Sumner's History of East Boston, 

quoted, 146 n. 
Swett, Clement, 407 n. 
Swip Saws, 305 n., 372 and note. 
Symonds, Samuel, 376, 3S3, 3S4, 385. 
Symonds, John, 93, 98. 

T. 

T\te, Caitain, 431 ; sketch, 431 n. 

Taunton, 244 n. 

Taw River, 167 n. 

Taylor, John, 250. 

Taylor, Robert, 140 n. 

Ten Hills, 81 n. 

Tent, 350 n, Also Tente. 

Thart saws, 35 n., 67 n., 144, 179, 305, 
332. 

Tharte and Thurt. Sec Thart. 

Thorne, John, 130. 

Thornton, 75 n., 223 n. 

Thorncombe, 341 n. 

Thongs, 178 n. 

Throckmorton, 317 n. 

Thrumbs, 67 n. 

Thurlham, 366 n. 

Tomson, the Maid, 169. 

Townesend, Henry, 40. 

Tovvridge River, 167 n. 

Train Oil, 26 n., 36, 39, 40, 43 ; fatts, 
69 n. 

Trayne. See Train. 

Treble, Edward, account of, 1S5, 194, 
295> 3°'. 3 2 4 and note, 32S, 333 and 
note. 

Treby, Peter, 324 n. 

Trefuse, Captain, from Samuel Waldo, 
411 and note, 420. 

Treleage, Thomas, 41. 

Trelawny, John Addis, 435. 

Trelawny, Brigadier, from John Tre- 
lawny, 399. 

Trelawny, Colonel, from Samuel Allen, 
394; from John Usher, 400, 401. 

Trelawny, Edward, 1 n., 63 n., 66, 70 ; 
to Robert Trelawny, 71, 76 ; refers to 
the French, 7S, 79; wants supplies 
for settlers, 80 ; sisters of, Si, S2, 
100, 101, 106, 255. 



Trelawny, John, 3S2, 3S5 n., 3S6 n. ; 
from Thomas Wescott, 3S7, 3S9 ; to 

Lord , 392, 394; from David 

Waterhouse, 397 ; to Brigadier Tre- 
lawny, 399 and note; 405 and note, 
410 and note, 411, 416, 437 n. 

Trelawny, Lieutenant, from Henry 
Hookc and Thomas Banister, 405 
and note 

Trelawny, Margaret, 415, 417. 

Trelawny. Robert, patent to, I and note, 
3, 14, 16, 45 n., 46, 51, 54, 60, 62, 63, 
64, 66, 70 and note, 77 n., Si n, 82, 
85, 96, 9S, 99, 101, proposes to ap- 
prehend Cleeve, 103, 104 and note, 
105, 106, 107, 112, 115, 120; suspicion 
against Cleeve, 122 n. ; patent, 139 n., 

146, 177, 183, 1S4, 1S5, 1S6, 1S7, 18S, 
1S9, 190, 192, 193, 195, 199, grant, 206, 
208, 219, 221 n., 222, 224, 227, 22S, 
229, 230 ; estate of, 239 ft., 241 ; grant 
referred to, 244 n., 245 n., 250, 255, 
259, 264, 269 and note ; proposes 
to arrest Cammock, 274, 275 ; justice 
promised, 277, 2S9, 290 n., 291, 292, 
294 n , 301, 303, 304, 310 n., 313, 314, 
320. 322, 323, 324, 32 :, 336, 337, 339, 
34°. 341. 342, 343. 344, 3 66 . 370, 37'> 
372, 3/6. 377. 37S, 379. 3S0, 381, 3S5. 
390, 402 n., 409, 416, 426, 433, 435, 
437,440; letters from Winter, 22, 25, 
44. 47.49.52. 55.6o, 83,8s, 116, 117, 
121, 123, 134, 143, 154, 162, 198, 202, 
215, 27S, 287, 308, 321 ; to Winter, 

147, 242, 252, 254, 257, 272; from 
Edward Trelawny, 71, 7S, 100; from 
Amias Maverick, 76 ; from Narias 
Hawkins, 5S, 94, 97; from Arthur 
Gill, 133, 161 ; from John Ammirie, 
129; from Stephen Sargent, 157, 175 ; 
from Edward Godfrey, 240 ; from Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges, 101. 

Trelawny, Samuel P., 392 n., 415 n., 
418 ; from Peter Kenwood, 419, 422, 
424.427.42S ; to Peter Kenwood, 421 ; 
from Samuel Osgood, 431 ; from 
Joseph Squire, 433; to Sir William 
Trelawny, 434 and note ; from R. 
Putt, 438,439"- 

Trelawny, Sir William, from S. P. Tre- 
lawny, 434 and note, 436. 



512 



INDEX TO TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



Treworgy, James, 2 n., 100 n., 154 n., 

214 n., 223 n. 
Treworgy, John, 163 n., 170, 172, 194, 

222 n., 223 n. 
Treworthy. See Treworgy. 
Trover, 228 n. 
True-love, the ship, 171 n. 
Trushes, 150 n. 
Tucker, Richard, 32 n., m n., 207, 

sketch of, 21 1 n., 212, 213 n., 214, 229, 

242, 261, 262, 311, 351,353,354. 
Tukey's Bridge, 21311. 
Turner, 144 n. 
Turks, 173 n. 
Twyne, Beeting, 38 and note, 43 and 

note. 



U. 

Usher, John, 3SS n., 395 n., 396, 397 n. ; 
to Colonel Trelawny, 400 and note, 
401 and note. 



Vane, Sir Henry, 74 n., 307 n. 

Vane, Richard. See Vines. 

Vate, Washing, ' 9 and note. 

Veale, Mr., 421, 424, 427, 428, 435. 

Vennion, Thomas, 360. 

Vines, Richard, attorney for President 
and Council,S and note, 12, 13, 17, 18, 
59 n., 92 n., 93 n., 99; deed to Win- 
ter, 105, 109, 131, 132, 138, 139 n., 
167 n., 171, 194, 195, 210 n., 213 n. ; 
Steward-General of Province, 227, 
230, 233 and note, 235 n., 23S n. ; affi- 
davit of, 241, 243, 259, 264, 266 ; Com- 
missioner and Counsellor, 217 n., 230, 
310, 314 n., 325, 327, 330 n., 390, 
416. 

Vinson, Mr., 389. 

Virginia, 48, 49 n., 53 n., 82 n., 146, 192 ; 
lines, 194, 284, 292 n., ^07, 309; snow 
at, 309 n., 312, 332, 349 n., 354 n., 

357- 
Vivion, John, run away, 119; returns, 
improvement of, 123, 192; time out, 
282, 2S3, 297, 29S. 



*W. 

Waddock, Henry. See Warwick. 
Waddock, Joane, 295 n. 
Wadleigh, John, 234 and n., 237. 
Wadleigh, Mary, daughter of John, 

237 n- 
Waimouth. See Weymouth. 
Waldo, Jonathan, 412 ; sketch, 412 n. 
Waldo, Samuel, 412; sketch, 412 n. 
Walpole, 440 n. 
Wannerton, Captain Thomas, 69 n., 

303 n. 
Wapping, 63 n., 80 n., 85 n. 
Warren, 144 11. 
Warwick, Henry, 234 and note, 237, 

2 9S.353- 
Warwick, John, son of Henry, 237. 
Warwick, Roderick, 9. 
Wassaguscus. See Wessagussett. 
Waterhouse, David, to John Trelawny, 

397. 398. 
Watts, Henry, 93 n. ; sketch of, 132 n., 
193, 194; testimony concerning Casco 
River, 231, 293 n., 370, 371, 376, 3S2, 

384- 

Webb, Henry, 352 and note. 

Webb, Robert, 38. 

Weeks, Oliver, 265 ; sketch, 267 n. ; ac- 
count of, 345, 354. 

Welch, Rafe, 360. 

Welcombe, the ship, 23 ; bewitchment 
of, 24 n., 43. 

Wells, 220 n., 235 n., 236 n., 237 n., 23S 

n-. 314 n-. 371 "• 

Wescott, Thomas, to John Trelawny, 

385, 3S7, 3SS. 
Wessagussett, 103 n., 152 n. 
West, Captain Francis, 102 n. 
West, John, 2, 10, 214 ; juror in Cleeve 

vs. Winter, 234 and note, 235, 238. 
Westaway, Henry, 37. 
Westaway, John, 37. 
Westcustogo, 239 n., 269 n., 371 n. 
Weston, Thomas, 102 n., 302. 
Weymouth, 250, 298 n., 353 11. 
Weymouth, Chr., 37. 
Weymouth, Captain George, 250 n. 
Weymouth, Robert, 3S. 
Wheeler's History of Brunswick, 10611. 
Whelpdell, William, 20. 



INDEX TO TRELAWNY PAPERS. 



513 



Wheelwright, John, S n., 234 n. ; friend- 
ship with Cromwell, 235 n., 23S 11., 

357 n - 
Whitcomb, Stephen, 3S. 
White, Nicholas, 164, 173, 1S2, 1S5, 194, 

220 and note, 290. 
White Angell, the ship, 56 and note, 

5S, 60, 144 n., 174 and note, 206, 215. 
Whitehall Gate, 404. 
Whytefield, John, 193. 
Wicken Bonant, 100 n. 
Widgery farm, 211 11. 
Wiggin, Thomas, 376, 3S3 and note, 

384- 33S- 

Wikeds, Edward, 221. 

Wiles, Bennett, 251. 

Wilkinson, John, 241 and note, 242, 
245 and n. ; deposition of, 266. 

Williams and Francis, the ship, 270 n. 

Williams, Richard, S3 n., 214 n., 370 n. 

Williams, Roger, 142 n., 263 n. 

Williams, Thomas, 144 "•> 2I 4 n. ; 
juror in Cleeves vs. Winter, 234 and 
note; sketch, 235 n., 352 and note. 

Williamson, W. D., 314 n., 330 n. 

Willinge, Roger, 1S7, 194. 

Willett, Thomas, 196. 

Wimble stock, 67 and note. 

Winnock's Neck, 131 n. 

Winnicumet, 271 n. 

Winslow, Edward, 4S n., 353 n. 

Winter, John, 34, 37, 42, 43. 45 n -- 4°. 
51, 54, 5S, 59 and note, 60, 62, 63, 65, 
70, 84, 85, 86 n., 87 ; complains of men 
sent him, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 99, 100 ; 
rival to Cleeve in trade, 104 n. ; deed 
from Vines, 105, 106, 107 n. ; mislead- 
ing Trelawny, no and note, in n.; 
conduct towards Lapthorne, 112 n., 
115; warns Cleeve to vacate, 117; 
desires to live quietly among the 
"heathen," 118, 120; servant of, 
drowned, 121, 122, 123, 126, 128 n., 
130, 131, 133, 134; complains of idle- 
ness among fishermen, 136, 138 n., 
139, 142, 143, 144, 146, 155 n., 157, 
1 58 and note ; takes order for arbi- 
tration, 159; refuses to pay money 
due Richard Gibson, 160; disagree- 
ment with Arthur Gill, 161 ; his use 
of Spanish words, 163 n. ; men leav- 



ing, 164 ; complains of maid-servant, 
[66, 16S; men of, becoming scarce, 
169; his defence against complaint 
of men, 170 and note, 171 and note, 
172, 174 n., 176, 177, iSi, 182, 191, 
192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 201, 202, 
203 n. ; complaint of Gill, 205; 
complaint of Cleeve against, 206, 
207 ; Cleeve vs., 208 ; complaint 
against, for exorbitant charges, 209 ; 
claim of, to present site of Portland, 
209 n., 210, 211, 212, 213,214, 217 n. ; 
predicts fall in price of cattle, 218, 
219 n., 222, 223 n. ; to attend court at 
Saco, 224 ; answer to declaration of 
Cleeve at court, 225 ; answers to 
Cleeve's charges, 228, 232 n. ; prayer 
of, for stay of judgment, and appeal 
to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 233, 234, 
235 n., 240, 241 and note, 245 n. ; 
concerning Casco River, 246, 250, 
251 n. ; concerning Cleeve's proceed- 
ings, 253,254; copy of his recogni- 
zance, 255,256,259; petitions of, 260, 
263, 264 ; suit against, by Mackworth, 
266, 267 ; defence against Mackworth, 
269 ; award in case of Cleeve vs., 269, 
277; annoyed by Cleeve, 279 ; gives 
way to arbitration, 2S0 ; complains of 
his wife's burdens, 285, 2S6 ; threat- 
ened by Gorges in court, 2SS ; ac- 
counts of, 289, 290 n., 291 n., 292 n., 
296 n., 297, 301, 304, 305 n., 310 n , 
311,313, 314; arrested, 315; proves 
Casco River proper bounds of Tre- 
lawny Patent, 316; obliged to make 
second petition, 318 ; compelled to 
agree to arbitration, 319, 322 ; ac- 
counts of, 323, 324 n., 325, 326, 
33i. 335. 336, 337. 338. 339. 34°. 
341. 34 2 > 343 i accounts of, 344, 349, 
35°. 357. 565. 366, 369. 372; cor- 
respondence with Trelawny, 12, 25, 
44, 47. 49. 52, 55. 6o > 83. 88, 107, 116, 
117, 121, 123, 134, 142, 143- '54. 162. 
198, 202, 215, 222, 252, 254, 257, 272, 
278, 287, 308, 321, 377, 37S, 379, 380, 
381, 382, 390, 391, 402 n., 409, 427, 

439- 
Winter, Mary, 113, 201, 284. 
Winter, Sarah, S7 n. 



33 



5*4 



INDEX TO TRELAWNY TAPERS. 



Winthrop, Governor, 6 n., 18 n., 24 n., 
25 n., 26 n., 81 n., 87 11., 211 n., 232 n., 
236 n., 309 n , 312 n., 321 n., 330 n., 

365- 
Winthrop, Mrs Margaret, 217 n. 

Wise, Thomas, 209; sketch, 209 n., 

210 n., 211. 
Withers, Thomas, 238 and note. 
Wodley, Edward, 326. 
Wolves, pigs killed by, 83, 118 and 

note, 122 and note, 141, 156, 166, 169, 

171, 216 n., 281. 
Wood, Thomas, 115 and note. 
Wood's New England Prospect, quoted, 

27 n., 71 n. 
Woodruff, George, 404. 
Woodruff, Robert, 404. 
Wrest, 305 and note. 



Wright, reference to land illegally grant- 
ed to Trelawny, 102, 103. 
Wycott, Edward, 171. 
Wylls, Bennet, 356. 



Yarmouth, 249 n., 271 n. 

Yarning Gloves, 1 20 and note, 297. 

Yealm River, 336 n. 

Yealmpton, description of, 336 and note. 

York, 391, 423. 

York County Records, referred to, S6n., 
100 n., 103 n., 135 n., 141 n., 154 n., 
155 n., 221 n., 239 11., 249 n., 256 n., 
292 n., 293 n., 314 n. 

Yorkshire, 366 n. 

Young, Robert, 405. 



INDEX TO INTRODUCTION, MEMOIR, 
AND APPENDIX. 



A. 

Aedey, Mathew, 4S9, 490. 

Achims, Thomas, Esq., of Hall, Corn- 
wall, 475. 

Alger, Thomas, 470. 

Alcabala, 473 n. 

Alcalde de Sams, 474 n. 

Allerton, Isaac, 477. 

Almoin fen, 473 n. 

Almojarifazgo, 473 n. 

Amadas, Reynold, 443. 

American History, Magazine of, 4S1. 

Amydas, John, of Plymouth, xix, 443. 

Amydas, Judith, xix. 

Ancient Landmarks of Plymouth, 477 n., 
486. 

Andrew, Mrs. Mary, 448. 

Andrews, Capt., informs against Rob- 
ert Trelawny, xxiii. 

Antiquaries, Society of, 481. 

Arundel, Earl of, xx, 478. 

Arnol, Goodman, 4S9. 

B. 

Baddiver, John, 470. 

Balhagett, 443. 

Balliol College, Oxford, xxviii. 

Bamsfield, Ursula, 475. 

Banks, Chas. E., M. D., ix, 486 n. 

Barnstable, 461, 464, 468, 471. 

Baron, 442, 443. 

Baxter, Robert, Mayor of Norwich, seal 
of, 472. 

Bedford, Rev. Thomas, 445, 452 ; lega- 
tee ol Robert Trelawny, xxvi. 

Bedford, Mary, 454. 



Bell, Ann, 475. 

Bell, Edward, Esq., of Writtle, Essex, 

475- 

Berriman, John, 475. 

Betham's Baronetage, 476. 

Bickham, William, 492. 

Bickford, George, 4S9, 490. 

Bicton, Margaret, wife of John Tre- 
lawny of St. Germyns, xxxi. 

Bishops, seven, imprisoned in Tower at 
London, 457. 

Black Point, ix, 466 n. 

Bligh,\Villiam, Esq., ol Botatham, Corn- 
wall, 475. 

Bodmin, Cornwall, 475. 

Boodle, Edward, Esq., of London, 
xxviii, n. 

Boodle, Elizabeth Ayliffe, xxviii, n. 

Boston, Memorial History of, 4S1. 

Bosworth, quoted, 446 n. 

Botterell, Joan, wife of John Trelone, 
xxxi. 

Botatham, Cornwall, 475. 

Bradford, Governor, 477. 

Brief Narration, 4S3. 

Briefe and Necessary Treatise, 4S6 n. 

Bristol, 483. 

Brockman, William, Knight, 456. 

Brooke, Mr. Xtopher, 4S7. 

Brown, John Marshall, viii. 

Brown, Robert, seal of, 472. 

Browne, Rev. Frederick, of Beckenham, 
Kent, x. 

Browne, Mr., of Salem, 4S9. 

Bruce, Mr. John, 481. 

Bryant, Hubbard W., ix. 

Buckly, Jno., 44C. 



5 l6 INDEX TO INTRODUCTION, MEMOIR, AND APPENDIX. 



C. 

Carlile, Earl of, 478. 

Carter, Henry, 489, 490. 

Casco, war with the savages, xxvii. 

Cassan's Lives of the Bishops of Win- 
chester, xviii, n. Handbook of Her- 
aldry, 472 n. 

Cassell, Gregory, 4S9. 

Cely, Thomas, 442. 

Chamisa, 474 n. 

Clarendon's Hist, of the Rebellion, xxii. 

Clerkenwell, Middlesex, 475. 

Cleeve, George, 463, 468, 469, 471. 

Clowes, William, 486 n. 

Cockeside, 447. 

Collnig, Gabriel], 490. 

Collins, George, Esq., xxviii, n. 

Comb, Martin, 454. 

Consulage, 473 n. 

Corbin, Robert, 470 n. 

Cornwall, indignation of the people of, 
on account of their Bishop's commit- 
tal to prison, xviii. 

Cotton, Josiah, 477. 

Council for New England, xx, 479, 4S0, 
481, 482, 484 ; Records of, 485 n., 4S6, 
4S7. 

Cresfield, John, 442. 

Cullincr, John, 490. 



D. 



Danforth, W. S., Esq., ix. 

Davis, W. T., Esq., ix. 

Dawson, M., 4S6 n. 

Dean, John Ward, A. M., ix. 

Deane, Charles, LL. D., ix, 479, 4S0, 

481, 484 n. 
Delostorres, 473 n. 
Diginges, Ambrose, 442. 
Douglass, Hist. North America, 466 n. 
Dudley, Joseph, 493. 



Edmondson's Heraldry, 4S1. 
Elford, sister of Robert Trelawny, Sen., 
443- 



Elford, brother-in-law of Robert Tre- 
lawny, Sen., 444. 
England, 464, 477,478. 
Esportula, 473 n. 
Evans, John, 447. 
Exeter, 4S3. 

F. 

Fish, Newfoundland, charges on, 473. 

Fogg, Dr. John S. H., ix, 4S8 n. 

Fletcher, Mr., informs against Robert 
Trelawny, xxiii. 

Frampton, Bishop of Gloucester, 457. 

Fryer, Nathaniel, 492, 493. 

Fulford, Thomas, Esq , of Fulford, De- 
von, 475. 

Fulford, Sir Francis, Kt., 475. 

Furse, Mary, widdow, 453. 

Flute, William, 454. 



G. 

Gayer, Ric, 442, 444. 

Gayer, Elizabeth, 443, 44S. 

General Hist, of N. E., 479 ; seal on 
title-page of, 4S0, 4S4, 4S5, 486 n., 
4S7. 

Gibson, Richard, 446. 

Gidney, Mr., 4S9. 

Gifford, Thomas, 453. 

Gilbert, Davies, historian of Cornwall, 
458. 

Gillet, Mathew, 489, 490. 

Godolphin, wit of, xix. 

Goodwin, William A., ix. 

Goodyear, Moses, xx, 481. 

Goode, Rev. Wollaston, of St. Bu- 
deaux, x. 

Gorges, Sir Edward, Kt., 475. 

Gorges, Edward, Esq., of Wraxall, Som- 
erset, xx, 475. 

Gorges, Elizabeth, alias Blithe or Bligh 
[sic), alias Courtney (nee Gorges), 

475.476- 
Gorges, Ellen, 475. 
Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, Kt., xx, 47S, 

4S3, 484, 4S7 ; pedigree of, 475, 476. 
Gorges, Honoria, 475. 
Gorges, John, 473. 



INDEX TO INTRODUCTION, MEMOIR, AND APPENDIX. 517 



Gorges, Mary, alias Achims (nee Ful- 
ford), 476. 

Gorges, Mary, alias Srnythe, (nee Gor- 
ges), 476. 

Gorges, Robert, 475. 

Gorges, Tristram, of St. Budeaux, De- 
von, 475. 

Grammar School, Peter Blundell's, 
xxviii, n. 

Gylle, Mr., 460, 466, 470. 

Granville, loyalty of, xix. 

Green, Dr. Samuel A., ix. 

H. 

Hall, Cornwall, 475. 

Ham, viii, xvii. 

Hame, 446, 447, 44S. 

Harecutious, Mr., 4S6. 

Harl. MSS. Brit. Museum, 472 n. 

Hawker, Rev. R. S., 458. 

Hawkins, Agnes, wife of Walter Tre- 

lawny of Tudyford, xxxi. 
Hazard's Hist. Coll., 477 n., 4S2, 4S3. 
Hearing, Ric., 442. 
Helligan, Joan, wife of John Trelawny, 

Esq., A. D. 1461, xxxi. 
Herring, 466 and note. 
Herrnig, Dorothy, 448. 
Hight, Horatio, Esq., ix. 
Hingston, William, 454. 
Hole, Mr., 486. 
Holtrop's Monumens Typographica, 

472 n. 

I. 

Ingoldesby, Gulielmas, 456. 
Ireland, lands in, 453. 



Jacobs, quoted, 446 n. 
Jefford, Mr., 442. 
Jetfard, Mr , 44S. 
Joell, Jone, 454. 
Jordan, Edward C, ix. 
Jordan, Dominicus, 491, 492 
Jordan, Jedediah, 492. 
Jordan, Jeremiah, 491, 492. 
Jordan, John, 491, 492. 



Jordan, Robert, vii, xxvii, 4SS, 4S9, 490, 

491,492, 493- 
Jordan, Saraih, 491, 492. 
Jordan and Ridgeway, accounts of, 488. 
Jusselyn, Two Voyages, 466 n. 
J. W., seal of, 472. 

K. 

Ken, Bishop of Bath and Wells, 457. 
Kennebec River, 4S3. 
Kinge, John, 443, 448, 455. 
King, Capt. Wm., 454. 



Ladock, Cornwall, 475. 

Landrake, Cornwall, 475. 

Lang, John, Recorder of Ipswich, 456. 

Lemote, Elizabeth, 443. 

Ligonia, court of, xxvii. 

Lipsonne, 442. 

Lloyd, Bishop of Norwich, 457. 

London, 453, 479 ; Herald's College in, 

4S 1,485. 
Long Ashton, 476. 
Luscombe, Thomas, 471. 

M. 

Macaulay, quoted, 45S. 

Macker, land at, 443; parish of, 447. 

Maine Hist. Coll., 470 n., 472 n. 

Maine Historical Society, viii. 

Maine, Marcus, 448, 454. 

Mant, Bishop, quoted, 457. 

Marjan, Mr., 4S9. 

Marke, Joseph, 448. 

Marks, Fardinando, 448. 

Martyn, Margarett, 44S, 454, 456. 

Mason, 4S7. 

Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, 477 n., 
478 n., 479. 481. 

Maverick, Amias. 472. 

Maynard, Thomas, 44S, 454. 

Maynard, Walter, 456. 

Mayne, Alexander, Esq., of Exeter, xix. 

Mayne, Elizabeth, wife of Robert Tre- 
lawny, Sr., of Plymouth, xix, xxxi. 

Menwynick, Maud, wife of John Tre- 
lawny, A. D. 1396, xxxi. 



5 IS INDEX TO INTRODUCTION, MEMOIR, AND APPENDIX. 



Meuagisa, Meva-gissa, or Mevagesscy, 

446, 449, 452. 
Miscellanea Genealogica et Ileraklica, 

XXX. 

Monhegan, 483. 

Morehouse, Richard, 448. 

Morgan, Theodore, watchmaker, seal 

repaired by, 477 n. 
Morris, Ric, 444. 

Mottley, land at, 442, 443.447.453. 45 6 - 
Moulins, Nicholas, 489, 490. 
Mourt's Relation, 4S4 n. 



N. 



New England, 447, 453, 456 ; great 
seal of the Council for, 477 ; Records 
of the Council for, 477 n., 4S7 n. ; A 
Description of, 4S3, 484 n. 

New Hampshire, Provincial Papers of, 
referred to, 487 n. 

Nicholls, Mr., 444. 

Nicolls, Bartho., 44S, 454. 

Norfolk Archaeology, 472 n. 

North Virginia Company, 4S2, 4S3, 4S4, 
485, 4S6 n., 487. 

Norwich, 472. 

O. 

O'Brien, Rev. M. C, ix. 



Palace, 446 n. 

Palfrey, Dr. J. G., Advertisement to his 

History of New England, 478,479, 480. 
Pierce Patent, 4S6. 
Piers Ploughman, quoted, 472. 
Plymouth, Eng., viii, besieged by the 

Royalists, xxv; 441, 445, 446, 44S, 450, 

451, 452. 455. 456, 465. 4/1. 475. 477. 

483, 485. 
Plymouth, Mass., x, 477, 4S2. 
riympton, Mass., 477. 
Pomeroy, Leonard, 444, 445, 459, 460, 

464,465.470, 471. 
Popham, George, 483. 
Porta, 474 n. 
Portland, Willis's Hist, of, quoted, vii, 

xxvii, 470 n. 



Portsmouth, N. H., 491. 

Potter, George, 448, 455. 

Potter, Hugh, 454. 

Pownd, Blanche, wife of Sir John Tre- 

lawny of Coldrumech, xxxi. 
Presumpscot, 470 n. 

R. 

Reals villon, 473 n. 
Reparijs, Margery de, wife of William 
Trelawny, tempore Edward HI., xxxi. 
Richmond Island, xx, xxvii, 454, 459, 

463, 465, 471. 49°- 
Ridgeway, John, 4S8, 4S9, 490. 
Rishworth, Edward, 4. 
Rowe, Willmot, Widdowe, 442, 443. 
Rowe, Abraham, 442, 443. 



Saint Germanes, 441, 442. 

Saint Johns, 443, 453. 

Salko River, 461, 467. 

Sancroft, Archbishop of Canterbury, 

xviii, 457. 
Saudis, Sir Edwin, 486. 
Scott, Sir Walter, 458. 
Sergeaux, Lady Laura, wife of John de 

Trelawny, xxxi. 
Seward, Roger, 489. 
Shapleigh, Major Nicho., ofKittery, 492. 
Sherwell, Thomas, 444. 
Skeats, quoted, 446 n. 
Skett, Raphis, seal of, 472. 
Skinnerd, John, 443, 447. 
Slafter, Rev. Edmund F., A.M., ix. 
Smarte, Captaine, 460, 461, 466, 468. 
Smith, Capt. John, 479 ; True Travells 

of, 4S4 n. 
Smyth, Sir Hugh, Kt., of Ashton Court, 

476. 
Snow, Mrs. Eleanor, 454. 
Snow, Joseph, 454. 
Snow, Symon, 44S, 455. 
Solke, land at, 447. 
Song of the Western Men, 458. 
South Virginia Company, 482, 4S3. 4S6. 
Spark, Judith, second wife of Robert 

Trelawny, Sen., of Plymouth, A. D. 

1607, xxxi. 



INDEX TO INTRODUCTION, MEMOIR, AND APPENDIX. 519 



Sparke, Jane, 442. 

Sparks, Smith's publisher, 4S5. 

Spry, Agnes, wife of Robert Trelawny 

of Trudyford, xxxi. 
Spry, Arthur, 44S, 455. 
Spry, George, 448, 455. 
Spurwel], Rich., 448. 
Spurwinke, ix, xx, xxvii, 491, 492. 
Spurwell, Mrs. Mary, 454. 
St. Andrews, 450. 
St. Budeaux, Devon, 475, 476. 
St. Michael Carheyser, 446, 452. 
St. Margaret's, Westminster, 475. 
Streamer, Ric, 443. 
St. Sepulchre's, London, 475. 
Stone, 447, 453, 456. 
Stonehouse, 446. 
Storer, Rev. Henry G, ix. 
Stow's Survey of London, 4S3 n., 

487 n. 
Styleman, Elyas, 493. 
Sutliffe, Dr., Dean of Exeter, 4S4. 



T. 

Tambour, Le Petit, air of, 45S. 

Taylor, Mrs. 454. 

Thornton, John Wingate, vii, viii, 

xxix n. 
Trask, William E., Esq., ix. 
Tregodack, Agnes, wife of Sir John 

Trelawny, A. D. 141 5, xxxi. 
Trelawny, Anne, 446, 447, 453, xxxi. 
Trelawny, Rev. C. T. Collins, viii, 

xxviii n., xxix, xxx, 457. 
Trelawny, Edward, brother of Robert 

Trelawny, M. P., xix, xxix n., xxxi, 

442. 443. 444. 447. 453- 
Trelawny, Edward, uncle of Robert 

Trelawny, M. P., 448, 454. 
Trelawny, Eleanor, xix, xxxi. 
Trelawny, Eliza, or Elizabeth, xix, xxxi, 

447. 453- 
Trelawny, John, xix, xxvii, xxviii, xxx, 

xxxi, 442, 443, 447, 448, 453.454, 455. 

456. 
Trelawny, Judith, xxxi, 441, 447, 453. 
Trelawny, Margaret, xxxi, 443. 
Trelawny, Robert, Sr., of Plymouth, 

will of, 441. 



Trelawny, Robert, M. P., vii, 443, 444 ; 
first will of, 445 ; last will of, 450, 
457 ; letters from John Winter, 459, 
465 ; papers, 481 ; memoir of, xvii- 
xxix, xx, xxi ; chosen member of 
Parliament, xxii ; prosecuted for his 
loyalty, xxiii; imprisoned in Win- 
chester House, xxiv; petition of, read 
in Parliament, xxiv ; executes his will, 
xxv ; death of wife, xxv ; his own 
death, xxv, xxvii, xxviii, xxx, xxxi. 

Trelawny, Robert, son of Robert Tre- 
lawny, M. P., 447, 453, 454, 456. 

Trelawny, Samuel, xxx, xxxi, 447, 453, 

454. 455. 45 6 
Trelawny, Samuel P., xxviii, xxx; Mary, 

daughter of, xxx. 
Trelawny, Sir John, xviii. 
Trelawny, Sir Jonathan, Bt, Bishop of 

Bristol, xviii, 457. 
Trelawny, Walter, xxx, .xxxi, 447, 448. 
Trelone, Cornwall, xviii. 
Trelone, Edwin de, xxxi. 
Trelone, Hamelin de, xviii, xxxi. 
Trelone, Richard de, xxxi. 
Trelone, William de, xxxi. 
Trewynick, Jane, wife of William de 

Trelawny, xxxi. 
Turner, Bishop of Ely, 457. 

U. 

Unexperienced Planters of New Eng- 
land, Advertisements for, 479, 481, 
4S6 n. 

V. 

Vines, Richard, xx, 471, 472. 
Virginia and Bermudas Company, 4S1, 

4S6n. 
Virginia, first charter of, 4S3 ; company 

of, referred to, 4S3 n. 
Voga, Ann, wife of Robert Trelawny, 

M. P., xx, xxxi. 

W. 

Warwick, Earl of, xx, 478. 
Washington, Congressional Library at, 

4S6n. 
Wells, Somerset, 476. 



520 INDEX TO INTRODUCTION, MEMOIR, AND APPENDIX. 



Whitaker, Mr., xxiii. 

White, Bishop of Peterborough, 457. 
White, Jone. 454. 
White, Richard, 454. 
Wilson, Doctor, 445, 452 n. 
Winchester House, description of, xxiv 

n., xxvi. 
Windebanke, Secretary, 478. 
Wing, Goodman, of Boston, 4S9. 
Winspeare, John, 453. 
Winspeare, Robert, 44S, 454. 
Winspeare, Willmot, 44S, 454. 



Winter, John, vi, viii, xx, xxi, xxvii, 

448, 454 ; his seal, 47 1 , 472. 
Winthrop, referred to, 470. 
Wootton, John, 442. 
Worth, Mr., 446. 
Wraxall, 475, 476. 
Wright, quoted, 446 n. 
Writtle, Essex, 475. 



York County Records, quoted, 456. 



University Press : John Wilson & Son, Cambridge. 



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